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2 THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. Established October 15, 1891. ATLANTA, GEORGIA OUR PUBLISHING COMPANY. THOS. E. WATSON, - - - President. MACKIE STURGIS, • ■ Secty-Tre»surer. AUSTIN HOLCOMB, - Advertising Mgr. Office 57 1-2 South Broad Street. SUBSCRIPTION RATES. Always in Advance. 1 Copy, One Year $ 103 10 Copies, One Year (without premiums) 7 0> 20 Copies, One Year “ “ IS 00 40 Copies, One Y’ear “ “ 24 00 80 Copies, One Year “ “ 44 Oo Sent to separate addresses. HOW TO REMlT— Stamps received up to SI Add 10 cents to private checks for exchange which we have to pay. Remit by money Order, Registered Letter or Express Money Order. SUBSCRIPTION COUPONS— To facilitate the work of club raisers, saving them the constant expense of money orders or registry fees on small lists, yearly subscription con pons redeemable at this office at any time at the full price paid will be sold to club raisers at the above rates. Each coupon will be re celved for one year’s subscription at any time and can be mailed In an ordinary let ter, no correspondence being necessary. De lays and losses are absolutely avoided by this system. Send for sample coupon. Al i orders should be made payable to PBori.B's Pabty Paper. WATCH THE LABEL— No receipts for sub scriptions are sent. The yellow address label shows to what date the subscription is paid. As each name Is cutoff the list on expiration subscribers will avoid delays and loss of sev eral Issues by renewing at least two weeks In advance of the date as appears on the label. Report errors immediately. CHANGE OF ADDRESS-Subscrlbers chang ing their address should promptly notify the office, giving the old address as well »s th new. We must have the old addres to find your name on the mailing lists. Always give the county. BUSINESS LETTERS— Letters with money enclosed for subscription or advertl Ing should always state the amount enclosed giving name, post office, county aud state. This is IMPORTANT to avoid delays aud errors All business letters should be addiess-c plainly People’s Party Paper, Atlanta,Ga and should contain no matterfor publication EDITOR’S LETTERS-Leit“rsfor theedlto , meeting notices and matter intended so publication should never contain mine) enclosures nor business cor’espondmce an shou o be addressed Editor People’s Pab ty Paper, Atlanta, Ga. ADVERTISING RATSS. OUR CIRCULATION-— A careful estimat* shows that over one million copies will b printed and eliculated mainly in Georgia Southern and Southwestern states dunuj 1898 to actual, paidin advance subscriber. Bates based on the above may be secureo from Steve W. Floyd, Special Eastern Agent, 1813 American Tract Society Building, New York City, for all business, exclusive of Southern States. Other business direct to this office. ONLY PAPER READ— The People's Party Paper being the recognized National paper of the party has large lists in Every State • I the Union, especially in the great middle west. Over 60 per cent of its subscribers take no other paper, hence its great value to legit imate advertisers—no other kind wanted. OFFICIAL ORGAN PEOPLE’S PARTY STATE OF GEORGIA. That McKinley Fake. (The only reply to be made to the charge that Mr. Watson advised any Populists, anywhere and at any time, to vote for McKinley, is that it is false.) T. E. W. Mr. T, E. Watson: —Sometime since I sent a copy of the P, P. P. to a friend of mine, or I should say a political friend of Mary Ann Butler. ' I don’t remember the date of the paper sent, but it was the one calling on Butler or any of his friends to tell where the People’s Party was at. I enclose the letter from J. F. Amis in order that you may reply to his charge as to you advising the Populists cf'Jcorgia to vote for McKinlgy. 1 believe some’kfncTof union will be entered into in this state betweon the Populists, Democrats and so-called union party on a platform with free silver, initiative, referendum and im perative mandate. The several parties to maintain their party organization. They call it union but it seems to me to be miss-named. Politics seems to me to be in a jum ble. As for my part, I would hail with joy a party who would declaim for direct legislation, government ownership and absolute money based upon all the resources of one country. If some such move is not made I fully believe the Democratic party will make such inroads into our ranks as to virtually destroy our party. But lam taxing your time. Make what ever use of Amis’ letter you see fit. With kind regards, I remain yours fraternally, S. 0. Spabks. Blue River, Ore. P. S. J. F. Amis was editor of the defunct Kansas Broad Axe. It died of fusion in '96. Great is fusion, S. Rallying the Forces. The year 1897 has past and gone, and left behind it many in a destitute con dition, with watery eyes, broken hearts and ragged backs. The politicians told us five years ago if we would elect a Democrat, president and both bran ches of the national legislation and give them a chance, that all the ills would be moved and prosperity would speedily follow. The Democrats got all they wanted or asked for, and had no excuse and relief did not come, and behold the country was put to mourn under that notorious administration. The laboring class of people were sorely grieved. Their eyes wet with briny tears, their hearts made to bleed and their backs clothed with rags. Many a bright mind has grown up in ignorance, hearts made to bleed, and beauty clothed in tatters by class legislation by that august body. Any man or men, party or parties, who dis criminate against the masses in favor of the classes is not worthy of support and should be wiped out of existence. We again in ’96 were