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THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER.
Established October 15, 1891.
ATLANTA, GBOBGIA,
OUR PUBLISHING COMPANY.
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OFFICIAL ORGAN PEOPLE’S PARTY
STATE OF GEORGIA.
Reform Editors Attentions
Will you not send us the names and
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whom we can send a sample copy of the
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form papers? Please send us such a
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Referendum Ballots.
Ballots on the time of holding the
next national convention should he
sent in at once, through county chair
men to the state chairmen and by them
compiled and results forwarded to the
nearest committeeman. When there
is aray delay likely, any 5 Populists can
call 1 meeting take the ballot asnd for
ward the certified result to Hon. Mil ton
S. I’alk, Chm., Dallas, Texas. District
and county chairmen are urged to call
meetings or through a committee to
canvass the vote of their districts and
send in returns at once, Single ballots
sent to state ehairmen or members of
referendum committee will be added to
the count.
Printed ballots with full data to fa
cilitate the voting can be obtained
from the Peoples Party Paper, free of
charge, parties ordering sending pos
tage at the rate of 10 cents per 100 bal
lots, 25 cents per 500, 40 cents per
1000. No packages of less than 100 are
sent out This represents the actual
cost Committees should order at once
and upon canvassing the vote send re
sults to state chairman For the states
of Ga., Fla., N. C., V>, S. C„ Ala.,
Tenn, and Ky., results to be sent to
Chas. E. McGregor,
Warrenton, Ga.
Traitor, in Camp.
Mr. Bailey, the democratic leader in
congress, says: “I have been criticised
for my opposition to fusion. lam
against fusion because I am a demo
crat. In Texas we do not need fusion
to win. If I lived in Kansas I might
be willing to fuse with the Populists
against the republicans. But the fu
sion ticket would have to be labeled
the democratic ticket to command my
support.”
Thus it will be seen, that men of the
Bailey stripe, who are placed in the
lead of the democratic hosts, would
rather destroy the country, or see the
people In slavery rather than fuse with
the people who are in dead earnest in
their efforts for reform. Such men as
Bailey when a crisis comes up as be
tween the people and plutocracy, will
always be found on the side of the
enemy.—Nevada Director.
The fusionists don’t seem to want
any referendum in their’n. It’s too
mortuary for them.
We note that the railroads propose to
furnish free transportation to the state
central committee and all the delegates
to the Missouri Democratic State Con
vention. If that was a Populist con
vention the charge would be made at
once that Hanna was paying the bills;
as it is a Democratic affair it is of
course ‘‘above suspicion.”
The fusionists are not having much
to say about the action of the national
organization committee at St.
Louis meeting They are between the
devil and the deep blue sea —it won’t
bear fighting and in it they see the
doom of fusion. That St Louis busi
ness will do the work. When the people
get a lick at the fusionists there won’t
be a grease spot left.
If all money rests upon gold, and
prices depend npon the amount of mon
ey in circulation, then it follows that
the men who own the gold have the
control of prices—that is to say they/
have One world by the tail and a down
hill pull.
The Democrats are claiming great
credit for voting so; the adoption of
the 'Beller resoluti® which provides
for the payment of bonds in either
gold or silver as the government
chooses. This is the same resolution
which the republicans passed 20 years
ago. Under the law the bonds can be
paid that way now; hut a Democratic
congress passed a law to stop the spin
age of silver dollars. The Democrats
are great reformers when out of power.
—Buzz Saw. ttK'
Mr. Bryan’s tour through the South to educate the
DEMOCRATIC people to resist the evil of foreign influences in Ameri
can legislation is timely and patriotic, notwithstanding
SEE-SAW. kg may ex p ec t another nomination for the Presidency
to reward him for his labor.
