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THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER.
Established October 15, 1891.
ATLANTA. GEORGIA
OUR PUBLISHING COMPANY.
THOS. E. WATSON, - - - President,
MACKIE STURGIS, - ■ Secty-Tre»snrer
AUSTIN HOLCOMB, - Advertising Mgr.
Office 84 1-2 South Forsyth Street.
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Official Organ People’s Party
State of Georgia.
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Total Copies Issued 1896 - - 735,080
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'A
Duns J|
We keep no acco-nts wi‘h subscribers. The
date on >e low labels bows the time your
subscription expires You should ren w two
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sc ipti >n in he ameletier.
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light
Populist National Organization Committee
( T. H. Harris, Oak Bower.
Alabama ■ Z Gaston. Gree' vibe,
(1 G. Watson, Jacksonville.
(W S Morgan Hardv.
Arkansas’A N Fi es. Little bock.
(J K. ccaiilon, Bee Branch.
(F. H. Lytle, Stanton.
Florida. ,
( A. P. Babkin, Anthony.
(Gen Wm. PhlPibA Marietta
Georgia - W D. Hawk ns,Flowery Branch
( Dr. R. W. Mays, Jackson
(J H Ferri s. Joilet
Illinois. / L. D Reyn ods, Chicago
lG W. Wicklme,Naslivi le
(N H Motslneer. Shoals
Indiana ■ JH A>l»n, Terre Ba te
IT B Rogers. Logansport
(J O Beebe Wever
lowa. \A W G Weeks, Winterset
(A IReed. Mutcatlne
(John F Willits. MoLou'h
Kansas ( Oy Stein;erger. Girard
(L' APa ker, L >uis 1 le
Kentucky/ W B Bridg-fo.d, Frankfort
(Samuel James vwenstoro
(N F Faff. Naff
Louisiana / J C Rocket, Spearville.
(B W Bailey, Miufleld,
( John O Zabel, Petersburg.
Michigan ; J E Mcß’ide,Grand Rapids.
(Koiert Biemouke. , Marquette.
(J B Dukes, Minneapolis.
Minneso'a/ J l) Hanley. *t. Paul
IL L Foster, St Cloud.
(F ank Burkitt Okolona.
Mississippi / S H Ho llngswor’h. Dry Grove.
I. KB ewer, Memphis.
(Pau 1 J D xor, Chillicothe.
Missouri ' JH Hillis, McFall
ID W Eskew, Poplar Bluff.
(L Stebbins, North Platt.
Nebraska/
(H ii Stewart, C'ayton.
Rhode Island/ Geo-ge Arnold.
(Wm Mullins, Antioch.
Tennessee / w B McClanahan B echvi’le.
1 B G W< st, 149 Polk, Memphis.
(Chas Jenkins Brownwood.
Texas <C w Kirkpatrick VcKinley.
IKO Meltzen, Halletsville.
(IP Tugw 1 . Tacoma.
Dr R H M Lean, Spokane.
(F W D jaayes, Pomeroy.
(II Z Martin, Neponset.
West Virginia. •! Dr. J W Shull, Pleasant Dale
1. H A Altlzer, Arno dsbutg.
(Robei t Schilling, Mi Iwaukee.
Wlsconoin /
( Wm Monroe, W< st Superior:
(A A Gun’y. Louisiana
J Ivn.tius D nne y,
Execttive Committee 1 W L Peek Georgia-
I J E Mcßride, M’Ch.
(a Steinberger, Kan.
Chairman—Milton Park, Dallas,Texas.
Secretary W 8 Morgan, ea <iy Arkansas.
Trea-uier— Dr. G. B Crowe, Alabama.
“How long are the
HOW LONG?”- good people going to
put up with the non-
A COOD . . . ,
enforcement of laws
WHILE! enacted for the pro
tecticn of society?”
asks Judge John Candler when passing
senfence upon a poor drunken fool who
had raised a row in a hcvel of ill-fame
in Atlanta. ggg
Just so long as the chief exec utive is
’ree from adverse criticism by John
Candler and the “men who control” for
making a vacancy upon the Supreme
bench that he might reward a political
friend by exercising a power which
the law had taken away from him,
will th a good people put up with the
non enforcement of laws against scar
let women ard un f ortunate fools.
Just so long as Irgh-toced conscien
tious gentlemen like Mr. Spencer C
Atkinson spurns a sacred trust that
thrift may follow spurning, just so
long will the good people in the ordi
nary walks of life wink and ccnnive at
the non-enforcement of minor laws by
minor people. Mac.