promised if Mc- Kinley, with his tariff measure, was successful, that we poor farmers would be certain to get 8 cents for our cotton, our eyes be dried, our hearts healed and our backs well clothed, all kinds of ills remedied and this nation made to feel as proud as a boy with his first pants. Uncle Sam would have to build additions to his treasury to hold the money. It is just a little strange that an administration which can pull wheat past the dollar mark, cannot pull cot ton past the 4J< cent mark. Let us not be fooled any longer, think for our selves, vote for ourselves, and as the new song goes, vote as we pray. We hope the time will soon come when the socalled good people will vote as they pray. The people in Wilkinson by mismanagement let the Democrats get control of the county again. We must redeem the county again, and now is the time to commence work, start with the new year and keep our lines well closed up, all work and all work to gether, make a strong pull, a long pull and pull altogether, and the victory is ours. Start with the new year and . let no one be idle and work until the last ballot is counted and victory will crown our labors.. Observer See special premium offer of Cotton Wobld without extra charge, Sent with any club order. Steve Clay’s heme is in Marietta, Ga., where a munici- AS YE SOW pal election was recently held, which for open-faced fraud, and the bribery and debauchery of electors was SHALL YE RE •> never equalled in Georgia outside of Augusta All the candidates were Democrats, and as there was no common political enemy to defraud and thereby secure unanimity among the Democrats, the defeated faction assumed a virtue they had not and cried, fraud I fraud!! fraud !! ! and instituted legal proceedirgs to prove it. The victorious faction retaliated with counter charges of fraud, and prepared lists of illegal votes cast for the minority candidates and acts of illegality to fully rebut the hypocritical claim to fairness. The condition of affairs promised much towards exposing the corrupt Demo cratic election methods in Georgia—especially in the home county and town of Senator Steve Clay, chairman of the State Democratic Executive Committee, The old adage “when thieves fall out honest men get their reward” was on the verge of being verified, when Steve Clay put in his appearance with his Senatorial beaver hat and spike tail dress suit. He sw’ung his political whip over the heads of the contending forces, and corralled them with the ease of an experienced steer driver. A truce was declared pending negotiations for a peaceful, quiet, adjustment of the differences among the office-seekers or pie hunters. The negotiations resulted in both factions agreeing to have the election declared off, a new set of men for mayor and aidermen to be selected by Mr. Clay and his friends, and no prosecutions for violating the election laws of the State to be instituted by either faction. All of which was duly consumated, and peace again reigned in Marietta. To imagine that Judge Gober was ignorant of the terms of peace—(immunity from prosecution for buying votes, aiding and abetting men to illegally vote, and otherwise violating the election laws of the state) would discredit the bonds of political rascality which has ever bound he and Clay together. Week before last, the Superior Court of Cobb county met and Judge Gober proceeded to charge the Grand Jury upon the sanctity of the ballot-box in a republican government. How it should be safely guarded and protected against frauds of all kinds, and the duty of the grand jury to make diligent inquiry into the charges of illegal voting and violations of the election laws in the late municipal election in Marietta. Knowing all the time that every Democrat in Marietta had been bound by the Steve Clay treaty of peace not to prosecute one another for illegal voting or violation of the election laws at said election, and that said treaty if faithfully observed would prevent the grand jury from get ting sufficient evidence to indict any one fur practicing the methods adopted and advised by chairman Clay in 1894 to cheat Jas. K. Hines, Populist, out of the Governorship and save Georgia to the Democratic party. Up to the present wilting the Clay peace treaty has been faithfully adhered to. The grand jury has been unable to get sufficient evidence to indict any individual for violating the ELECTION laws under the Judge’s charge. True, they have indicted two citizens, for carrying concealed weapons and they have been convicted of that crime and the Democratic press is trying to make that appear as a vindication of the outraged election laws. The jury in their general presentments say: “After Investigating, as best we could the recent city election in Marietta we are satisfied that law and order were violated by the wholesale. Money was spent lavishly and much whisky used to influence voting. The repeating of votes was largely indulged in and EVERY law of the land tending to uphold FAIR elections and secure an HONEST choice by an intelligent and patriotic people, outrageously run over. * * In order to purify the ballot box and secure fair elections in the future we recommend adoption of registra tion system Public sentiment in Marietta is so favorable to thefbauds AND CORRUPTION PRACTICED IN THE RECENT ELECTION THAT IT IS ALMOST IMPOSSI BLE TO GET AT THE FACTS IN THE CASE.” ‘ Satisfied that law and order were violated by the wholesale but unable to get evidence to indict the rascals” is the grand jury’s honest reply to the farci cal charge of a corrupt judiciary. Why the grand jury was unable to get evidence to indict upon, when the vio lators of the election laws were in everybody’s mouth, finds explanation