Whether his early canvass in the interest of the Democratic party was ar
ranged before our Reorganization Committee recommended an early Populist
nominating convention —even as early as July 4th, 1898—or whether it is an
effort to head us off from independent action and thereby aid the silver barons
in arranging for another fusion of the Populists and Democrats in the Presiden
tial campaign for 1900 will not seriously damage the good work Mr. Bryan is
doing for us among his Democratic following. His followers at the South need
education upoa the line he maps out, and they need it badly, and no teacher
can get their ear and applause so thoroughly and so heartily as Mr. Bryan,
Ever since the war southern Democrats have been ruled in national con
ventions by their Eastern brethren—the bondholders, corporation magnates and
trust syndicates. Every time a southern delegate to a National Democratic
Convention raised his voice and influence to revive Jeffersonianism and have
it practiced by his political party, the bludgeon of “negro domination” was
htVd over his head by the Eastern disciples of Hamilton, Until he was forced to
stul his voice, abandon his effort and cower like a half fed dog at the feet of
the representatives of European influence—an influence that has controlled
national Democratic conventions and legislation ever since Buchanaa was elect
ed in 1856 when August Belmont, who had declared he was not a Democrat,
contributed thousands of dollars to help elect Buchanan. Belmont was Roth
childs financial agent and Rothchilds then held many American securities, which
were paid after Buchanan’s election, and Belmont was made chairman of the
Democratic National Executive Committee—which position he held from 1864
to 1876, twelve years.
Ever since then the Democratic party has made fair promises and never
kept one of them. The party has been ruled and governed by European! influ
ence from that day to this time and will continue to be governed and controlled
by the influences which Mr. Bryan so eloquently denounces in our opinion.
In 1888 the Democratic nominee for President felt the mailed hand of Bel
mont, the issue was : “Shall the bonds be paid in lawful money when the con
tract so stipulates or in coin.” Seymour was defeated and Grant elected, and it
is reported that Belmont the representative of the Rothchilds raised 12,000,000
to get the “coin act” which prescribed that our bonds should be paid in coin
enacted into law. The records show how the votes stood—Democrats and Re
publicans voting “yea.”
When silver was stricken its death blow in 1873, Thos. F. Bayard, Democrat
and John Sherman, Republican, recommended the passage of the act known as
the “crime of 1873” and Democratic representatives voted yea just like the Re
publican representatives voted. After this servile obedience to European dic
tation Mr. Bayard was made Secretary of State and then minister to England,
and for the good of America he should he buried there. But Southern Demo
crats don’t think so. In their ignorance is their folly, and Mr. Bryan’s speeches
may enlighten their clouded minds.
In the whole history of adverse legislation to silver the Democrats have
kept pace with European demands and helped to bury it in the grave from
which the People’s Party resurrected it in 1892., not because we believed that
the free coinage of silver was a “cure all” for the evils from which the masses
suffered. We ungraved it because it had been foully assassinated by its pre
tended friends, and knowing that once resurrected, like Banco’s ghost, it would
haunt the blood-stained hands of both the old parties.
Mr. Bryan’s arraignment of the evils of European influence in American
politics, while general, will certainly awaken a spirit of investigation in the
minds of the and file of the Democratic party, and that is a long step in
the direction of a healthy education, and an investigation of the records of the
Democratic party in convention as well as in Congress will show that we have
made no charge against his party that is not substantiated by the record.
W‘e thought we would end this article with the above paragraph, but for
fear some moss-back, gopher-shell Democrat —and every neighborhood, cross
road store or bar-room is inflicted with one—will say “that is ancient,” “we’ve
a purified simon pure silver Democratic party which is represented by Mr.
Bryan” we call attention to the fact that Hon. J. K. Jones present chairman of
the Democratic Nattbnal Executive Committee has introduced a bill in Congress
to issue 1500,000,000 worth of Gold bonds to expedite the retirement of the
Greenbacks now circulating as money among the people.
European financiers could not fatten on American greenbacks—they can,
do, and will fatten on gold boaiSs. Mr. Bryan, the candidate of the party says
we must starve out these Eurdfcean financiers by legislating for ourselves.
Senator Jones, the chairman and legislator of the party, says we we must fat
ten these European financiers by issuing bonds and legislating against our
selves. Thus the Democratic party has fooled the honest rank and file for
thirty odd years. The candidates and platform promising one thing—the offi
cials and legislators enacting just the opposite. Mac.
The infamous corporation bill known as the Loud
THAT LOUD BILL, bill, has been referred to several times in these columns
and its iniquity and hypocrisy commented upon.
Democratic, Republican and Populist papers all over the Union have com
mented adversely to its passage, but if amy Democratic paper in Georgia has
exposed its perniciousness we have failed to observe it. Why silent upon a
matter in which they are vitally interested is beyond our conception, unless it
is because the Southern Express Company had a larger pecuniary interest in
the passage of the bill than the Georgia newspapers had in its defeat. Then
again it may be because two of Georgia’s most promising Democratic represen
tatives—Messrs. Howard and Fleming—voted for it.
