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® THE CAMPAIGN — ® @ We need YOUR help Now. Only © © 38 weeks to election. Write us ® ® to-day. {* t®®®®®®®®®®®®®®®©©®®©©®®©® 02V7? DOLLAR PE’R YEAR VOL. Vll. NUMBER a'. THE POWER AND OF MONEY. An Able Review of What it is, What it Can do and How Affected hv the Statutory Law. SEVERAL BROAD PROPOSITIONS FOLLOWED BY ABLE ARGUMENTS An Easily Understood Discussion to be Read to Your Neighbor. The Best Campaign Material of the Year to Circulate. — _ Concise^,-Ctear Statements That Can Not Be Met by Old Partyites. 11. H. Hogan. This article I dedicate to posterity, well know ing that the people of the present ag’ are too bigoted to either understand or appre ciate its teachings. I lay down and will prove the follow ing proposition : Proposition. When a debt has been honestly in curred for value or worth received that debt is never cancelled or paid till an equal value or worth has been return ed for it in full. Money pure and simple is in no sense a value, consequently cannot, and does ~ pay individual indebtedness. What is Money ? Is money the sum of all values ? Jones, Weaver and others. Does it represent values without be ing possessed of them, or has it a mon ey value distinct from intrinsic value ? —(Many old-time Greenbaekers.) Is money in any sense a value ? last of these questions only is mine, and I will prove that the answer to each and all o f these is no. Aristotle, re-’ \ lived in the fourth century before Christ, declared that money existed nowhere in nature, but was a creation of law. But money is «•- more than a creation of law, and while Aristotle’s declaration is true, he does not define and tell what money really is. The only definition I have ever seen that I cannot criticise is one put forward by myself a number of years since, now see no reason for changing , it: ; Money Defined. “Money is the law, will, edict or de > cree of the sovereign stamped, printed ' or impressed upon seme substance sus Acopttele of receiving and capable of ' seal or impression, and the substance so stamped carries with it not the val ue of the substance, but the law, will, edict, decree or fiat of the sovereign to every subject of his realm.” Law an of Arbitraey VPo wei. The existence of a law presupposes a creator endowed with arbitrary pow ers to promulgate his decree, and the validity of that law rests entirely in his to enforce his decree. The the Almighty presuppose an ■ omniscient Creator whose laws are of B universal application, which, however | arbitrarily put forward, are equally F binding upon all, and beyond all possi -Jbility of repeal. The laws of a coun try presuppose a sovereign or power endowed with plenary and unquestion ed right*; t-e • v'tL forward and enforce those laws, but those laws are of no force outside of his own domain. The laws of the parent to the child presup pose the right in the parent to put for ward and execute those laws, but here his powers do not extend beyond his own child. How the Money Daw Differs from Statu tory Daw. I have defined money to be the law of the sovereign expressed upon some substance. Here it differs in no sense from statutory law, which is the will or decree of the sovereign expressed on some substance, generally paper. But it differs from statutory law in this: If the same statutory law is printed or stamped on ten thousand different leaves, on all it is the same statute, whereas if the same money law is stamped or printed on ten thousand different leaves each separate leaf is an entirely separate, distinct decree of itself, having no reference to any other. The Daw Creating Money Statutory. The law creating money, the sub stance to be used, the size, shape, amount of debt-paying power inscrib ed thereon and every step in its crea tion till it is turned out a finished pro duction at the mint or place where it is manufactured is statutory: but each piece of money, when coined, is a statute of itself. Each Piece a Statute in Itself. Statutory law depends for its validi ty upon the power of the sovereign to enforce his decree, and in this respect the money law is the same; it depends for its validity upon the power of the sovereign to enforce his decree, and in no sense upon the value” oF'-worth of - the substance upon which it is stamp ed. Statutory laws may be different de crees on various subjects. The money law is always the same —the substance bearing the decree must be taken in cancellation of indebtedness by every subject of the sovereign to the amount specified in the decree upon the sub stance. But the chief distinction between statutory and money law is in their administration. While.statutory laws generally are administered by men elected or appointed by the people, commonly called officers of the law, the possession of money constitutes its