when they say: “public sentiment in Marietta is so favorable to the fraudsand corruptions practiced that it is almost impossible to get at the facts in the ease. ” Until it is shown that there are more potent political powers in Marietta than that exerted by Steve Clay and Geo. Gober the public must accept these peculiar findings of the grand jury as a just arraignment of these two promi nent moulders of Democratic sentiment in their home town. There is not an intelligent Democrat in Georgia conversant with the methods advised by Chairman Clay in the conduct of the Gubernatorial campaign of 1894 who does not know that W, Y. Atkinson was. made Governor by the identical methods which were practiced in the recent municipal election at Mr. Clay’s home. It was a repetition of the Gubernatorial election condensed and revised for home rule in Mr. Clay’s own bailiwick. There is not an intelligent Democrat in Marietta who does not know, if he does ffbt believeTthat Steve Clay’s unlatr -methods in that campaign were a greater recommendation for Senatorial honors before a Democratic legislature, than ability or fitness and that he owed his political preferment over his com petitors to that one fact. Therefore it follows, as natural as water runs down hill, that gentlemen as piring for political honors in Mr. Clay’s town should practice the methods which successfully landed Steve in the U. S. Senate instead of the pen. There is the origin of the sentiment which is “so favorable to the frauds and corrup tion practiced in the recent election that it is almost impossible to get at the facts.” That Mr. Clay engineered the treaty of peace which bound both factions not to prosecute viola* ors of the election laws for the “frauds and corruption prac ticed in the recent election” has been openly charged. There is the “fact” which prevented the grand jury from getting sufficient “facts” to indict and bring to punishment Mr, Clay’s imitators. Every Democrat upon the grand jury who knew thoroughly understood the mockery of virtuous indignation which permeated his honors charge. They could not help recalling that thrice in his short judicial life he had escaped the disgrace of impeachment by the skin of his teeth through the partisanship and lobby influences of the “men who control the Democratic party. First in 84 or 85 when articles of impeachment were preferred by the legislature, and the Hon. A. O. Bacon skillfully succeeded in getting it squashed and a coat of white wash applied. Second, when Gov. Northen in ’93 in his message to the General Assembly called attention to his unjudicial conduct in a case in South Georgia. Third, when Yancey Carter asked the legislative investigating committee to broaden their duty and give Mr. Gober a chance to clear his judicial character. Could the grand jury help feeling that the whole business was a judicial farce,or help knowing that the Democratic leaders in Marietta were responsible for the “sentiment” which kept “.facts” out of their reach, Mac. We are unadvised as to what was done by the re- THE MEETING OF organization committee at its meeting at St. Louis on the 12th inst, except what we have seen in the Associ- THE REORGANIZA- ate( j p ress dispatches, as published in the Democratic TION COMMITTEE. L p ee k who attended the meeting will pre- sent his view of the proceedings m the next issue of the People’s Party Paper. The dispatches say that chairman Butler and the National Executive commit teemen. except two, declined to attend the meeting, or at least were absent. The two who did attend were cordially received and in the appointment of committees were given important recognition. The time for the assembling of the next Presidential Convention is to be decided by a referendum vote of the rank and file of the party, three dates being proposed for ballots. Early, medium and late. An address is to be prepared by a committee and issued to the people. Having briefly stated what was done we can only speculate as to what effect it will have upon the present and future of the People’s Party. That the rank and file lost confidence in the judgment of chairman Butler and his committee for the various deals they made with the Democrats in the conduct of the last Presidential campaign prejudicial to Populist interest was evidenced by the rank and file demanding and supporting the call for the Nash ville Conference. Chairman Butler and his committee were privileged, even if they had not been invited, to attend that conference and advise and consult for the best in terest of the party. They were officers of the party and it was their duty to attend such an important gathering of the rank and file of the Populist army. But they did not attend. On the contrary they remained as far away as possi ble and ridiculed the action of the conference. The mistakes and bad judgment made and displayed at St. Louis in 1896 and during the Presidential campaign of that year, and the failure of chairman Butler and his committee to meet and advise with the rank and file conference demanded the adoption of drastic measures to prevent the certain disintrega tion of the People’s Party and the absorption of all our reform work by Bryan ites and Silverites. Recognizing the impending danger the Nashville conference appointed a Reorganization Committee to rally the discouraged soldiers, heal dissensions, and prepare the army for the great battle of 1900. Milton A. Park was made chairman, and has pushed the work of his commit tee with courtesy to chairman Butler and his committee and with patriotic faithfulness to the true and tried soldiers of 1894. Chairman Butler and his committee were invited to attend the meeting at St. Louis on the 12th inst, for