A beautiful picture of Democratic inconsistency is prevented in the passage
of said bill. The bill is notoriously legislation in the interest of corporations,
and while Mr. Bryan the Democratic candidate is making speeches in Georgia
against the evils of corporation legislation. Bill Howard Democratic represen
tative of the Bth Georgia Congressional district and Bill Fleming Democratic
representative of the 10th Congressional district, are voting in favor of corpo
ration legislation. We present the New York World’s comments on the Loud
bill so that the Democratic constituents of the two Georgia Bills may get infor
mation which their home democratic papers will not give them.
“The Post-Office Department claims that in carrying newspapers at one
cent a pound it loses 11 cents a pjund. Yet the express companies seem eager
to take the business at the one-<gent-a-pound rate. They are so eager indeed
that they are actually doing a large part of the business, and their enterprise
is being interfered with by the Post-Office Department
On the route from Philadelphia to Washington, lor example, and on other
routes where mails are large, the express companies offer to do the work for
less than the Government rate. The express companies are certainly not in
business for their health or “for fun.” They can make money by carrying
second-class mail matter at one cent a pound, and that is why they want to do
it.
Why then does the Government lose 840,000,000 a year at the same business?
The simple answer is that the Post-Office Department permits the railroads
to cheat It outrageously, while the express companies look shrewdly after
their own business.
Why should not the Post-Office Department demand and compel railroad
rates as reasonable as those that the railroads grant to express companies for a
like service ?
The department pays the railroads 128,878,390.11 a year solely for oarrying
the mails.
The charge is at least twice what the service is worth. Why should not
Congress cut it down by one-half and utterly get rid of the postal deficiency ?
Since these mail rates were established, nineteen years ago, the average
charge for the transportation of other freight has been reduced nearly one-half.
Why should not the Government, which is the biggest customer the railroads
haive, get a like reduction ?
This is the root and marrow of the problem of postal deficiency. In order
to stop the deficiency it is only necessary to stop the steal.
An act of Congress is ten lines would do the business.”—N. Y. World.
We have not discussed Hon, Robt. Berner’s candi-
BERNER daey for the Democratic nomination for Governor be
cause we did not think that there was a sufficient gap
TO THE FRONT. between the positions of Spencer R. Atkinson and
Allen D. Candler for another horse But in this sur
mise we were mistaken. •
Flowery Bob has found one and he promises to make the race exceedingly
interesting for Speneer R. Atkinson, the multi office seeker and Allen D. Cand
ler, the ex-office holder.
It may be true, as the Atlanta Constitution claims, that a majority of the
newspapers and editors are against Bob, and it is undoubtedly true that the
“Protection” Democrats who are in favor of special privileges being extended
foreign capitalists, will fight him to the bitter end, yet the fact remains that
Boh isn’t scared much.
«
On the contrary he has opened his campaign with a stump speech that bristles
with defiance, and is full of good Populist thunder. A speech that exposes
the demagogical rot of the one-eyed plowboy’s slogan of lower taxes under
Democratic rule, and challenges the ex-Supreme Court J udge and present Rail
road Commissioner to defend his position of antagonizing the constitution of
the state.
The present high rate of taxation is the result of Democratic legislation
and Mr. Berner displays commendable party fealty in defending it and prophe
eying its instrease.
In reference to his personal services upon the stump in the Peek and Wat
son campaigns he makes conspicuous the absence of both the gentlemen who
now ask honors of the Democratic party.
In fact Berner has shelled the woods with hot stuff, and while we do
think there is a ghost of a chance of his getting a nomination, we adjaiire his
bold, straight-fight-from-the-shoulder for honors fairly won heretofore-but
wrongfully withheld by the “men who control.” Mac.
THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER; ATLANTA, GEORGIA: FRIDAY, MARCH 18, 1898.
In Mr. Bryan’s speeches he is not laying as much 1
THE DEMOCRATS stress upon the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1, as he <
did in the speeches he made during the campaign of 1
MUST ABANDON IT. lggg. The failure to capture the Populist vote by the *
sham battle in the interest of free silver coinage and 1
the heavy loss of the support of the single gold standard Democrats while wag- ,
ing that free coinage battle has about convinced Mr. Bryan that he must
change his bait or he will not be more successful in catching the Presidential ,
chair in 1900 than he was in 1896.