possessor an officer of the sovereign, empowered equally with him to exer cise one of the very highest attributes of sovereignty—the power to cancel debt whenever found in the realm of the sovereign, without other process of law, to the amount specified in his warrant of office : the amount of mon ey in his possession. Money in Realty and Money in Use. One great difficulty in understanding the money question arises from the fact that people do not consider the differ ence between money in realty and money in use. The completed locomo tive standing in the shop is a very dis- THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER ferent thing from that same locomotive in the full exertion of its powers. Money in realty is the engine at rest, and money in use is this same locomo tive fulfilling the purposes for which it was constructed. Before discussing this question fur ther I will place before you some ex tracts from the writings and speeches of Senator Jones of Nevada, to which I shall have occasion to refer. He asserts that “there is one princi ple of monetary science that if held steadfast in view will constitute an unerring guide through what would otherwise be a path of inextricable difficulty. “That principle is that the value of the unit of money in any country is determined by the number of units in circulation. In other words, the value of every dollar depends on the number of dollars out.” The following is his definition of value: “Value is human estimation placed upon desirable objects whose quantity is limited ” Again, speaking of value, he says : “Value does not reside in any article or the substance of any article ” Resuming the discussion, take any piece of money in realty from the ban ker’s tray, and, referring to my defini tion, you will find it some substance fashioned in accord with and carrying upon its surface the law, will, decree or edict of the sovereign, signed with his undisputed signature and seal, and this decree is that every person within his realm must take this substance so ftehioned and signed in full cancella tion of any debt to the amount specifi ed in the edict upon the substance. Here no reference is made as to what the substance shall be, and, so far as the money quality of the substance is affected, it is entirely immaterial whether the decree is impressed upon a leaf of gold or a leaf of paper. Stripped of verbiage, money is the edict of the sovereign borne to his subjects upon some substance, and the I’ai’dity of that money rests in no sense upon the value of the substance, but in the power of the sovereign to enforce his decree. Still, referring to the piece of money taken from the banker’s tray, did the consecration of this substance set apart by the sovereign for the purpose of money and rendered saered by his seal impart value to the substance in any amount whatever ? Let us take from the same tray a twenty-dollar gold piece and a twenty-dollar greenback, each stamped with the same stamp,and each a legal tender for twenty dollars. Here, according to Senator Jones, we have twenty gold units of money and we have twenty paper units of money, each of the same value. Erase the stamp from the gold piece and the greenback, and if “value does not re side in any article or the substance of any article,” will the gentleman kindly tell us what property or quality it is in the gold piece that enables us to still sell it for twenty dollars, while for the greenback we can only get one mill? So far I have spoken of money in real ty—at rest ; I will now discuss the powers and properties cf money in use, and here I introduce my main proposition : Proposition. When a debt has been honestly in curred for value or worth received that debt is never cancelled till value or worth has been returned for it in full; or, in other words, all trade or traffic, whether money has been used or not, in the end is a barter transac tion. Money In Use. Suppose that A and B each owes his grocer, Mr. D., twenty dollars for the same quantity and quality of sugar, the purchase having been made by both on the Ist of May, 1896. On the Ist day of June each calls on D and pays him according to agreement, A giving him a twenty-dollar gold piece and B giv ing him a twenty-dollar greenback. The Sovereign Circulates His Wealth for Money. Let us further suppose that A and B each received his money from their sovereign in payment for twenty bush els of wheat. What did D receive from each of his customers ? From Ahe re ceived a gold piece hearing a communi cation directly from and signed by his sovereign, informing him that unless he accepted that piece of gold as fash ioned he would be forever barred from getting his pay. The individual in debtedness from A to D ceased at the moment of the transferral oi the twen ty-dollar piece, and A has no further interest