State Committee Call.
The Executive Committee of the
People’s Party of this State is hereby
called to meet at the Jackson Hotel,
Atlanta, Ga., at 11 o’clock a. m. Decem
ber 8, (the second Wednesday) to con
sider such business as may come be
fore it.
>. J. D. Cunningham, Chairman.
J. L. Sibley, Secretary.
The true test of the worthiness of a
political party is its record of platform
promises and its fulfillment of these
promises. If ever the Democracy has
sustained a single promise by its votes,
the historians of the past with a unan
imity unprecedented, fail to record it.
—Belton (Tex.) Ballot
Mr. Watson and Senator Brooke’s Corres
pondence.
State of Georgia. Senate Chamber,
Atlanta, Ga, Nov. Bth, 1897.—H0n.
Thos. E Watson, My Dear Sir:—l see
from current newspaper criticism that
some Populist members of the State
S mate with whose names you are fa
miliar are freely charged with want of
faith to our pledges as set forth in our
state platform on the question of bar
rooms. As one of the representatives
of our party in the Senate who voted
for the bill, I wish to urge you not to
permit any criticism as to the conduct
of these Senators to appear in the col
umns of the P. P. P. What might be
said pro and con might not result in
good to our party. On the considera
tion of the bill I appea’ed personally
to each of the c e Senators to vote for
the measure and each of them assured
me that they were committed against
this kind of legislation before the
adoption of our State platform and that
they each so stated to their people and
that the people went on and elected
them with full knowledge of their po
sition and that for these reasons the?
felt bound by their pledges made in
advance of the adoption of the state
platform.
Pardon me for making this sugges
tion, as it now appears that a great
many things are going to be said in
regard to 'hi vote of the Senate and I
feel that it will be decidedly best for
us to get up no division in our own
ranks, such a* a harxh criticism of the
votes of our Senators might lead to.
Yours truly,
J. P Brooke. 39th District
. Mr. Watson’* Reply.
Thomson, Ga., Nov. 8, 1897.
Hon. J. P. Brooke :
My Dear Sir—Yours received. The
subject of your letter it very impor
tant ; as it concerns every Populist
in Georgia, I think it may be the
best course to discuss it in public—the
question itself being one of a public
nature, and the conduct proposed to
me by you, and that of the Senators
alluded to by you, being the conduct of
public men in the discharge of public
duties—l, as edi’or of our Party Paper,
and they as Senators representing our
party in the Legislature.
You, Senator, voted in favor of the
Anti-Barroom Bill, as you were in duty
bound to do: and you endeavored to
get all our Senators to do the same
thing. This is greatly to your credit.
You say that the Populist Senators
who voted in favor of Whiskey told
you that they pledged themselves to do
so, to their people, previous to their
election.
1 know nothing of the facts except
as to Senators Carter and Strother.
If Senator Carter told you that he
made any public pledges to vote against
our State Platform, during his candi
dacy for the Senate, and after the
adoption of our State Platform, he
misinformed you—to the best of my
knowledge and belief.
When the Populist Executive Com
mittee met in Atlanta, and “recom
mended” that the Prohibition plank be
inserted in our next State Platform,
Senator Carter was present, and voted
When the State Convention o' 1896
met, Sena’o-Ca-ter was made Chair
man of the Platform Committee, and as
such Chairman assisted in the framing
of said Anti-Barroom plank.
When the Platform was reported
back to the Convention, the Report was
made as Carter’s Report, and not one
word did he utter against it.
When Seaborn Wright was made our
nominee for Governor, everybody un
derstood that the effect would be to
emphasize Prohibition—Mr, Wright
being much better known as a Prohi
bitionist than as a Populist In fact,
very many of the rank and file of our
party made that objection to Mr.
Wright and his canvass thus failed to
enlist the hearty support his brilliant
campaign and splendid character and
abilities deserved.
But Mr. Carter was not one of those
who made the objection. He was an
original Wright man. He was one of
ihose who were most active in getting
him to run. And after the nomination
was over, he said to me, in the Conven
tion Hall, that he had come to that
Convention to do two things ; one of
these two was to get Seab Wright
nominated for Governor.
After the Convention adjourned, our
Executive Committee Chairman, Hon.
John D. Cunningham, 'wrote me that
Mr. Carter was anxious for me to make
speeches for him in his District.
