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2 THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. Established October IS, 1895. ATLANTA, UKOROIA. OUR PUBLISHING COMPANY. THOB. K. WATSON, - - - President. MACKIE STURGIS, • • Seoty-Treasnrer. AUSTIN HOLCOMB, - Advertising |Mgr. Office 57 1-2 South Broad Street. SUBSCRIPTION RATES. Always in Advance. 1 Copy, One Year $ 100 10 Copies, One Y'ear (without premiums) 7 00 10 Copies, One Year “ *• IS 00 40 Copies, One Y’ear “ “ 24 00 80 Copies, One Year “ “ 44 00 Sent to separate addresses. HOW TO REMlT— Stamps received up to 11. Add 10 cents to private checks lit exchange, which we have to pay. Remit by money Order, Registered Letter or Express Money Order. SUBSCRIPTION COUPONS— To facilitate the work of club raisers, saving them the constant expense of money orders or registry fees on small lists, yearly subscription cou pons redeemable at this office at any time at the full price paid will be sold to club raisers at the above rates. Each coupon will be re ceived for one year's subscription at any time and can be mailed in an ordinary let ter, no correspondence being necessary. De lays and losses are absolutely avoided by this system. Send for sample coupon. An orders should be made payable to raoPLß's Party Papxb. WATCH THE LABEL— No receipts for sub scriptions are sent. The yellow address label shows to what date the subscription is paid. As each name Is cutoff the list on expiration subscribers will avoid delays and loss of sev eral Issues by renewing at least two weeks in advance of the date as appears on the label. Report errors immediately. CHANGE OF ADDRESS-Subscrlbers chang ing their address should promptly notify the office, giving the old address as well as the Nkw. We must have the old addres to find |[your name on the mailing lists.,. Always give the county. BUSINESS LETTERS— Letters with money enclosed for subscription or advertlalug should always state tne amount enolosbd, giving name, post office, county and state. This Is important to avoid delays and errors All business letters should be addressed plainly People's Party Paper, Atlanta, Ga. and should contain no matter for publication EDITOR'S LETTERS—Leiters for the editor, meeting notices and matter intended for publication should never contain money enclosures nor business correspondence and should be addressed Editor People’s Par ty Paper, Atlanta, Ga. ADVERTISING RATES. OUR CIRCULATION— A careful estimate shows that over one million copies will be printed and circulated mainly in Georgia, Southern and Southwestern states during 1898, to acTUAL, paid in advance subscribers. Rates based on the above may be secured from Steve W. Floyd, Special Eastern Agent, 1813 American Tract Society Building, New York City, for all business, exclusive of Southern States. Other business direct to this office. ONLY PAPER READ—The People’s Party Paper being the recognized National paper of the party has large lists in Every State of the Union, especially In the gnat middle west. Over 50 per cent of Its subscrlbeis take no other paper, hence its great value to leglt ' imate advertisers—no other kind wanted. OFFICIAL ORGAN PEOPLE’S PARTY STATE OF GEORGIA. A Hard Nut to Crack. Did you know that the government has refused to redeem its own postage stamps in gold or any other kind of money? Aye, worse than that; it won’t even exchange other postage stamps for them. The facts are that it looks as though the post-office depart ment is getting most damnably stuck up and independent. A few days ago one of our many admiring friends sent us a dollar’s worth of nice, new, clean, never-had-been-licked-and-stuck post age stamps in payment of his subscrip tion. Being in the postoffice shortly afterward we called at the window and asked the stamp clerk to give us the cash on them. With a look of disdain and with an importance that comes only from long service in a public ca pacity he informed us that he was selling postage stamps and not buying them. We then requested him to ex change and give us one-centers for our twos. He simply pointed to a printed notice that Uncle Sam does not even exchange stamps. We, expected that as soon as the word got out, stamps would depreciate and be worth possi bly less than the paper upon which they are printed. So we hurried to a drug store and found, to our surprise and pleasure, that postage stamps were still worth their face value. That has been several days ago and we are told this morning that they are still selling all over the city at the same old price. It seems kind o’ strange how this is. Why, they are not a legal tender for anything; they are not fit for money even if they were, because of the nasty stickum-tight on their backs; the government won’t have them after it sells them once; and still they are worth two cents apiece, and it now looks just like the price is go ing to stay up right where it is There is only one use that anybody can make of the things, and that is to pay post age; and still they don’t depreciate. There seems to be some sort of a law back of them which keeps up the price Well, as you cannot pay postage with anything else but stamps, we wonder why