or concern in the debt what ever, while D holds in his possession a substance the commodity value of which has been declared by law to be exactly twenty dollars, forced on him by his sovereign. While the twenty dollar piece has paid the debt cf A in full, has D received his pay ? In oth er words, does the twenty-dollar piece belong to D, or is it still the property of his sovereign ? While it is in the power of D to dispose of it in any way or for any purpose, the right, title and ownership of it still undoubtedly vests in the sovereign. In the possession of Ditis in a sense a surety for the in debtedness of A, but when D disposes of it, which say he does for flour, the flour purchased and paid for with the twenty-dollar piece is unquestionably his property, and now, a">d not till ! now, has D value or worth in flour equal to the value or worth of the su gar. The Sovereign Circulates His Debts for Money. From B he receives a piece of paper bearing a communication from the sovereign addressed personally to D, informing him that by decree he had empowered B to offer this piece of paper in full payment of his indebted ness of twenty dollars, and that, unless accepted, payment would he forever barred. The individual indebtedness of B to D ceased at the moment of the transferral of the twenty-dollar green back, and B has no further interest or concern in the debt. Up to this point the decrees on the substances and transactions have been the same, but now comes a change. A gave D a sub stance the commodity value of which was twenty dollars; B gave him a substance the commodity value of which is not one cent. Value Did Not Fay the Debt of B. Now, if it was value that paid the debt of A, it certainly was not value that paid the debt of B, for a debt can never be a value, though it may or may not be a worth, and when the sover eign put out that identical greenback he made a debt against himself of twenty dollars, and in making up the account of his possessions this green back is a minus quantity. The Sovereign Forces D to Transfer B’s Indebtednoes to Himself. What the sovereign really did in this last transaction was to force D to transfer the indebtedness of B to him self, and D now virtually holds the note of hand of his sovereign for twen ty dollars, payable on demand against either himself or any of his subjects. Except the fiat of the sovereign on the greenback forcing D to take it, the transaction differs in no sense from those of daily occurrence in every ham let in the United States where the note of hand, due bill or other evidence of indebtedness against some individual known to be solvent circulates in the community in full payment of indebt edness by mutual agreement between neighbors. In the one case the sov ereign put forward his wealth for money ; in the other he put forward his debt for the same purpose. D Remove, the Stamp from the Gold Piece and Greenback. To show more fully the difference be tween the two substances used, sup pose that while in the possession of D he removes the stamps, or edicts, from both pieces. When he removed the decree from the gold piece he robbed his sovereign of twenty dollars with out enriching himself in the least, and has made of the twenty-dollar piece a commodity that he can sell the same as he does his sugar, wheat, flour or any other commodity. When he re moved the stamp from the greenback he virtually destroyed the note of ha id oi Ills sovereign to himself, there by robbing himself of twenty dollars, and enriching his sovereign by that amount; that is, one of the notes of the sovereign for twenty dollars has been cancelled. D Is an Importer and S-nds Both Pieces of Money to His Sovereign. Instead of effacing the decree, sup pose that D is an importer, and owes his sovereign forty dollars for duties, and sends these two identical pieces of money in payment. In the hands of the sovereign the gold piece differs in no respect from bis other property, and he alone can deface the seal with out committing a crime. When he re ceived the greenback from D for duties to the amount of twenty dollars he simply took up and cancelled a debt of his own, made, it may have been, ten. fifteen or twenty years before, and in his hands that greenback is of no worth whatever. It differs in no res pect from the note of hand of an indi vidual with the name of the maker torn off, and should he ever again put it forward he will again incur a debt of twenty dollars An objection may be here raised that the greenback is not a money in realty, but is merely a promise to pay gold. In theory this is trre, but in use it is endowed with all the powers of gold, and in sums of less than fifty dollars it is a money in realty. (To be continued.) COTTON WEAVERS STRIKE. All Over >tew England there is Much Suf fering. Over four hundred cotton weavers and