Although I was anxious to go West
on my own national campaign, I con
s nted to help Mr. Carter. At Clarks
ville and at Royston I held mass-meet
ings in his behalf. At neither meet
ing dd I confine myself to National
issues. At both I discussed state issues
and never did I plead more earnestly
against the Whiskey Traffic than in
Mr. Carter’s district. Mr. Carter was
with me at each meeting.
He sat on the s’and, and cheered me
to the echo. Aft >r each speech he
warmly thanked me and endorsed me.
We travelled together, rode in the
same buggy, ate at the same table,
walked and talked in the utmost appa
rent confidence, and never once, in
public or in private, did I get the slight
est whiff of a hint that Senator Yancey
Carter was pledged to violate the plat
form which he himself had so recently
framed.
As to Senator Strother, the case is
equally strong. If he told you that he
was pledged “to his people” against
the Anti-Barroom Bill, he misinformed
you.
Upon the other hand Senator Stroth
er’s persoi al attitude upon the liquor
question was unsatisfactory to his Dis
trict, and his nomination and election
were only made possible by his enter
ing into a written contract, short, posi
tive and affirmative, to vote for the
Anti-Barroom Bill. This written pledge
was published in The Lincolnton Heme
Journal, The Farmer’s Light (of Co
lumbia County) and The Enterprise, of
McDuffie C unty during Mr Stroth
er’s canvass. These three counties
are the Populist counties of Mr. Stro
ther’s District, and trey abk “dry”
THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER; ATLANTA, GEORGIA: FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 12, 1897.
counties Without these counties, how
c< uld Mr. Strother have gone to the
Senate?
To say that these “dry” counties
pledged him “wet,” before they would
elect him is a most remarkable state
ment.
The reverse, is true.
All this I write in sorrow and pain.
It grieves me to have to do it. Would
that the duty were not mine. I love
Adolphus Strother like a brother. He
has ever been my friend, and I his. A
manlier, better-hearted man does not
live. At my home he has always been—
always will be —an honored and wel
come guest.
But he has done wrong. He is simply
human, and he has erred—erred against
his people, and his contract with those
people.
Nor is it pleasant for me to condemn
Yancey Carter. No words of higher
praise have ever been written of him
than those which can be found in the
files of this paper, signed with my
name. No public speaker has more
ungrudingly praised him, in public
speech, than I have done, on many and
many an occasion. It was a work of
love for me to help him. get to the Sen
ate, and no man ever spoke harder for
another than I did to that imme’se
throng at Royaton for nearly three
hours, just before Mr. Carter’s election.
Would that he had never, done this
thing! Would that he had been straight
on one side or the other—for Whiskey
or against it! Would that he had never
framed this Platform and then viola
ted it! Hi <-j»
Senator, you urge that “the good of
the party” requires that we should not
discuss these matters. It was that
syren song that lured the people away
from Jeffersonian standards into the
latter-day hell-broth of recent De
mocracy and Republicanism. Had the
Democratic party never listened to that
kind of doctrine it would never have
•tained its records with monopoly Ta--
iffs, gold-standard notes, Bond issuing
Administrations. Had the Republican
party never covered over the sins of its
leaders, perhaps that Class-ridden or
ganization, that chosen apostle of
Plutocracy, would never have drifted
away from the liberal principles of
Lincoln.
If our party has already reached the
stage of decay wherein Principle must
yield to the Party harmony, then the
sooner we disband the better.
Our only excuse for not joining forces
with the Silver Democracy was the be
lief upon our part that the Democratic
party could not be trusted to keep its
contracts.
We said it, and we believed it. But
if we Populists cannot be trusted to
keep our contracts either, what’s the
use of e’ecting Populists to office ?
Our party will be hurt worse by hid
ing these things than by exposing
them. Our only hope as a reform
movement lies in the stern integrity of
our purpose to cloak no crime, condone
no breach of faith, collude with no
double-dealers. If Populism is to he
*. liyincr + nnv Trio— office gettinir
must not be the prime purpose held in
view. We must keep faith with the
people; we must carry out our public
contracts ; we must hold our represen
tatives responsible, without fear or
favor or affection.
I appreciate the honesty of your mo
tive, and considered as a question of
“policy” you may be right. But it
seems to me that Populism ceases to be
a d : stinctive force the moment its
chosen representatives can disregard
its public contract with the people;
and therefore considering the question
as one of Principie, I have already
sent in for publication a dispassionate
and conservative article upon that sub
ject : and I cannot consent to deny our
people the privilege of comment, in
their own paper, upon a matter which
so universally concerns them. If thrs=*
Senators are not consc'ous that they
have done wrong, they should not
object to having the whole question
publicly discussed.