consultation. Only two of bis committee attended. Why he and a majority of the National Executive Committee should persis tently absent themselves from these important conferences of the rank and file of the party needs explanation and a heap of it. We have our private opinion—which we have frequently publicly expressed— why chairman Butler so acts. He is a professional pie-hunter and will train with any party or faction that will give him the largest dish of pie, and no explanation he can make will go down with us unless preceded with confes sions and works meet for repentance, But the People’s Party grew when Marion Butler was training with the Re- THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER; ATLANTA, GEORGIA: FRIDAY, JANUARY 21, 1898 publicans to capture a seat in the United States Senate, and it would have con tinued to grow when Marion Butler trained with Bryan and the Democrats if he hadn’t choked the life out of it by reason of his position as chairman of its national committee. It will take on new life and a second growth now that the rank and file have demonstrated their independence of Butler bossiem. The Southern Populists will stand by the action of the Reorganization com mittee, and vote for a nominating convention to be held July 4th, 1898, when the question is submitted. We believe the Western Populists will join with us and that we will have the encouragement of our faithful friends in the north and east. Thus united, upon the broad principles of the Omaha platform, and opposi tion to fusion we can rally around our own colors elect new officers open re cruiting offices in the early summer and enlist an army of reformers sufficiently strong to save the toilers of this country from industrial slavery. Mac. After you have planted your corn and cotton seed do ATTEND YOUR you depend upon the sun, moon and rain to plow, hoe and cultivate it, or do you take your plow and hoe and COUNTY MEETINGS, give it your attention and labor ? Well, you might as reasonably expect your corn and cotton to grow and mature a crop without your hoe, plow and labor as to ex pect the political reform you advocate to get upon the statute books, without your presence and counsel at the meetings of your political associates The failure of the rank and file of the Democratic party to attend their coun ty and State meetings is one of the reasons why it drifted under the bossism of the few “men who control” and became as great an oppressor of the common people as the Republican party. Your party—the People’s Party—was organized to overthrow bossism and plate the people in control. This object can never be obtained unless the rank and file of the party will attend the meetings and direct the policy of the party. Allow a few men whom you have confidence in today to take the entire man agement and direction of your political affairs without the aid and assistance of your presence, and to-morrow you will be as badly boss-ridden as your Demo cratic brother. Human nature is the same the world over and the average Populist is not an exception. _ Prompt attendance upon your party meetings is as necessary to political purity as vigilance is to liberty, and is the surest remedy against the great evil of a few men controlling the many. It is so natural for selfishness to warp the best intellect and tarnish the pur est heart that we at times almost despair of ever seeing this great country freed from the grasp of Wall and Lombard streets and restored to the rule of the people, but when we remember the rapid growth of the People’s Party from ’9O to ’94 hope assumes the place of despair, and our faith in the integrity and patriotism of the common people is as fresh as the morning glory. If they would only arouse themselves and give a moiety of their time and attention to the meetings of their party the great reforms which they advocate would sweep this country. Political bossism of the few “men who control” would pass its sceptre to the people and peace and plenty would bless the indus trial masses instead of the monied classes. Mac. S. M. Owens, the fusion leader of Minnesota, and its IT CAN’T BE DID. manipulator, Hon. J. M. Bowler, are endeavoring to read Hon. Ignatius Donnelly out of the People’s Party. The latter named gentleman, Maj. Bowler, who has more brass than brains wrote Mr. Donnelly a threatening letter telling him that unless he submitted to the leadership of fusionist Owens and followed him submissively into the Democratic camp, that he, Donnelly, would have to leave the People’s Party. Mr. Donnelly has borne with great and commendable patience the tirades of misrepresentation connected and published by these two misguided fusion gen tlemen until further forbearance ceased to be a virtue, and in the last issue of the ‘ Representative” the “sage of Mininger” replies to the Hon. J. M. Bowler, from which we extract the following: “Go soak your money-swelled head, Major, in ice-cold whiskey and get it back to the original proportions of insig nificancy to which God and nature had assigned it. We all know your little game, Major—you want to be a ‘fusion’ candidate for lieutenant governor and then push John Linn, nolens volen, into the United States Senate and succeed him as governor. ‘ Oh Lord ! you are no more fitted to be governor of Minnesota than a hog is to be professor of Mathematics in the State University. “Retire into the infinitude of your own insignificance, Major, and trouble the world no longer.” Mr. Donnelly was one of the founders of the People’s Party, an author of world-wide fame, and has done more brain and financial work to establish the reform sentiment which crystalized in the People’s Party than ten thousand men of the mental calibre of his assailants. The pie hunters in the ranks of the People’s Party of Minnesota may hamper its onward march to success by creating dissensions and thereby advance the interest of monopolies and trusts, but jjhpy will never liv<? to tarnish the name or reputation of brave Ignatius Donnelly. Mac. ESTThe Banker’s Associations want this country to STRAY SHOTS have “HONEST" money.