somebody hasn’t got a corner on them? Why don’t some of these smart bankers get together and buy all the postage stamps at two cents apiece and then raise the price? Possibly they have not thought of it. But they have thought of everything else; won der why they have not thought of this? They corner on the government’s mon ey and make Uncle Sam dance around and beg like a little puppy dog and make him issue; bonds and do lots of other humiliating things, but somehow they have never thought to tackle the postage stamps. After looking it up a little it seems that Uncle Sam got it into his old head that he could run the post-office without the aid of the bank ers. He seems to have forgotten to make any provisions for his banker boys in the matter, and so he keeps his postage stamp mill going all the time, and if they buy all the stamps he has, he simply prints some more and some more, and some more, and keeps right on smiling; and the more they buy, the more he smiles. If they should conclude to buy up a big lot of them and ship them to “Yurrup” he would keep right on smiling and smiling and printing more stamps. The supply of stamps seems almost inexhaustable. It looks like Uncle Sam might get tired of it after awhile and delegate the issu ing of his stamps over to the banks as he has done in the matter of money. Then he could take a much-needed rest and his banker boys could have a real picnic. They could have a regular high old time, and there would be a “hot time in the old town,” you bet your life. The boys would put the price of stamps down till they got pos session of what are on hand; then they could “bull” the market and make a nice pile. They could limit the supply; they could slip them off to Europe, and a great many other things they could do. They could give Uncle Sam lots of pointers m business, Stamps could be used just like the money is if Uncle Sam was not such a blasted old moss back as to stand right in the way of progress. Funny, isn’t it? Suppose you put in about five minutes thinking this over.—Warren Foster's Paper. There are only a few men in business life today over ANCIENT, BUT sixty years of age, but there are quite a number of men living who remember the panic of ’57 caused by TIMELY, READING, the state banks of that day suspending specie payment. Few of the present generation know how state banks were organized before the war. Here is a fair example taken from the records of file in ytfur state capitol: The bank (Atlanta Bank) was incorporated on the 27th day of January 1852, with some of Atlanta’s best citizens as incorporators. Capital stock $300,000 ! the incorporators were allowed to elect five directors as soon as $20,000 in gold and silver was paid in ; they were permitted to issue three dollars in notes for every dollar of stock paid in but were not allowed to issue a single note until at least SIOO 000 of stock was actually paid in specie into its treasury. The Gov ernor was empowered to close the bank if either of these provisions of the charter was violated. The bank got in bad repute somehow or other, and in 1854 the Governor waa instructed by the legi»lature to have the concern investi gated. Logan E. Bleckley, who was then Solicitor of the circuit was commis sioned to make the investigation, and obtained evidence from the incorporators showing that a stranger named Smith subscribed for $200,991 of stock in his own name, four shares of SIOO each in the name of four other men, non-residents ; the remaining five shares were taken by four of the original incorporators citi zens of Atlanta. Not one dollar in specie or other money was paid previous to the election of Directors, except an unaccepted and unendorsed bill of exchange on some firm in New York for $21,000 payable in gold. None of the other sub scribers to stock paid anything. It was proven that the bills of this bank were put in circulation b fore it had any place of doing business or any President or cashier in Atlanta. Mr. Bleckley addressed a communication to the President and Cashier, asking when and where they were elected President and Cashier ; by whom; where they resided ; what amount of specie the bank had in Atlan ta ; from whom and where was it received ; when and where the first bills, notes, or checks were issued; what amount was issued and how disposed of; when was the bank opened in Atlanta and what amount of notes, bills or checks had been issued previous to that time. To all of which the President and Cashier coolly declined to answer. Mr. Bleckley made a report to the Governor, the Governor to the legislature of 1856, and the legislature referred it and the sworn returns of the bank, made July 2, 1853, to a special committee of Francis H. Cone, Wm. P. Beasly, James P. Scriven. @3 ’!