Thos. E. Watson.
The Anti-Barroom
FETCHON YOUR Bill is dead, and
Populist Senators
SACKCLOTH kil]ed it>
AND ASHES. Many thousands of
Georgians will re
joice at the news—many other thou
sands will not rej lice.
Many an agent of the Whiskey Trust
will jubilate, —many a toper, toddy
mixer, whiskey seller, bum, dead-beat,
and debauchee. Along the corridors
of gilded “Clubs” where elegant sin
ecd Ges itself; in the glare and gaudy
splendor of many a “Saloon,” much
elation will take its way. A cheerful
growl will be heard throughout the
lairs of Blind Tigerdom. ito
In other places the pleasure will not
be so pronouhced—not many wives of
weak husbands will make merry over
the death of the Anti-Barroom Bill:
not many mothers of erring sons. Few
will be the smiles upon the rale, sad
faces of those thousands of noble wo
men who discover too late that they
must live with sots—b iug sworn to
love honor and obey. Not overly noisy
will be the rejoicing of the fathers and
the mothers of Georgia who stagger
under the curse of sons given to drink
and daughters given to drunkards.
Had it pleased heaven to make some
other party responsible for the triumph
of whiskey in Georgia, we could have
borne it better.
But the plain truth must be told —
shall be told I—the Populist Senators
are responsible. By a vote of 18 to 23
the measure was defeated. Three
Populist Senators voted against it.
Had they voted the other way, the
count would have stood 21 to 20 —and
whiskey would not have won.
Why are the three Populist Senators
more responsible than the twenty
Democrats who voted against the
Bill?
Because the People’s Party of Geor
gia had deliberately incorporated, in
its State Pl'tform, a distinctive de
mand for Prohibition.
This was first done, unanimously,
when the Executive Committee met in
1895 and recommended a Platform to
the Convention. The Convention en
dorsed the recommended Platform. In
1896, Seaborn Wright was nominated
by our party and he accepted as much
because of that anti-barroom plank
as anything else.
Senator Yancey Carter was Chairman
of the Platform Committee and enthu
siastically supported Wright for the
nomination.
Senator Strother, of the District in
which we live, pledged himself during
his canvass, positively and uncondi
tionally, to support the anti-barnrm
bill. Without that pledge he could not
have been elected, for every Populist
county of his district is a “Dry” coun’y.
What Senator Golden’s attitude has
been heretofore we do not know ; we
only know him as the representative
of a party which repeatedly and sol
emnly pledged itself to support the
anti-barroom bill.
During the Campaign of 1806, the
Democrats taunted us with the charge
of insincerity. They said we were not,
at heart, in favor of the anti-barroom
bill, but only used it as a vote-catcher.
It seems that the accusation was true.
We di’d not so believe at the time and
we denied it. We hereby apologize. We
»hould have confessed that we were
hypocrites, and were seeking to get
goods upon false pretenses.
Hereafter let us not abuse Democrats
or Republicans for violatiu g campaign
contracts Let us keep our mouths
shut about broken pledges and unre
deemed promises.
We Georgia Populists have moved
into a glass house, and we must never
again fling any stones.
T. E. W.
For the life of us,
THE we cannot see why
the Democrats feel
RECENT 8O g 00( j over the re-
ELECTIONS, cent elections. They
carried New York,
but New York usually goes Democrat
ic on local politics. They carried Ken
tucky, but Kentucky was never any
thing but Democratic till the last few
years.
So much for their gains—what did
they lose ?
They lost Kansas : that is to say, the
Republicans captured it completely
from the Fusion forces which triumph
ed in 1894 and 1896. The recovery of
Kansas is a tremendous gain for the
Republicans and a corresponding loss
to the Democrats.
Again, the Fusion forces of Demo
crats and Populists lost Colorado, and
the Silver Republicans won it.
In South Dakota, also, the Republi
cans won.
In the great metropolis of San Fran
cisco the Republicans swept every
thing before them.
In Maryland, they downed Senator
Gorman, and the state is probably lost
for good to the Democratic party.
Such are the facts. Let it be remem
bered that a natural reaction against
the Republican victories of 1896 was to
habit of that sort. And yet in spite of
this expectic reaction the Democrats
have gained nothing which they can
count on holding till 1900, excepting
the Mayoralty of New York, against
which must be set off the loss of San
Francisco.