* That’s the burden of their anxious alarm. What this country needs is “honest” ON THE WING- bankers and any kind of commodity will answer for money. t®”Uncle Sam is the only “honest” banker this country or any other country ever had. He has never defaulted to note holder or depositor. Bankers redeem their notes because Uncle Sam promises to do it. They don’t pay their depositors because Uncle Sam don’t promise to do it. £3?"When a National Bank fails (and they fail every day in the year) Uncle Sam keeps his promise and redeems every note issued, but the National Banker never observes his promise to pay depositors, and these poor devils have to take what little they can get. [®"’‘Honest” bankers make “honest” money. money can’t and won’t make “honest” bankers. Got the cart before the horse, gentlemen. C3T"No law can make a banker “honest” but law can make “honest” money. BSF'Before the war, when 4,000,000 negroes were personal property, and the husband owned all the property of the woman he married, the most stringent bank laws failed to protect depositors and note holders against loss by bank failures. How much less protection would note holders and depositors now have since the negroes are freed, and the wife can own everything the husband was supposed to possess ? commodity can no more make “honest” money than one swallow can make summer. [ST'A goose can stand on one leg but he can’t walk without more than one. A country can exist with a single gold standard but it can’t prosper and grow. EEg?"Any kind of money is “honest” if it pays debts. It is the want of honesty in man that makes money dishonest. Government is the only power that can make money, and as the people is the government any kind of money it makes would be honest money, for no man can afford to dishonor himself. as practiced by Uncle Sam since Abe Lincoln’s death, is like the game of keno. The longer the people play at it the poorer they grow. HSF'An “honest” dollar, like an honest man, builds up industries in time of peace and fights battles in time of war. What industry in America was built by gold ; what battle won ? [®”Gold money is a thief and a coward. It robs industry of thrift in time of peace, and at the smell of gun powder tucks it tail between its legs and skee daddies to some bomb proof. [®"There are 12,000,000 voters in America who know and believe that the making of money is purely a function of the Government,and there are perhaps 4,000 voters who exercise that function themselves and they very naturally wish to continue said exercise. the future by the past there will be, after the next national election 12,000,000 fools and 4,000 sharpers, just as there are today. J®” The difference between the temple at Jerusalem and the nation’s temple at Washington is; Christ drove the Bankers from the former and the Bankers have driven the doctrine of Christ from the latter. Mao. Almost a year has gone by since a convention of del- WORKAND REPORT egates chosen by the boards of trade aud kindred or ganizations of sundry of our cities assembled in India- OF THE MONE- napalis and assumed the name of “The Business Men’s Monetary Convention.” That convention declaring un- TARY COMMISSION. J equivocally in advocacy of the gold standard and an nouncing undying enmity to our greenbacks, in fact to all paper currency other than bank notes, urged Congress to pass a resolution authorizing the President to appoint a monetary commission charged to formulate a plan for remodeling our currency system along such lines. To further such action by Congress the convention appointed a committee to press the President and Congress for the enactment of such resolution. The plea of this committee, when addressed to Congress, fell upon unheeding ears, which is little to be wondered at for men are not given to voluntarily abdicate their powers or acknowledge their incompetence and this is what this request amounted to so far as the members of the House Committee on Banking and Curren y were concerned- They deemed themselves quite as competent to deal with the currency question as any committee that might be recruited from outside of Congress. And this the irascible old gentleman who was and is Chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, but who was present as a delegate at the Indianapolis convention, did not hesitate to avow. He declared that the action of that convention In passing a resolution urging Congress to take out of the hands of its own committee the task of remodeling our currency system and put that task in the hands of some outside committee was an indignity to him and his committee, an impugnment of their competence that could and would be resented. But unheeding the protest of the chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency the Indianapolis convention passed a resolution calling upon Congress to authorize the President to appoint what this convention chose to call a non-partisan business men’s monetary commission to virtually supercede the House Committee. Os course, the House Committee was not overpleased and gave no special at tention to this plea that it abdicate when urged upon the committee appointed by the Indianapolis Convention to urge such action. But to this plea and the pressure brought to bear by the committee delegated at Indianapolis by the so called “Business