«■' The special committee reported: that the evidence showed conclusively that Smith intended to issue bills on the bank contrary to the provisions of the charter, and without having any place of transacting business in Atlanta ; that the bank had no specie in Atlanta, and no place to redeem its bills I that it was clearly proven that bills were in circulation before any money was paid into the bank by its stockholders; that the President and Cashier arrived in Atlan ta in June 1853, and commenced to do business on the 9th day of June; on that day they made out a statement of the bank which was sworn to on July 2, 1853; from this return it appears that the bank had in circulation $179,000 and only $41,657.39 in specie in its treasury. As this was their first day of transacting business in Atlanta it was incumbent on them,»in order to comply with their charter, that there should be SIOO,OOO in specie in their vaults and from the sworn statement of their President and Cashier there was no such amount there. From all the facts furnished the committee it declared it the duty of the leg islature to pass a resolution requesting the Governor to issue a proclamation declaring the charter of said bank forfeited, and that the officers of said bank be prosecuted on the criminal side of the court for violation of the penal code. Was it ever done ? No ! After the committee had agreed upon their report, the Senator from Fulton county was appointed upon the committee and made a minority report in which he admitted there had not been a faithful compliance with the require ments of the charter, yet the bank had built an excellent and safe granite building which supplied the community with a safe depository for money; received large deposits ; discounts liberally, and had redeemed $1,500,000 of its bills 11! How it redeemed mere bills than its charter allowed it to issue, as claimed by the Senator from Fulton, was too trivial a matter for investigation, and the legislature got rid of the whole matter by postponing the whole business indef initely. Tnere is the record of how one bank was organized in violation of the state banking laws ; did business without any capital; violated the penal code and escaped punishment, and it was no exception to a score of other banks organ ized under state laws—the facts pertaining to this one case accidently got on the public records. Gan you frame a more stringent statute against dishonest money changers than existed when the Atlanta Bank flourished ? Can you frame a penal code superior to the one which these “sharpers” openly violated ? Will you ever have a Governor to enforce the same more censeientious, up right and capable than Hershel V. Johnson ? > i Will you ever have a more efficient solicitor to prosecute violators of your penal code than Logan E. Bleckley ? Will you ever have a legislature as incorruptible as that of 1855 and ’56 ? No I Then why advocate a return to a banking system, that could not be controlled by law, when there was more wealth and less stealth in the land than exists today. Your state laws of today are as openly violated by the banks and money changers as were the laws of 1852. Any prosecutions ? No, not one, Why ? Money is more powerful than the law and growing more powerful than your government. Individuals and States are growing poorer and weaker while the money sharks and corporations are growing richer and stronger. Take the report of your bank examiner, and you will find that the law against usury is violated every day and publicly sworn to once a year, and the affirm ing affidavit duly filed in the Executive Department. Any one prosecuted for it ? Not as we ever heard of. Mac. There never was a state or national banking system FINANCIAL honorably administered by bankers or a corporation of bankers. PELLETS. There never will be a banking system devised that will be honestly executed by a corporation of monied men or bankers. The history and experience of this country, under state and national bank laws, is authority for these assertions. It required old “Hickory to unthrottle the liberty of this country from the avaricious graap of the money-changers of the United States banking system. It took a stubborn “Rail-Splitter” to teach the Bankers of Wall and Lombard street that Uncle Sam’s notes could preserve this Union and fight its battles without the aid of the British Lion It remained for a drunken Democratic fisherman to cripple the industries of this great country by demonetizing half ot our constitutional money/ and en slaving the present generation by burdening them with a bonded debt to be paid in European money. Get on “the eagle bird by chance” and the roulette gambler pays you twenty seven for one. Get into a state bank corporation and the business suckers of the community will be compelled to pay you three for one, or assign. The law out-laws the former and legalizes the latter. If you are a poor mountaineer and make moonshine whiskey and get caught you have to pay some one to defend you in the U. S. court. If you are a rich banker like J. Gunby Jordan you can make wild cat money and the State will pay for your defence in the U. S. court caught or not caught. This is moral — not class—legislation. If the Bankers were made to pay tax on their holdings like me and Sam Jones there would be more cursing than preaching abroad in the land. Wouldn’t there, bud ? Georgia can and does borrow money to pay her bankers and her officers while her public school teachers have to borrow their own money and pay the bank ers and state officials for the privilege. Thanks to democratic