spinners at New Bedford, Mass., have refused to accept the ten per cent cut in wages and are now on a strike. When the men were paid off last Mon day, they invested all their earnings in food supplies so as to be able to resist the reduction for a long time. At Providence, R 1., the Worsted weavers struck Monday for a restora tion of the 1892 schedule. At Manchester, N. H., over 1100 looms are now idle, there being a strike against the ten per cent cut. At Pawtucket, R. L, the spinners have had a 25 per cent cut but will not strike at present- Hot Times Around Atlanta. Congressman Lon Livingston’s shoes are much envied by several Atlantians just now and entries in the congression al free-for-all canter are being made rapidly. B. M Blackburn, of the Commercial, first announced as the silver democrat candidate. This was followed by C. I. Brannon, the well known grocer whose efforts to put Fulton county officiate on a salary instead of fees, has antagon ized the official class. Then came T. B. Felder, Shilton's representative in the legislature. George G. Glenn, a young attorney late of Whitfield county, is now out as the republican candidate. Other entries are expected so as to make the contest warm and spirited. Livingston will try to again capture the place he has been filling for several years. Bishop Turner’s Wife Dead. The wife of Bishop Henry M. Turner the best known colored bishop in America died in Atlanta last week. She was one of the hardest workers for the uplifting of her race and conducted several successful charities. “EQUAL RIGHTS TO ALL; SPECIAL PRIVILEGES TO NONE." ATLANTA, GEORGIA: FRIDAY JANUARY 14. 1898 WASHBURN’S ADVICE TO POPULISTS. The Massachusetts Leader Trains His Guns on Bateman of Maine and Says he is a Dangerous Man. SAYS THAT THE MAINE MAN’S LOGIC IS SIMPLY FOLLY. Argues for “Party Regularity” and Warns Populists to Stay by the Old Executive Committee and Capture the Next Convention —To Nominate Now Would be a Bolt and Would Repel Voters. George E. Washburn, Boston, Mass. It was my intention to summarize in one article the reasons why the spring nominating convention should not be held, hut I will diverge enough to re ply more fully to one point contained in Mr. Bateman’s tetter of November 24, in the Missouri World. I cannot resist the temptation of showing how shallow is his argument and how ab surd his claims. This political acrobat seeks to ride two horses in opposite directions. The “funny men” must look to their laurels or they will find them resting upon the brow of Bate man. To write on both sides of the same question at one time and hotly support propositions diametrically op posed to each other is a new feature of journalism for which we are indebted to this genius from Maine. Observe his logic. He says, “I have steadily maintained that we must defeat the fusionists in our national convention or the People’s Party is doomed,” and in the next breath he proposes this spring convention, every participant in which could be excluded from the next regular called Populist convention, if challenged. Would that Defeat the Fusionists? Again he says, “As I stated in my last letter, bolting candidates and fac tions never receive a large vote,” and yet this political Pickwick offers as a solution of the problem, the biggest bolt ever proposed by any Populist. He urges a separate convention to nom inate separate candidates, all of which would be outside of the legal machin ery of the party and ignored by the Australian ballot system. It would be a meeting of a faction rather than a party. He then hastens to give his own argument a black eye by proving that such a movement would receive “a small following and a smaller vote.” He proves it by saying: “Party loyalty and regularity is indeed strong. The straight Populists of lowa, ‘bolted the regular acoiva or iffeir ovate" convention : their cause was a just and a holy one. , . If ever a bolting fac tion could receive a big vote, it could have been done here. Behold the re sult. The great bulk of the party vot ed the fusion ticket, and the middle of the roaders only received a beggarly 5,000 votes. They are now wiped off the political map and no longer have a standing under the Australian ballot.” Please notice that from these crushing facts he argues that white a bolt was a dismal failure in one State, it would be a howling success in forty-five ; that though “party regularity” defeated his plan in a State campaign, it will have no effect in a national one. If my office hoy could not think more clearly than that I would discharge him. To Save Our Party Mr. Bateman advises this gigantic na tional bolt in general, a policy he con demns in particular. He kindly offers to save the fusionists the trouble of doing us up in the convention by doing us up in advance. “As things are now