Men’s Monetary Convention” of January a year ago the Pres ident yielded in July. Just before the day fixed for the adjournment of the special session of Congress he sent a message to Congress asking for authority to appoint a monetary commission such as that coatemplated by the Indianap ■ olis convention. Under this pressure the House passed a resolution such as President requested, but the Senate took no notice of this resolution and Con gress adjourned without action. Then it was that the committee delegated at Indianapolis to press Congress to authorize the appointment of a national monetary commisaion, and in de fault of Congress giving such authority to appoint a monetary commission on behalf of that convention appointed the monetary commission that now gives out its plan for remodelling our currency system, and will further report to the “Business Men’s Monetary Convention” that is recalled to meet in India napolis on the 25th of this month Whether the purpose of this commission was to evolve a plan to force a contraction of our currency, drive down prices, decrease the value of property and increase the relative value of debts to the profit of the creditor classes, or whether their purpose is to force the retire ment of our national currency and the substitution of bank currency, so that the banks may be given control over our measure of valuis and so systemati cally raise prices at one time and depress them at another, greatly to the inter est of the speculative cliques, a study of the plan launched before us does not make clear. But whether the purpose is one or the othei’ it is evident that the plan submitted is conceived in the interest of a class engaged in exploiting and thus enslaving their fellow men, it is clear that it would work to the detriment of the industrial classes, of all those seeking to gain a livelihood by honest toil and not by despoiling their neighbors, and, therefore, should be opposed. That the plan launched before us does not aim at contraction, that it contem plates the retirement of our national currency only so fast as bank currency may be substituted we are assured ; that this substitution would result in giv ing the banks the power to regulate our measure of values is denied That measure we are told shall be gold and gold alone and that the substitution of bank notes redeemable in gold for national currency redeemable in gold would in no way affect the measure of values It would remain gold. And this is ob viously so, for so long at the banks were held to a prompt redemption of their notes in gold it is clear that the volume of their notes, hence the supply of money and its value would be regulated by their necessities of providing gold for redemption. Aud any inflation of their issues so as to raise prices would add to these necessities, add to the demands on the banks for gold in redemp tion of their notes, for a raising of prices based on an increase of bank currency and therefore a raising of prices that would not be equally participated in by other gold using countries would result in such countries sending more produce for sale and taking less of our produce with the inevitable result of turning the international exchanges against us and so force us to send gold to pay the debts which our exports of produce would not suffice to pay. Such export of gold depleting the reserves of the banks would force them to call in their loans, contract their currency, in order to replenish their reserves. This, of course, would force down prices at home, while the exports of gold, making gold more plentiful In the foreign banks and tempting them to increase their loans, would tend to raise prices abroad. And so at last would the equilibrium of prices be restored, so that exports would balance the charges incurred by us on account of imports, our foreign debt, etc., and so obviate the movement of gold. At least this is the theory, it is the theory of British bank ing and a very smooth theory, too. But it is not at all certain that we could put this theory into practice. Sup pose the banks found it out of the question to contract so as to depress prices to the required level; suppose they found that such contraction would mean a general bankrupting of their customers, such as they dare not invite. Then the banks would have to suspend gold payments, then we would have an irre deemable bank currency, and then we would have a measure of values regulat ed by the banks, not the gold measure of values that we are told the plan now presented for our consideration would assure to us. But, on the other hand, suppose the banks could and would contract so as to maintain gold redemptions Then we would have contraction, would have lower prices, and we are told that this plan would assure us against contraction. We would learn that the mere proviso that national currency should not be retired faster than bank currency was substituted would not insure against contraction, that the bank currency would be contracted after issue. Now, it may be urged that though the volume of bank currency would have to be so regulated as to prevent serious gold exports and an appreciable drain on the geld reserves of the banks that such regulation would not mean con traction, that the banks would not find it necessary to contract in order to keep gold. But one thing is clear. The only way to keep gold is to make it worth less than our produce to our foreign creditors, and to make it worth less we must hold our produce at lower prices than other peoples from whom our customers can draw supplies. That is, we must sell our grain for less gold than the Argentinian, or the Russian, or the Indian or Australian O therwise our creditors will take gold from us