legislation. If 16 ounces of silver equals lof gold how much taxation will it require to equal Rev. Sam Jones with our best first-class cussers ? Next. Political economy used to teach that capital was the product of labor. Polit ical essayists of today teach that labor is the servant of capital. Wharton Barker says in the “American”: “In 1879 it would have taken the product of a cotton plantation of 52 acres to pay a SI,OOO government bond ; in 1897 it would take the whole product of 100 acres. Clearly the public creditor is getting the product of 48 more acres of cotton than he is entitled to. * * * The injustice done the cotton planter by enforced payment in appreciated gold is twenty-four times that which would be done the public creditor by payment in 50 cent silver dollars ; yet we are told that to pay our obligations in other coin than gold would be a blotch on our national honor. To pay them in gold to the exclusion of silver is rather a blotch on our “common sense. ” Grover was a blotch of the latter variety. Every government bond outstanding and unpaid is by contract on its face and in law payable in coin-gold or silver. The men who demand they be paid in gold is a swindler and a repudiator. Brothers, of the Democratic household, prepare to join the swindlers and repudiators, or the People’s Party. A cracker trust has been formed and the price of crackers advanced. This in no way affects the Georgia crackers who attended the Newnan Possum supper. Hon. Martin V. Calvin, of Richmond county, expects to land at the head of the State agricultural department by cultivating capitalists and harrowing wild-cat banking schemes. Mac. THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER; ATLANTA, GEORGIA? FRIDAY, JANUARY 14, IBPB. “Dear Veterans ofCamp Walker: Being too ill to HON. T. R. R. COBB write, my wife takes down this letter for me. An all-wise Providence has touched me and I have WRITES CAMP relinquished one cherished thing after another without WALKER VETS. com P lain t. I tell you this, that you may know how your dear message of sympathy reached me like a balm and talisman, soothing a heart burnt with fever —a heart that will be grateful to you as long as it beats. I noted your resolutions, giving me the credit for bringing the reunion to Atlanta. Many of you were at Nashville and know how the veterans made me believe as you do. You heard the states vote my name with that of Atlanta ; you saw the soldiers crowd around me from every state in the south, and some of you pressed my hand and thanked me. Even before the balloting was ov ermy noble friend, General Clement A. Evans, put his arm about my shoulder and said : “Tom, you have carried it to Atlanta ; your speech did it.” And you know how the papers in Nashville and elsewhere and in Atlanta also gave me credit at that time. But, veterans, when I returned to Atlanta (the city I love most in the world), I was brought to feel that it was a strange dream about my doing anything for the veterans, or else “a Drophet is not without honor save in his own country.” So, at last, I fell into Atlanta’s way of thinking andjthe dear, harearned honor passed from my hopes. But, my friends, your resolution avowing again that I did bring the reunion to Atlanta made a sick man’s heart throb with pride; a proper pride, I trust. Yet, dear veterans, Atlanta still differs with you, as is witnessed by the action of the executive committee. When that committee received your generous com munication, requesting them to send sympathy for my illness and asking them to give me a vote of thanks for bringing the reunion to Atlanta, the committee expressed the sympathy, but withheld the thanks. Many of that committee are my friends, and I thank them for their sympathy. I have lost too much recently to complain if this honor also be taken from me. I have never claimed it, but others claimed it for me in the past, and you claim it for me now. Veterans, it I do not deserve this honor, I should not, and do not, want to wear it, either as a laurel for my brow or as a wreath upon my grave. But if I do deserve it, Providence and the veterans will guard it for me. As for you, Camp Walker, I venture my feelings in these lines from Burns: “The monarch may forget the crown That on his head an hour hath been; The bridegroom may forget the bride Was made his wife but yestere’en ; The mother may forget the child That smiled so sweetly on her knee; But I’ll remember you, Camp Walker, And all that you have done for me.” Faithfully yours, Orlando, Fla., Jan. 7, ’9B. Tuos. R R. Cobb. The readers of this paper who have learned to love HON. T. R. R- COBB, and admire the brilliant young man above named will be pained to know that he is ill, in Florida, and will join with us in a hearty prayer for his restoration to health. We do not believe that there is, in the State of Georgia, a more promising representative of her ambitious youth than Mr. Cobb. We are quite sure that no warmer hearted gentleman, one more courageous and loyal in his friendship, or manlier in his antagonism, ever lived. Essentially noble in all his aspira tions and gifted with boundless energy, we look to see him rise high in the