going,” says Mr. Bateman, “Wm. J. Bryan will ba the next regular nom inee of the People’s Party. The great mass of the party will follow the regu lar action of the national convention. The bolting faction will not even be a spot upon the political map; its votes will be counted as scattering.” Then, in true Pickwickian style, he continues his argument in favor of this same bolting policy, which he assures us will not result in “even a spot on the political map,” and that its votes will be “counted as scattering.” Did anybody ever hear such fool logic as this ? Does Mr. Bateman for a moment suppose that if he organizes this stupendous bolt, whose votes he assures us will be counted as “scatter ing,” and Bryan is nominated by the fusionists, that Wharton Barker or any other man could poll any part of the fusionist, any part of the silver Repub lican, any part of the labor vote ? The bolt Bateman proposes would elimi nate from the party the only men who could oppose in the national conven tion the endorsement of Bryan. Bate man and the fusionists are both pray ing for the same thing. Bateman’s plan would leave a clear field for the fusionists to arrange with the Demo crats undisturbed. No, no. This scheme is all folly. We have but one hope, and that is to stay in the party and Capture the National Convention within the party just as the silverites captured the Chicago convention. This connot be done by bolting the party any more than the silver Democrats could have succeeded in the last cam paign outside the regular Democracy. I sound the alarm to call a halt in this mad rush to political suicide. Our last national convention selected a national committee —three members from each State. This committee alone is empowered to call a Populist nation al convention. Any bolting faction calling a convention not regularly and legally authorized by this committee is outside the Populist party. These three men from each State are the sole national representatives of the party, and no others can take their places except by the action of the reg ular State conventions; therefore, no matter how strong the movement or how zealous its advocates, the legal authority of the party is vested in these men. If we elect delegates to a national convention not called by this committee, we bolt the party, we se cede from the national organization, from the national movement, and place ourselves in exactly the same relation to the Populist party that the gold Democrats sustain to the regular Democracy. We become a mere side show with neither numbers, influence; or standing. If we desire to win we should Attract Voters, Not Repel Them; we should inspire confidence, not des troy it; we should build up our party and not divide and pull it down ; we should keep what we have and secure more. I hare here offered only one of sev eral good reasons why the proposed nomin -ting convention should not he held next spring. The other reasons will follow in other articles. I am satisfied that if the “men in the trench's” do speak through the refer endum the convention will never as semble Let us be honest and meet the issue; et there be no evasion. Let it be understood that every man who votes for the spring nominating con - ventiou without the sanction of the National Committee also votes to leave the Populist party and organize an other. I do not, however, assail one plan without stating my reasons and offer ing another. I have not space to out line or e now, but it is easy to formu late and present one later if desired, that would be strictly in the middle of the road, and free from the objections I refer to. Yours for wise action, George F. Washburn. Boston, Mass. Note —The above article was omitted last issue because of being received too late for publication. TO DOWN BELL TELEPHONE Atlant ■■ Gets an Independent Company After a Loner Wr.it. The Standard Telephone Company, an independent company, is now put ting up its wires in Atlanta and will start off with over 3,000 subscribers. The Southern Bell Telephone Company having used every means to keep this new competitor out of the field is now laying low for another opportunity. The new company furnishes telephones at about one half the pries charged by the old company and proposes to re duce the cost from year to year. The Bell people as they have done in the West will probably cut under the new company and thus force them out of business. “I am a firm believer in government ownership,” said the president of the new company last week, “and to that end, I think it would be a good plan for small towns to look up the cost of telephones and see how exchanges can be put in under public control at a very small expense. All our patents are now secure against the Bell monop oly and the concern that builds and equips the exchanges does not care for any monopoly