Every intelligent Populist—and the large majority of them are better edu
cated in financial matters than the Democrats—knows that free coinage of sil
ver is but an incident leading to an expansion of the currency, and as the
country needs more money than now exists they naturally favor the free coin
age of silver as one of the avenues through which that object can be accom
plished. We prefer greenbacks, government paper money, to either gold or
silver.
Mr. Bryan makes war upon the trusts and monopolies. So do we, but Mr.
Bryan expects to control trusts and monopolies through legislation. We be
lieve that Government ownership of the highways of commerce, is the only way
to control them. Mr. Bryan don’t believe that way, or if he does so believe, he
doesn’t say so.
Mr. Bryan thinks he can stop financial legislation in favor of the Rothchilds
through the Democratic party. Southern Populists know that the history of
the Democratic party is contrary to his anticipation, and believe that the only
way to prevent pernicious legislation is through the Referendum system.
Therefore when Mr. Bryan completes his Southern tour and retires to his
fusion home in the northwest, he will be a wiser man —either a Populist or a
single-standard Democrat —and when the next National Democratic Convention
is held free coinage of silver at 16 to 1 will be consigned to its graveyard habili
ments. Mac.
DANGER IN DELAY.
The Mrcular letter which Marion Battler has just sent to every member of
the national committee is the latest manifestation of the treachery of that offi
cial. I consider Butler in the light of psychological phenomenon. He seems"
to he utterly incapable of doing one honorable or manly art. He is alike des
titute of either conscience or shame
At the St. Louis convention the rule was adopted that any state could
change its national committeemen at will and pleasure It was realized that
the national committee had been packed with Democrats, and the above rule
was adopted so that the committee could be re-organized when men had recov
ered their senses. It was a loop hole of escape from the Democratic party. No
one has ever questioned the right of the convention to do this. With this rule
we can in a short time reorganize our committee so as to make it Populist once
more. Butler now proposes to abrogate this right. In his circular letter, above
mentioned, he puts in a demand through the mouths of some of his henchmen
that the rule in question be amended so as to take all power to change commit
teemen away from the several state conventions
This is the most unblushing act of villainy that this corrupt scoundrel has
yet attempted. It shows that the Bryan gang will stop at no outrage in order
to break up and destroy the People’s Party. And yet we have men in our
party who still think that by hesitating and waiting we can yet win over the
Butler crowd to Populist principles once more!
From the very first start of this unfortunate split I have steadily maintain
ed that we had nothing to hope for from Marion Butler. Our overtures of peace
have all been rejected. Every delay that we make only strengthens Butler in
his determination to hand us over to the Democrats. The St. Louis conference
of Jan. 12, made a fatal mistake in not taking the bull boldly by the horns.
Had a national convention been called then and there we should be in a far
stronger position than we are today. It was thought by this delay that
Butler and the fusionists would swing hack into the party. How did it work ?
Butler immediately joined hand with chairman Jones and Towne in issuing a
joint manifesto advising complete fusion ! This was his response to our over
ture of peace. Our hesitation to take aggressive action was construed to be
cowardice and was Butler’s opportunity. It weakened us and strengthened
him.
It is absolutely useless for us to fool over this matter any longer. Every
delay only saps our vitality the more. Butler now proposes to refuse recogni
tion to the re-organized committee. This is precisely what I have expected.
He will claim that the state conventions which deposed fusion members of the
committee were snap affairs and will proceed to summon the old members of
that committee to aid him in his damnable work. In fact, he will stop at no
villainy or outrage in order to hold his power.
. What are we now to do ? Many of our men favor holding a national con
tention in July to declare the policy of our party but that no nominations
Should be made at that time This is simply child’s play. We have already
held two such conferences to decide Jhuch policy. The Nashville conference
made such declaration, and so did the St. Louis conference of January 12, What
sense is there in meeting again for the same purpose ?
Every one knows now that the middle of the roaders are opposed to fusion.
Then why meet again to tell the world of the fact ? It would simply be a farce.
I would not cross the road to attend such a meeting. The Butlerites would be
delighted with such a nonsensical affair. While we were resolving and resolut
ing they would he getting in their fine fusion work. Unless we can meet in
July and boldly nominate our candidates for 1900 then let us not meet at all.