esteem of his countrymen. Not long since, this paper published, “The Georgia Colonel,” a sketch by Mr. Cobb, of that very especial knave and humbug, L. F. Livingston. The article attracted so much attention and was so widely read, that it was published in booklet form, handsomely illustrated by the gifted artist, Mr. W. F. Henderson. This sketch of “The Georgia Colonel,” deserves to live, and will live. It merits a place, just after the sketch of Ned Brace in “Georgia Scenes.” With the exception of Ned Brace, it excels any sketch in “Georgia Scenes.” We are sure that all our readers will be glad for us to assure Mr. Cobb that the Populists have not forgotton his generous support in the last campaign, and that if any sincere sympathy of theirs could bring back strength to his limbs, health would bloom on his cheek again, and at once. T. E. W. Foetal Savings-Banks. In his annual report Postmaster- General Gary, according to expecta tions, advocates the establishment of postal savings-banks. The creation of such institutions has been recommend ed bya number of Mr. Gary’s predeces sors, and finds many supporters in the newspapers of the country. Yet it is apparent that, as in the past, strong opposition exists against the establish ment of this new branch of postal ser vice, Opponents of the plan insist that the success of such institutions under other governments is no guaranty of success under our government Mr. Gary goes into considerable de tail to prove the necessity and feasi bility of creating postal savings-banks. He cites the growth of the money-order system as a striking argument in favor of providing bank facilities in connec ti with the Post-Office Department He says : “Private enterprise in this country has left the people of many old commu nities, and in a few cases of almost en tire States, without any facilities whereby they may protect and invest their hard-earned savings. The sole convenience which these people have enjoyed and are using to-day is the facility for exchange afforded by the money-order system of this depart ment. If additional argument is ne cessary for a postal-saving scheme, it can easily be deduced from the opera tions of this remarkable system. Dur ing the current year more than 52,000,- 000 transactions were made in the 21,- 000 offices of this class, and nearly $200,000,000 was received, transmitted, and paid out Millions of money orders were bought to be used by the buyers as drafts, and certified checks are employed, for safe and convenient carriage. ... It must be apparent, therefore, that as a medium of exchange the banks, numerically, fall far short of the money-order system, and, dis tributively, their failure is even more pronounced. If, by appropriate legis lation, these offices could be converted into saving depositories for the people, they would soon afford infinitely more facility for receiving interest-bearing deposits than the interest-paying banks do now. The system furnishes the machinery which, in its equipment, methods, economy, and comprehen siveness, could be adapted with the smallest possible friction or increase of agents to the duties of a postal-savings depository.” For the investment o f the deposits in the postal savings-banks, this being the point which critics consider the most vulnerable in the scheme, Mr. Gary suggests public buildings. In the Post-Office Department alone, sl,- 300,000 is paid out for rentals equiva lent to 2 per cent, interest on an in vestment of $65,000,000 of deposits. Among objections to postal banks, appearing in the press, should be noted the allegation that there could be no warrant that funds deposited would be invested in the localities where added facilities are supposed to be most needed. It is farther declared that the experience with postmasters in the more sparsely settled districts shows so much incompetence in the handling of money-orders that it would be scarcely practical to entrust them with the handling of additional funds in the shape of deposits. Special evidence of opposition to postal-banks comes from Maine, where the state bank examiner, speaking for the pri vate savings institutions of that region, attacks the competition of the Govern ment in this business, and it is report ed that the Maine Congressmen, in cluding Speaker Reed, will oppose Postmaster-General Gary’s plan in Congress. System Safe and Practical. “In order to understand the opera- tion of the system, it is best to exam ine the systems of Great Britain and Canada. There are in Great Britain ten thousand post-offices at which de posits of one shilling and upward, within certain limits, are received. Deposits must be made in multiplies of a shilling, not amounting to more than £SO ($250) in one year, nor may the total on deposit exceed £2OO ($1,000). Jn Canada the limits are SI,OOO and $3,000 respectively. The rate of interest on deposit in Great Britain is 2J£ per cent., in Canada 3 per cent Two per cent would proba bly bring deposits in this country, on account of the absolute safety. Regu lations could easily be made for the repayment of the deposits—which would always be small in amount —at any post-office. The deposits could be invested