and buy the grain they need from our competitors. So the question of keeping gold without con traction and without forcing down prices is simply this : Are we selling our produce, our food-stuffs and cotton cheaper now than our competitors will offer such produce in the future ? If not, we must have contraction, must force down prices in order to prevent gold exports. And obviously we are not. We are, it is true, offering our produce at present at lower prices than our customers can fill their wants elsewhere and so at present we keep our gold. But this is merely because misfortunes, crop failures have overtaken our competitors, because we alone have the grain to spare that Western Europe needs. And so of course the traders of Western Europe take our prodace in preference to our gold. But there is no question that the Argentinian can raise wheat and sell it in London, at a profit, for one-half the price in gold that we are now asking. The truth of this statement is vouched for by the United States Consular reports. This being the case there is no question that the Argentinian wheat grower will increase his wheat acreage, will be only too glad to raise and sell wheat for a smaller gold price than is now ruling. This he has done in the past. The crop of the winter 1896-97, his summer, failed him and of course he had no wheat to sell during last year. But this winter it is different. And therefore we will have this Argentinian underselling us again in order to get a share of the market that we now have. To meet that competition we must sell our wheat for less, and unless there is a scarcity of wheat next summer, if there is enough wheat raised in the wheat exporting countries to meet the demands ot the wheat importing countries, this underselling and cutting of prices will go on until wheat sells in England for twenty shillings or less a quarter, for it is at this price that the Argenti nian can raise and sell wheat at a fair profit. And while he can make a fair profit at raising wheat he will have an incentive to increase his wheat produe duction. Naturally he will go on increasing acreage and production until the resulting increase to the world’s supply of wheat has forced down the price of wheat to the price at which he can sell and still realize a fair profit. And, as we have said, this price, under present conditions, is twenty shillings a quar ter or less in London, which means 50 cents a bushel on the American farm. If the American farmer cannot meet this he will have to see his wheat re placed in the European markets with Argentinian wheat unless one thin g happens. And that one thing, a raising of the gold price at which the Argenti nian can afford to produce and sell wheat, a raising that would inevitably fol low a reduction of the premium on gold in Argentine, of the bounty on experts that has enabled him to produce and sell wheat at a profit for twenty shillings a quarter in gold, will not happen under gold monometallism. Beat down this premium on gold, this bounty on exports in Argentine so that wheat sold for forty shillings in gold will bring the Argentinian wheat raiser no more Argen tinian pesos than wheat sold for twenty shillings in gold now does, and then he cannot raise and sell at a profit wheat for less than forty shillings in gold, and then the American farmer can keep his market for wheat and command a dollar a bushel even when not b'essed by the misfortunes of others. But, as we have said, this beating down of the premium on gold in Argentine can only come from beating down the appreciated value of gold, which is not contemplated by the members of the “Business Men’s Monetary Commissionit cannot come under gold monomettallism save as the result of some unparralleled discovery of gold. The plan for remodelling our monetary system now submit.ed to us must lead therefore either to the contraction of our currency, a depreciation of pro perty and so a robbing of debtors in the interest of creditors or to the suspen sion of gold payments, the placing of the power to regulate the value of our measure of values and hence the movement of prices in the hands of the banks and'so the enrichment of the speculative cliques, the aggrandizement of the growing moneyed oligarchy, to the infinite loss and detriment of the produc tive classes. So in the interest of our producing classes, in the interest of those who strive to gather wealth by honest toil, not by despoiling their fellow men, in the interest of the majority not of a moneyed oligarchy alien to American soil, a class of abnormal wealth and power, the child of a monetary system con ceived in the interest of the few, a power of mushroom growth, a class builded on special privileges, in oligarchy that should have no roots where men are free, that retards the development of our country, the growth of our people in wealth and power, their approach to happiness and contentment, that threat ens their liberty and deprives them of the blessings thereof, let Congress bury the work and kill the plan of the Monetary Commission.