But there is one thing about these
recent elections which must be special
ly considered : —the West is again be
coming Republican. This is most dis
couraging. It shows that the great
‘ Farmer’s Reform movement” which
wrenched the West out of the grasp of
the Republicans, has lost it* grip, arid
that the same tactics which keeps the
South Democratic are going to keep
the West Republican.
In Bryan’s own state, a very slight
change of votes would throw Nebraska
back to the Republicans.
The very first time the Fusion breth
ren fall out about pie, their poor little
jig will be up. z
With the West growing more Repub
lican, and the hopes of uniting her to
the South, (and of this forming a po
litical copartnership between the two
great producing sections) growing
fainter and fainter, what have the
Democrats to jubilate over ?
T. E. W.
And Spencer C.
‘‘HE Atkinson, is to be
one of the Railroad
SHOWED ME Commissifllerß .
A RIVER ” Etc Governor Atkinson
has tendered him the
appointment and by the time this is in
print he will have signified his inten
tion to accept the appointment and re
sign the trust imposed upon him by the
people in his election to a seat upon
the Supreme Bench.
No doubt Mr. Spencer C. Atkinson
sees better pay and less work in
the office tendered him by the Governor
than in the one that he contracted with
the people of Georgia to fill, as best he
could, when they, the people, honored
him by their ballots, and elected him
as one of the associate judges of the
Supreme Court.
But, Mr. Spencer C. Atkinson knew,
when he asked the people to elect him
to the office of Associate Judge, the
labor was severe and the duties onerous
and intricate. He knew as well then
as he knows now that his salary would
not equal the income of hundreds of
lawyers of less ability. That he could
make more money with less work, as a
practicing lawyer than he would re
ceive as an Associate Justice of the
Supreme Court.
He also knew that the people, as well
as many good lawyers, had grown sus
picious t>f the integrity of our Court of
last resort. That this suspicion was
born of the manner in which the jus
tices of that court were selected, rather
than of the acts or decisions of the
court.
He knew that the legislature of ’95,
in answer to the demand of the people
had endeavored to remove this suspi
cion by taking the power to appoint
the justices of the Supreme Court from
the Governor and remitting their elec
tion to the people through the ballot
box.
All these things Mr. Spencer C. At
kinson knew when he accepted the
office and thereby contracted to dis
charge the trust imposed.
We have not kept the run of his
judicial acts, but have heard good law
yers compliment him as “a friend of
the people,” “a judge who did not
bow to corporation influences, or hesi
tate to write his dissenting opinion”
when his idea of right and justice con
flicted with those held by his older
associates; all of which add signifi
cance to his removal, and complicates
the motives actuating Governor Atkin
son in attempting to negative the ac
tion of the people by exercising a pow
er which had recently been wrested
from him by the will of the people, ex
pressed at the ballot box, and formu
lated into law by the last General As
sembly.
That Governor Atkinson hesitates at
nothing which will advance his politi
cal ambition, was amply exemplified in
his campaign against Ge”. 0. A. Evans,
and his infamous “rape circular” issu
ed and spread broad-cast over the state
in his last campaign. Therefore this
particular effort to bolster his political
aspirations, by trampling upon the
expressed will of the people, by a cir
cuitous or flank movement, excites but
little surprise among the masses, how
ever much it may astonish the pie
hunters. It is the unexplainable action
of Mr. Spencer A. Atkinson that invites
comment and serious thought
Mac.
A few corporation
HOW YOUR lawyers—and every
county seat has one
JUDGES ARE J .
or more—select an
CHOSEN. easygoing-clever
lawyer, with fine
presence and few clients for judicial
honors.
On the first riding of the circuit these
few corporation lawyers—and they are
generally lawyers who stand way up
in G —hob nob with the lesser corpora
tion lawyers at the county site, expati
ate upon the good qualities of the easy
going-elever-fellow whom they have
►elected for judge, and enlist the sym
pathy and support of the lesser legal
lights.
There are various ways of enlisting
co-operation and sympathy, but the
most effective is to cram the stomach
with free grub and the brain with free
liquor. When judicially practiced it
seldom fails.