by the Government in United States bonds, or, if necessary, in state or municipal securities. “The greatest benefit of the system has already been pointed out, and is the bringing into circulation the sav ings of country people, especially in the South and far West, remote from responsible savings-banks. In a large part of those sections, safe, reliable banks are few and far apart. The peo ple have not sufficient confidence in the integrity of business judgment of wild-cat bankers to entrust savings in their hands. With the postal system, deposits would be as safe as any earth ly possession could be and as secure as the Government itself. The apparent benefits of teaching businesslike ways and saving habits to the people in general and the promotion of thrift and industry are too obvious to require more than a mere mention. “No one need fear that the Govern ment will go into the banking business or enter into an unfair competition with the banks. The rate of interest would be so small that the business would be really conducting a safe de pository and that only where there is no commercial agency to discharge that function. The loss to the legiti mate banking enterprises would amount to nothing.”—The Dispatch (Rep) St. Paul. Congredlonal Committees vs. Sentiment. “The press of the country is almost unanimous in support of postal savings banks, and there can be little doubt that it represents popular sentiment. It does not, however, follow that the new law will be passed by Congress at the coming session or put into immedi ate operation. Under our congression al system, especially as recently inter preted by Reed, neither Congress nor the people can get what they want unless the Speaker of the House and the chairmen of the committees are favorably disposed. The chairmen can pigeonhole or kill any bills that come before their committees and prevent these measures reaching a vote in Con gress. It is said that both the House and Senate chairmen of the committees on postal affairs are, for special or per sonal reasons, opposed to postal sav ings banks, and can be counted on to kill any friendly measures that may come up iu Congress or prevent their consideration. Thus while the outlook for postal savings-banks is favorable from one point of view, it ig bad from another; and unless the press and people are very emphatic and deter mined and defeat the pigeon-holing practise and control of legislation by committee, there is danger that we will have no postal savings-banks for the present at least. The fight is not with Congress, but with the chairmen of committees, and a determined effort ought to be made to restore to the Senate and House the law making power they once enjoyed.”—The Times Democrat, New Orleans. “Uncle Sam’s Department Store.” “The expansive powers of the postal service seem to be illimitable. Upon what branch of private business enter prise will it next seek to trench ? It furnishes printed envelopes to mer chants cheaper than the country sta tioner or printer can afford to sell the unprinted stock. Who knows but what it will very soon be writing life insurance and issuing accident tickets ? “Any enlargement of the paternalis tic principle, no matter how innocent looking, is dangerous and greatly to be deplored. If the Government is to be come the stationer, the printer, the banker, and investor of the citizen, why not his shoemaker, his baker, his butcher, and candlestick-maker ? It is a strange and menacing conception of governmental functions that makes the country a powerful centralized competitor of the private citizen in his legitimate business undertakings. “Some localities have no savings banks, and some that do have them are victimized by dishonest and incompe tent management. But is government ownership or management to be the cure for every business vacancy and every business failure or fraud ? It is true that the postal savings-bank would be an accommodation to communities without any facilities of the kind, but would it not be a detriment to the places whose savings it draws together and sends off to the money centers in stead of putting it out again in local business investments and enterprises as the savings-banks now do ? ” —The Free Press (Nat. Dem ) Detroit. S. C. Sparks, Blue River, Oregon. The writer hereof has been a sub scriber to the P. P. P. for some time. In fact I have given freely of my limi ted means, to the reform press gener ally. And I presume, should be bran ded, middle of roader. If you see fit to grant one of the boys a little space in your valuable paper he will promise your readers not to make any nominations for president. We believe such matters should be left to the people to be settled in their res pective primaries. If the People’s Party believes in di rect legislation, let them demonstrate that fact by making an application of the same principal in nomination of candidates. There is too much valua ble time wasted in wrangling over the question as to who is the proper and most fit man for the standard bearer of the People’s Party. If the friends of reform would only stop this everlasting, Infernal, internal warfare, and get right down to honest effort in