or franchise. “For instance, a town of 1,000, say, can get an exchange fitted up in the best manner at a low price. The com pany wid operate the exchange at a small expense, giving the town the privilege of purchase, either at one time or gradually, so that in a few years time, the town will own the ex change Or a mutual concern can be organized so that there is no stock to be watered or, bought up and this com pany can be so chartered so that after a few years, after the first cost has been paid for, the exchange becomes the town’s property. “There are a dozen towns in the Union which have such exchanges and will own them in less than ten years.” Confessed and Sentenced. Mrs Mary Traylor who set fire to an Atlanta residence last summer and then gave an alarm and helped the firemen to put out the blaze confessed her crime and was sentenced last week to ten years in the pen. She stated she had stolen the family jewelry and to hide the theft fired the house but be came frightened and gave the alarm. She was under the influence of whis key at the time and ascribes her down fall to that. The owner of the resi dence and others are asking for a pardon. Durrant Dies Game, Theodore Durrant, the noted Califor nia murderer, who kilted two girls in a church ante room and concealed their bodies in the church loft was hanged last Friday after a series of remarka ble trials. Every human effort was used to save him and several appeals taken to the U. S. court but to no avail. On the gallows he was deter mined and collected and protested his innocence with his last breath. Fruit in Danger. The fruit crop of Georgia is in great danger. The abnormally warm weath er for January is making the sap rise and fruitgrowers predict that the trees will bud and blossom and in February and March suffer from the usual cold snaps and freezes. This will cause a loss of thousands to Southern fruit raisers. Bruce Again Register. The President has again appointed the notorious B. K. Bruce as Register of the Treasury. Bruce has held the same position under several republican presidents. ♦ Here is a New ♦ I« K KLONDYKE. | :* The new and wonderful'vanety oi cotton already J so well advertised in every part of the South, known ♦ Z as JACKSON’S AFRICAN LIMBLESS COTTON is J still the rage. Those who raise a good crop of the ♦ seed in 1898 will find in them a veritable Klondyke X since the seed is now selling for S2OO per bushel, $7 X per pound or SI per 100 seeds. This new cotton is ♦ ♦ raised in hills 8 inches apart, and rows 3 feet apart.pj X It grows 6to 8 feet in!height, 40 to 100 bolls to the* I ♦ stalk which is entirely limbless’andjffie yield on good ♦ ♦ land is over f + Four Bales To the Acre ♦ * Os a soft, fleecy staple, one and one-half inches in J Y length, which sold in the Atlanta market this season ♦ ♦ at 10 cents per pound. A New York syndicate has X X ><pu’ chased nearly all of the present crop of the Jack- J Ty son farm and will plant a large section in Mississippi, ♦ S ’ for the seed, which will net them thousands of dollars J next season. A small part of the crop was held hack. ♦ Thousands of dollars were offered for this portion and X refused. A conservative estimate shows that one * pound of seed carefully dropped will plant one acre ♦ ♦ and the crop of seedsshould amount to 120 bushels in X X addition to 4 hates of lint. The lint at the present Y ♦ price averages 850 per bale or 8200 for the crop The ♦ X seed at one-half the present price would bring 812,000. £ X This estimate is borne out by the fact that in 1895, ♦ ♦ Mr. T. A. Jackson, the original owner started with ♦ | Only 59 t Z Stalks of Cotton | ♦ His land-was well fertilized and no other variety X of cotton grown anywhere near this plot. He re- j * planted all his crop of seed in 1896 and this year, he ♦ ♦ harvested 6 acres from which over 25 bates of cotton X !* will be taken. The main crop of seed be sold for Y 820,000 to one firm alone. Os coursa care must be X used to allow no mixing with other varieties, and with X special heavy fertilizing and attention to insure the ♦ ♦ best results it will repay you ten fold. Commissioner X X of Agriculture Nesbitt, of Georgia 1 says “it is a new -Y Y -'variety and a wonderful cotton. Planted on good (♦ X J and and well fertilized its yield will be enormous .]X profitable.” X One Package : Os Seed Free. t ♦ The People’s Party Paper, Club Department, has X * sifter taking the greatest precantions, secured what it J Y believes to be fresh seed and genuine If this new ♦ X variety is to prove a boon to cotton raisers, no better X X method to secure its widespread distribution whereby T ♦ every reader can get a supply could be arranged ♦ « than its plan to give one package containing 100 * X seeds, FREE post-paid, to every new subscriber or ♦ ♦ renewal, sending one dollar at once for one year’s X subscription to the People’s Party Paper. This is al- X ♦ most double the quantity Jackson started with and is ♦ ♦ given ABSOLUTELY FREE The supply of seed < X cannot last long, hence the seeds are sent out as fast Y ♦as the subscriptions are sent in. No seed for sate ♦ 0 no pound packages—only 100 seed and only one pack- X X age to each name. J People’s Party Paper, | ♦ ciub Dep t. ATLANTA, GA.