On the second riding of the circuit,
the circle of admirers of the easy-going
clever-lawyer is enlarged by adding
the “to-be members of the House and
Senate ” This addition is generally
obtained by serving them with a bill of
fare similar to the one which effectu
ated the sympathy and support of the
lesser legal Fghts. Sometimes it is
enlarged or extended to cover a game
of poker. When this extension is judi
ciously made, the “to'be members 61
the House and Senate” get not only the
It ktnr! Item L-axV.i——3
supply of free cash.
When the leg slature meets a ready
made boom for the easy-going clever
lawyer is launched by a subsidized
press and corporation adjuncts against
any conscientious, ambitious, lawyer
who aspires to judicial honors.
If the friends of the conscientious,
ambitious lawyer unearth any mis
deeds or disqualifing acts of the easy
going elever-lawyer, upon which the
General Assembly might divide, and
thereby elect an anti corporation law
yer, a Democratic caucus is held, at
which the honest, conscientious man,
is defeated and the easy-g ling-clever
tool of the corporations selected to ju
diciously pass upon your rights, liberty
and property.
Who pays the grub hill, the liquor
bill aud the card bill? The lawyers
who stand wav up in G —out of corpo
ration money of course.
The above modus operand! may not
be literally true, but the chances are
largely in its saver. Mac.-
‘ Set a thief to
AN OLD catch a thief” is an
old adage or wise ob
ADAGE ~ „ ,
servation as heavy
VERIFIED. with age as it is full
of wisdom and truth.
This fact is exemplified or illustrated in
the bitter mayoralty contest now on in
Augusta, Ga.
That our new readers may better
understand the present status, of that
contest, it is necessary to state that the
city of Augusta is the metropolis of the
10th Congressional district and the
county site of Richmond county. Tom
Watson is a resident of that district and
Richmond county is the county where
the Democratic bosses can pel] sixteen
or eighteen thousand votes out of a
total voting population of eleven or
twelve thousand—not only can do it,
but did do it to elect Major Black to
congress over Tom Watson the sitting
member.
Mr. Watson contested the election
and spent several thousand dollars col
lecting testimony and evidence proving
fraud of every description. The evi
dence was pointed and the case sub
mitted to a Democratic congress, with
the usual result. Watson, the Popu
list, was marched out and Black the
Democrat marched in.
At that time Messrs Walsh, Kerr and
Dunbar were three of the leading “men
who controlled” the Democratic ma
chine of that county. Each one of
them secretly, if not openly, connived
at and condoned the fraud which ousted
Watson and seated Black.
At a subsequent election in the same
Congressional district, Wa’son and
Black locked horns again. Like meth
ods were employed and similar results
followed. Watson again contested and
spent several thousand more dollars in
exposing aud making public the un
blushing frauds. A Republican con
gress liked a plastic Democrat better
than a redhead»d Populist and Watson
was permitted to warm his feet upon
the pavements of Georgia.
Messrs. Walsh, Kerr and Dunbar
were wheel horses in the Democratic
machine during that election, and no
doubt glorified over the frauds which
kept an honest man out of Congress
because he would not bow his head to
the machine.
Messrs. Walsh, Kerr and Dunbar are
now candidates for the office of Mayor
of this same city of Augusta—the hot
bed of political rottenness, and stink
ing cess-pool of fraudulent elections.
They all belong to Moss-back Dem
ocracy, and are acquainted with every
species of election frauds They and
their henchmen have practiced it so
often upon their Populist adversaries,
that they have actually grown suspi
cious of each other and of the laws
which they outraged in their partisan
hatred of Watson. So much so, that
they appealed to Bill Fleming to write
for them a special cole of laws for gov
erning this special election—laws
which would prevent stealing an office.
Bill has drafted it for them. Bill
knew how. He had been along that
road with Boykin Wright and Maj.
Black, and marked the sign posts that
Watson had erected by sworn testi
mony of good citizens
In reading the code prepared by Bill
you can’t resist the belief that you are
reading a brief of Watson’s exposure of
Richmond county frauds and perhaps
you are, for Bill was one of the attor
ney’s employed by Major Black to put
him in and keep Watson out.
Here is the prepared code :
To the Mayor and City Council:
Sirs: In the interest of harmony
and to fully demonstrate to your hon
orable body and the citizens of this
city that we, the undersigned candi
dates for mayor and members of coun
cil for the ensuing term desire a clean
and honest ballot in the fullest term at
the approaching election. We beg
here to submit to you for your consid
eration a diagram of plana for booths
and voting stations in each ward and
earnestly ask that you adopt the same
to be used at the election for mayor
and councilmen of this city December
Ist, 1897.