—Wharton Barker in The American. The man who can control the medium of exchange is able to control every man who has to use a medium of exchange. There is no more reason that the government should endorse the notes of a bank than that it should endorse the notes of a farmer. VOICE FROM THE TRENCHES Virgil F. Hall, Mayfield, Maine. To us boys down in the trenches come sounds of discord. We are labor ing under grievous burdens, We are hoping almost against hope that a brighter day will come, if not for us, then for our children. We are praying with breaking hearts that our good ship of state, now tossed by the tem pest and manned by a private crew may find an honest and capable com mander and be preserved from the reefs and shoals that surround her and be guided into calmer and safer waters. All we can do is to use our small influ ence and vote for the principles that seem to us right. Our voices are not heard in our party councils. We are not in a position to exert, individually, very much influence in shaping our party policy. We can think and form opinions for ourselves, but must look to our leaders to plan the campaign and marshal the forces. If they are united and work for the good of their country and fellowmen, they can de pend upon us to follow unitedly and with enthusiasm. If, on the other hand, they seek each to lead a faction of his own and to have his own opin ions adopted as the rule of action re gardless us the opinion of others, then we, the rarrtrtHS’file Will be hopeless ly divided and march to certain defeat. And now, when all good and true Populists are asking “what shall we do to be saved,” there come to us from our leaders voices of bickering and dissension. Two of our New England captains, both of whom we regard as loyal and true-hearted reformers, are c tiling each other hard names in the public print And when we come to think of it, that is not so strange a thing after all. To be a reformer requires warm blood, as a rule. Your calm, cold man is, usu ally, not much of an agitator. Indig nities and injustice are less felt by the phlegmatic nature than by one whose every nerve is nourished by blood from a heart that feels not only its own but others woes. But this hot blood is apt to betray the reformer into indiscretions at times. A real or fancied lack of appreciation of his ef forts, on the part of those from whom he feels that he has the right to expect it, grates harshly upon his spirit, and he is very likely to use intemperate language, He must be very careful to have the brain exercise due nrfhresua over the heart, and must remember that only children call each other names in moments of passion. And now in regard to the matter that caused the controversy between our respected leaders. Wharton Barker’s name has been suggested as one proper to be consid ered in connection with the next pres idential nomination of our party. The reason urged in favor of his nomina tion commend themselves to many. The objection that he is not a Populist or at best only a new comer into the party seems to me to lack weight. Like myself and many others, he was a Republican. He fought manfully for the cause of the common people until convinced that it was impossible to bring about the reforms for which he labored within Ijie own »party. Then, like the rest of us, he left it The ideas which he represents are essentially Populism, I understand it, he advocates no principle today that has not been a part of his doctrine for several years. He is no new con vert. His nomination would have no element of fusion about it. (I fused once, as a greenbacker, and learned a lesson. Shan’t fuse any more, never, if I know it) It is only a question of policy, whether or not he is the most available man for the place. Mr. Barker is one of the few cool re formers. Yet, what he lacks in impet uosity, he makes up in force. He is strong, persistent and consistent. He certainly has qualities worthy of con sideration when we come to name our standard bearer in the next great bat tle for human rights. The objection that in nominating him we must pass by others who have borne the burden and heat of the day, appeals to my heart. Those are the men who deserve to be honors d. But who of our tried and true laborers, would feel himself honored by leading our forces to defeat when, perchance, some one else could have led them to victory? Ay, there’s the rub. who is the man that can draw after him all the reform elements, Populists, Liber alists, Socialists, Prohibitionists, Single taxers and the different organizations of whatever name whose aim is the betterment of the condition of man kind? And it is only by the union of all these that we can win our way. For the solution of this question all our wisdom and charity is necessary. In its discussion all bitterness and jealousy must be laid aside. Each must feel that others, though holding opinions differing from his own, may have the good of our cause as near their hearts as he. Let each present his plan for the campaign and urge it with all the strength of his convictions, but let him be mindful that some one may possibly have a better, And let there to adopt the better, T-Ja when adopted, let the pledge for its support be “our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor.” Then you can look for us of the trenches to come forward with a shout, and win a victory that will count for the uplifting of the human race. F. P. P. OFFICE MOVED. The People’s Party Paper office has been moved to the new 5 story marble front building No. 57 South Broad Street, known as ‘ ‘The Herald” building. No. 57 South Broad is near the corner of Hunter and Broad and directly in the rear of High’s block. An easy climb of two flights places you in the main office, where subscrib ers and patrons are always welcome. On your next visit to Atlanta call and see your paper in its new quarters. With one of the best equipped plants in the South and in commodious quart ers, the People’s Party Paper prom ises to continue in 1898 as well as it has in the past to be the best reform paper published. Club Baltera Attention. The year 1898 promises to be a red letter one for Georgia Populism. Sub scriptions will be more easily obtained than ever and reform literature put into every home in the state. We want you to enroll now for the work. Send for special terms to club raisers. People’s Party Paper. Club Department.