|| !♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ DEBS VISITS ATLANTA. The “Social Democracy” Laader Makes Several Fubllc Talks. Eugene V. Debs, the recent leader of the American Railway Union whose strike at Pullman, near Chicago, a few years ago, caused Cleveland to send U. S. troops to Chicago in spite of Gov ernor Altgeld’s protest and who was subsequently put in jail by an injunc tion of the U. S. court where he has remained until recently was in Atlanta last week. Debs is of a remarkably magnetic type, broad browed, smoothfaced, a tuft of red hair on each side of an otherwise bald head, a keen eye and a fluent talker. His speeches were attended by hun dreds and were remarkable for their mild character and tone. He arraigned the capitalistic classes for their com bines and plots and confined his re marks to reform in government. Southern on Trial. The U. S. court at Macon has been investigating the Southern R’y. Co. President Samuel Spencer a few days ago swore that the Central R, R. is not owned nor controlled by the Southern but is a competing line ; that the south ern does own the Georgia Southern and Florida from Macon Ga. to Polatka, Fla., Atlanta and Florida and Middle Georgia and Atlantic R. R from Col umbus, Ga., to McDonough, Ga, and that the Southern does not own any lines competing with these. He also stated that the rates on the two last lines had voluntarily been reduced and the service increased. Another Railroad Combine, The Louisville and Nashville system has secured the complete control of the Georgia R. R. and now has a through systsm from the west to Charleston or Port Royal, making this system the most formidable opponent with which the Southern railway must contend. Grain from tbe west will be delivered direct to foreign steamships at Port Royal, S. C. Will Use Electricity. The new cotton mills at Columbus, Ga., have abundant water power and electricity has been substituted because of its cheapness. Let us line up and move forward. May Lynch Frlsoners. Sheriff Davis, of Calhoun county, in taking to trial four prisoners charged with assassinating Julian King, a young Calhoun county planter a few weeks ago was accompanied Tuesday morning by the Dawson Guards, whom Governor Atkinson called out for ser vice. Several score of King’s friends were seen around Dawson Monday and it is believed that they will try to lynch the assassins. Wants Another Judge. Congressman Bartlett, of Macon, has introduced a bill to create a new U. S. circuit judge and thus secure for this district another judge. Bartlett and Judge Emory Speer are at outs and it is said the new office may not be filled by Judge Speer’s advancement but by a new appointee. A Trestle Wreck. An Atlanta and West Point train on Monday, 21 mites east of Montgomery, ran into a mute on a trestle. The trestle gave way and the train turned over. Conductor Henry M. Law, was killed, also llagman W. W. Pope. Sev eral passengers were injured, two probably fatally. Bond-Caldwell. At the residence of the bride’s pa rents at Neely, Tenn , on Tuesday Jan. 10, Miss Lazinka Caldwell and Mr. Sidney S. Bond were married. The bride is a great niece oi President Polk. The groom is one of Tennessee’s staunchest Populists. The good wishes of hosts of friends are extended them. In the Ninth District. Congressman Carter Tate, of the Ninth District, wants to go back to Congress next fall on the Democratic ticket, but Hon. Howard Thompson, of Gainesville, will give him a hard fight for the nomination. Thompson has called on Tate for a series of joint de bates. Mothodist May Unite. A joint commission met in Washing ton last week representing the North ern Methodist and Southern Method ists and decided to submit a favorable report to the general conference from which they were sent. The church divided in 1846 on the slavery question but during recent years, the desire for a general re-union has become popular and the meeting at Washington was the result of this feeling. ONLY 38 WEEKS——. men. To election day. What are you doing for the People’s Party? Write ng now! ONE DOLLAR PER YEAR. WHOLE NUMBER 381. MARK HANNA HAS WON McKinley’s Boomer Goes Back to the Senate. THE BOODLE BAGS WIN THE DAY. By a Scratch, the Ohio Deglslature Returns Him to the Front—A Woman Comes Near Turning the Tide At the Dast. Marcus A Hanna, he of the dol lar mark brand, the agent of the Mc- Kinley band wagon of