(Attached was a drawing and the
following provisions:)
I. Pol s or voting booth to be built
as per drawing.
2 Fence of inclosure to be 1 feet 6
inches high.
3. To be three managers, or freehold
ers, at each box.
4. To be three clerks at each box.
5. One manager and one clerk to be
►elected by the mayor from the friends
of each candidate for mayor, each can
didate furnishing the mayor four
names for said selection to be made
from each box, there being three con
testants in this race.
6. Policemen to be stationed as per
draw’ng.
7. No one allowed at any time inside
of booth except managers and clerks.
8 No list of unchecked names or
pa-tial lists thereof to be furnish’d at
any time to any person. Or no outsi
der to be allowed to take from list in
said booth name or names unchecked.
9. There shall not be allowed be-
tween turnstile and booth, or exit and
booth or voting box, but one man at a
time, and he to be a voter, who shall
pass out immediately through exit
after.Kja.xs»sis_h.isJaallnt ...... .
10. It shall be the duty of
to enforce these instructions at any
and all times between opening and
closing of polls on day of election.
11. There is to be no negro votes cast
in the white box, or white vote* cast
in the negro box at any time for any
reason.
12. Oath to be taken as provided for
by 1 aw.
13 BaPots to be counted as provided
by law. That no election be held in
any of the engine houses of this city.
Repectfully signed,
W. M. Punbar
I) Kerr.
Patrick Walsh
The booths or voting station peti
tioned for is similar to what is known
as the Australian ballot system, and
removes the voter from the supervision
or influence of ward-heeiers.
The city council has not yet acted
upon the petition.
It was Dumas we believe, who
wrote: “Curses, like chickens, come
borne to roost.” It is a fact neverthe
less—makes no difference who wrote
it—and if Augusta ain’t reaping a
whirlwind from the corruption sown
in the elections of ’92-’94 and ’96 we
don’t know a skunk from his odor.
Mac
A Romance in Heal Life.
BY THE AUTHOR
In the year 1878, a young and win
some girl, endowed with all the traits
that Heaven has spared to any earthly
thing trusting, innocent; the embod
iment of Love and Truth —met and be
came enamoured of a handsome,
knightly young man, whose form and
fealures were those of an Adonis, but
through whose veins flowed the blood
of an ancestry whose treachery and
C’imeslent a darker hue to history’s
darkest pacres. But the girl, herself
tender and true, not look beneath
his passion'it gaze into the eye of the
devil that lurked within his soul, and
the specious pleadings of his voice were
as sweetest melody that, like two
well tuned instruments, touched a
chord within her bosom which vibrated
in unison with h ! s love songs and
trilled in happiest strains thro’ every
waking thought and slumbering
dream.
Through the long summer months
the ear of modest maidenhood listened
to the eloquent and passionate plead
ings of the lover, and in the eve-month
of the year, while nature threw aside
her summer garb and donned her win
ter robe,quietly and secretly,unknown
to parents or friends, our heroine suf
fered love to conquer and sought the
marriage altar, took the marriage vow,
and heard his promise to love, cherish
and protect—to honor her virtues, to
extol her heavenly qualities, and to
face the world as her knight, her lord —
her husband.
* *****
Time passed, and oh ! God, what a
change! Hollow eyed and sallow
cheeked ; the lu-tre gone from orbs
once so luminous with love and life;
rosy dawn no longer envies the tint of
cheek; nor the rose the ripe, sweet
red of luscious lips. That most pitiful
of all wrecks, a wrecked woman, lies
pale and ill, dyirg, upon a bed of
straw, unattended by friend or physi
cian—a yourg mother and a deserted
wife. In her arms she presses to her
sunken bosoms a tiny being, her child
—and his. The pain of the forsaken
wife gives place for one short moment
to the joy of motherhood, when she
folds her little darling once more in a
last passionate embrace, and then,
holding it toward the multitude who
have learned, alas! too late, of the
tragedy being enacted in their midst,
she cries:
“I leave to you a woman’s dearest
legacy to the world —my child. Oh, I
would that it could go with me to yon
Heaven-land, whose gates even now
open for me ! But nay, let it remain—
Earth needs it, Heaven can spare it
Take it, good people, care for and
nurture it, and mayhap in its life may
come to pass the rosy dreams of its
mother’s short youth Cherish it, and
in the years to come tell it of its father,
of his treachery, of his desertion when
fortune smiled upon him of the wife
who clung to him in adversity and led
him to the pathway to riches, honor
and glory; who by her charms won
back for him deserting friends and
fleeting power. Warn it —oh ! though
I forgive—warn my child, and protect
it from the dishonor all heir who fall
victims to his perfidy. Love it—for my
sake—and at yonder throne a mother —
shall spend—eternity—pleading for—
you.”