bringing together the vast army of reformers (the divided) forces. It would be at least an indication that reason and common sense, had taken up her abode in the reform cause. There is one question, and a very per tinent one too, which must be answer ed before reform comes to our distract ed country. It is not as to who shall be the Moses to lead the great host to victory, but the question is from whence cometh the great host. Show an aggregation of voters whose num bers can not be overcome by any other party—and you can depend upon them raising up a leader for the occasion. Let us not drive away reformers whose co operation is essential to the success of the People’s cause. What does it signify whether they have trav eled the middle of the road, or whether (hey have been lost in the big woods or not. There is a popular song whose refrain is “Think it Over.” And if we are to profit from said refrain, by thinking it over, we can reach the common sense conclusion and fact, that if this People’s Party are to be successful at the polls, they must gather together an army of some 6,000,- 000 votes. These are facts, that re formers must face and solve. We will take the 2 000,000 votes the Populist polled in ’92 and ’94’and it will leave 4,000,000 short. True, then what’s to be done ? There is no question as to the reform element being great enough to carry our next national election if they can be brought into one harmonious body. So now comes the tug of war. How are we to bridge over the barriers which separate these reform elements ? Shall we shout middle of the road and persistently crib all who attempt to gain the road ? Or shall we go to work and widen the road ? Let us turn sappers and miners and do a little needed road work in order that there may be room for the 4,000,000 recruits necessary in order to tree the coon. There should be no still hunt about the matter. Let every man who be lieves in reform resolve himself into a committee of one, and demand that instead of a nominating convention to nominate a presidential candidate that a conference of all reform parties and forces be convened, and an organiza tion perfected, whose force will make the old parties tremble. United we stand, divided we fall, is as true today as of old. Bring the reform elements together, place direct legislation at the mast head, and victory will crown our efforts. Don’t set in the middle of the road and shoot Watson, Barker, Donnelley and Norton, but get up and go to work and make it possible for a leader to lead to some purpose and success. The Initiative, the Referendum and the Imperative Mandate, is the plat form upon which the people can be united. Let us not quibb’e over party names, but give us results. Broaden the road, and clasp hands with whosoever may come to travel therein lest we get lone some and discouraged on the way. The only thing new about the “new and purified” democracy is the new promises it made, and it has already broken them. The trouble with some people is they always wait until the cat is going to jump, and often the cat jumps so far they get left. The government won’t redeem its postage stamps in coin or any other kind of money, but they are worth dol lar for dollar all the same. The difference between the Demo cratic party and the Republican party is, the Democi atic party gave us the “present existing gold standard,” and the Republican party wants us to con tinue it. The last two or three issues of Sena tor Butler’s paper have been filled up with affidavits to prove that Butler hasn’t said anything calculated to hurt the feelings of Democrats. The policy of the politicians of the two old parties is to vote one-half of the voting kings against the other half, and rob them while they fight each other. And the voting kings seem to enjoy it. LIBERAL CLUB OFFERS. How to Secure Your Favorite Papers at the Wholesale Price. Do you wish to secure other papers at wholesale price often saving from 25 to 50 per cent on each? If so send in for one of the combinations shown below. Each name in the list you send in is enrolled as a club mem ber and gets the advantage of the club prices in the future. If you are already a subscriber to any of these papers, get a neighbor to take it and you the rest and thereby both of you get memberships and secure your favorite papers at low cost. All subscriptions are for one year. In ordering, cut out the club offer, attach it to your letter to avoid errors in entering your order and enclose the full amount of club offer by money order, express order or registered letter. Address all letters to NATIONAL PAPER CLUB, Atlanta, Ga. Dollar Club No, 1, Watson’s Story of France, Vol. 1- “ Roman Sketches. “ R. R. Question. “ Milledgeville Speech. “ Campaign Book. President John Smith- National Platforms, (Raynolds.) Dollar Club No. 2, Watson’s Campaign Book. “ Roman Sketches. “ R R. Question. “ Milledgeville Speech. National Platforms. (Raynold.) President John Smith. World Almanac 1898 (just out) Dollar Club No. 3. Farm and Home, (Semi-Monthly.) Appeal to Reason, (weekly). Farm Journal, (best printed.) Morgan’s Buzz-Saw. Dollar Club Mo. 4. 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