prosperity is elected to the U. S. Senate by a major ity of three. Ohio has been the scene of the greatest fight on record, Hanna’s agents using every means to bribe and pull over the anti-Hanna republi cans. If he had been defeated,it is believed, a woman would have been the main cause. The story runs that Representative Griffeth, one of the Hanna men who is a delicate man and in miserable health, arrived in Columbus last Friday and stated to several parties that he was not certain to vote for Hanna Imme diately the Hanna men clamored around him and tried every effort to drive him into a solemn promise. But Griffeth wavered and his wife who ac companied him requested the politi cians to leave. That night Griffeth left his hotel os tensibly to attend a caucus. At mid night, his wife was awakened and handed a note ostensibly written by her husband to come to him as he was ill. She accompanied three gentlemen whom she knew and whom she suppos ed were friends. They guided her to a a distant hotel and there imprisoned her in a room for nearly 24 hours, so that the heelers could get in their work on the husband. When Griffeth returned to his hotel and found his wife missing, he became suspicious and securing help located his wife and released her. Solemn promises were swept aside and the supposed invalid became a terror to the politicians. He hunted for the men who enticed his wife away and threatened to kill them on sight and swore he would die rather than vote for Hanna or any man of the crowd and has become in a day the leader of the anti-Hanna forces. The indignity to Mrs. Griffeth has caused such a revolu tion among the legislature that it was expected many who were counted on by the ‘ring’ would either refuse to vote or would vote against Hanna. Strange to say on the ballot Tuesday, Griffeth changed and voted for Hanna. Dade County Meeting. Pursuant to call of the county chair man, the People’s Party of Dade coun ty assembled in convention in the courthouse at 12 o’clock, on January 1, 1898, and was promptly called to or der by the chairman. After briefly ex plaining the object of the meeting, which was to re-organize the Populist party, elect a new executive commit tee, also to elect delegates to state con vention to he held in Atlanta on the 3rd Wednesday in March next. After electing a chairman in each militia district, they then proceeded to name the delegates to state convention: J. B. Lea, of Creek District, was elected del egate, Dr. S. R. Deakins, of same dis trict, alternate; A. M. Tatum, of Mill District delegate, S. B. Austin, alter gate. Then the chair appointed a com mittee on resolutions, consisting of Dr. S. R Deakins, A. M Tatum and E. D. Amos, who soon reported strong reso lutions opposing fusion with any and all political parties in an effort to hood wink and deceive the unsuspecting Pop ulist to fuse with good men in other parties in order to carry the state for the referendum, and we declare our selves opposed to such steps and we favor only Populists for office, and a straight-out middle of the road policy and that we recommend the name of the Hon, W. L Peek for governor. The convention was then polled and was a unit for Peek. We feel we owe it to him. We also favor Judge J. K Hines for Attorney General We believe we can win with Peek to head the ticket, no man has said or done more or made greater sacrifices for the common peo ple than he has. S. B. Austin, Chm. That ’Fossum Dinner. The recent ’Possum dinner at New nan, at which Georgia’s “ring” cele brated in grand style has provoked much comment among the Georgia papers, All the politicians, big and little were present in force and had a general love feast. Governor Atkin son left the next day in a Western and Atlantic private car for a trip to Mexi co, where he now is and has missed reading the many comments. Reduced Fare to Atlanta. Delegates attending the coming state convention of the People’s Party which will be held in Atlanta in March are especially advised to secure from their railroad agent a certificate which he will furnish if called upon. This cer tificate when presented at Atlanta will secure transportation home at one-third fare, thus making the round trip cost four cents per mite. Be sure and ask for certificates. Atlanta Will Celebrate. Allanta will celebrate her semi-cen tennial on May 4. Sham battles, mili tary displays and every form of amuse ment will be given to draw visitors to the city. Fopuliets Elect Mayor. Austell, in Cobb county, elected John Runyan as mayor last week. Mr. Runyan is a staunch Populist. The Democrats want state bank mon ey 5 which is worse than national bank money. The Populists want all money to be issued by the government, and made a legal tender. Keep it before the people that the leading fusion advocates are holders or office seekers. ji