*******
As the years and seasons came and
went, the little orphan grew and
thrived but poorly. Kind friends and
neighbors gave it their devotion and
care, but there was lacking the tender
nets of parental love. The aid of the
father was sought, but he denied his
parentage, vowed it was not his child
and repudiated the marriage vow. He
cried from the housetops that the dead
mother had been no wife ; that the
offspring was illegitimate ; that it was
a child of sin, low and degraded by
heredity; that it inheritsd from its
mother the taint of every evil instinct,
and the walls of the prison yearned for
its mature development. He disowned
it, spurned it with his feet when laid
there by k’nd people who sought for it
his compassion.
But time passed, as time will, and the
baby thrived, as babies sometimes do.
With the passing y ars its growth be
came even phenomenal, its beauty and
attractiveness irresistible, its charms
more and more apparent. Its friends
increased, and ere the dawn of 1896 it
had grown to be the idol of the hour.
Then the father, seeing thesa things,
sought pardon for his wrongs. But,
true to the dying mother’s injunction,
the child bad been told of its mother’s
fate and of its father’s brutal reception
of the waif, and the guile that ruined
the mother bad no effect upon the
chi d. Failing in this appeal to the
daughter to return to his fatal embrace,
the unnatural father devised a plot by
which he thought to yet win to his
service In his struggle for fame aid
power the charms and influences of his
popular child. Selecting from the
company of courtiers who did service
in the corrupt offices of his court some
of the handsomest, wbo were of the
least pronin- nee in service to him, and
summoning to his aid all the vast
wealth of hi* friends, he prepared a
grand fete at which these chosen court
iers should appear, arrayed in silvery
and* gallant knights of Virtue, autf* to'
whien his offspring, with the assistance
of traitors among those who were once
her friesds should be enticed. ’Twas
there another wedding was to be ar
ranged, but in the event his child
•hould suspect the treachery and with
stand the wiles of his gilded courtiers,
she was to be forcibly abducted, and
torn from the arms of her friends.
The plans were cunningly laid and
everything made ready for the great
event Only those loval to her fa
ther’s cause were invited, but among
tie people were many yet true, who
remembered the dying mother's plea
and who resolved to attend their fair
charge, lest treachery bring disaster to
her brilliant career. Notable among
these was a band of 103 brave men and
true, whose Spartan-like courage in
the trying time that followed won for .
them never eying renown.
On a memorable midsummer day of
1896 the event transpired. In a bril- ,
liantlv lighted hall, surrounded by the I
glided gallantry of her father’s courts, i
the fairest daurhter of the Nineteenth
century surveyed the migh’y tnrong at
her feet and smiled in innocent joy
over her seeming triumph. Yet the
smister gleam of the foe lurked in
smiling eves, and when the handsomest
and most brilliant of the disguised
► nights proposed in tones trembling
with assumed tenderness that the
grand event could come to no fitting
end without a marriage feast, with
herself a« bride, she turned to her
friends for counsel. There were many
who bid her hasten the wedding, and
it seemed for a time that the tragedy
of twenty years past would be repeat
ed, when out of the multitude of hypo
crites and traitors there arose that
brave 103. and in thunder tones they
renounced the promoters of the iniquit
ous deception, and threw their prose
cution ab >ut the innocent vict'm of it
all A great t”mult ensued. The
lights were turned out. and in the
darkness traps vere sprung and the
last card of the infamous game was
placed—abduction. Standing ovally
by their charge, that Spartan band 'ed
daughter’s footsteps clear of the
pittal s arranged for her capture, and
when morning dawned she at whose
shrine mill ons delighted to kneel was
safe from the p’ots and schemes of de
sign ng men —saved by the immortal
103, aided by a handful of recruits from
ab corners of the land.
And today she stands, throughout
this sunny southland, the most promi
ne.nt figure in coming history, the be
loved and honored queen of a mighty
multitude of patriots, who are march
i”g under her leadership toward a re
a'ization r f that Utop ; an pra' er of the
angels -“Peace on earth, good will
toward men.”
Gentle reader, that dead mother’s |
name was —the Greenback Party t
Need we name the other characters ? j
Drag Net.
[WATSON’S 1
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