Let us not make asses of ourselves.
Let me .here remark that unless we make our nominations this coming July
we shall not make them in 1899 or 1900. Fusion will run riot this coming cam
paign and the People’s Party will be a thing of the past By that time the fu
sionists will be solidly anchored in the Democratic party, while the other fac
tion will have scattered in all directions. There will he no one left to hold a
convention of any kind by 1900 More than a year ago I predicted in these col
umns that fusion would be stronger than ever in the coming campaign, and I
have seen no reason to change my views. There can be no compromise between
the two elements of our party so the quicker we draw the lines the better. Let
us go straight forward and cut loose from the fusion gang at once. Democracy
will throw overboard the silver issue next year and become the avowed cham
pion of plutocracy. That will make no difference with the fusion pie hunters.
They are after the flesh pots and will never return to us.
The man who has done more than all others to bring about this disgraceful
condition of affairs is Marion Butler. Let the Populists of North Carolina see
to it that he is never returned to the United States Senate. Already the Demo
crats in that state have spewed him out and the Populists should follow suit.
If we cannot have a true Populist to represent us from that state, then vote for
a Democrat, a Republican, a yellow dog or the devil. Let his defeat he so
crushing that it may serve as a warning to traitors for all time. No matter
who may be elected to take his place, or what his politics may be, the first duty
of all Populists is to kill Butler. Use any club at hand to accomplish this See
to it, Populists of North Carolina, that the traitor receives his just deserts.
Carthago dilenda est I I* C. Bateman.
Barker Replies to Bryan.
Mr. Bryan, in a letter to the New
York Journal, calls upon Democrats,
Populists and Silver Republicans to
unite for the congressional campaign
of 1898. But union under Democratic
banners is impossible, and union under
other banners the Democratic leaders
will not consider, though it is well pos
sible that Mr. Bryan might. la-the
past the Democrats in control of the
party machinery have shown a readi
ness to fuse with Populists where the
Populists have done all the fusing,
made all the sacrifices, agreed that the
Democrats should have the emoluments
of victory. But where Popu
lists have asked recognition, in
sisted that the Democrats do some of
the fusing, surrender something to the
Populists for harmony, they have not
been anxious for fusion, and there is
no reason to expect them to look upon
fusion differently in the future, that
is, with favor if they are called upon to
make no sacrifice for fusion, with dis
favor if they must share with the Pop
ulists the fruits of success that may be
achieved under fusion. And Populists
have nothing to look for from a party
desirous of fusing upon such a basis.
If Democrats cannot trust Populists in
office, Populists caanot trust Demo
crats to carry out reforms, to offer an
earnest defence against the encroach
ments of moneyed oligarchy.
The disinclination of Democrats to
fuse with the Populists on other basis
than keeping for themselves all the
offices and emoluments thereof evi
dences one of two things—either an
aversion to putting Populists in places
where they may carry out the policies
dear to them, an aversion born from an
opposition to such reforms, or a dispo
sition to sacrifice such reforms for the
Tpells of office, as shown by their lack
of readiness to surrender any of the
spoils of office in order to promote
fusion and such reforms. And wheth
er it be that the Democratic leaders are
averse to fusion save where the Popu-
lists do all the fusing, make all the
sacrifices, because of an aversion to
Populist policies and an inward dispo
sition to serve the moneyed oligarchy,
or because they would rather see the
reforms upon a basis of which they ask
fusion defeated than to surrender any
prospective spoils of office to insure
their success, Populists cannot trust
them to carry out such reforms. There
fore, whether it be that the Democratic
leaders are opposed to recognizing the
principles of true Democracy or hold
the spoils of office dearer than princi
ple and are ready to sacrifice principle
for place and power, there can be no
union of the forces of reform under the
banners they hold aloft, for though
there may be inscribed upon those ban
ners the tenet of true Democracy that
is upheld and dear to all Populists,
equality of opportunity to all, special
privileges to none, though there may
be emblazoned thereon the words
freedom, liberty, equality, there can
be no dependence upon those carrying
the banners to resist the aggressions
of the moneyed oligarchy, to go in de
fense of freedom, liberty, equality, but
rather a certainty that either from
disposition or for the emoluments that
the moneyed few have it in their power
to bestow, they will lend themselves to
the furtherance of the plans of the
moneyed oligarchy to enslave man
kind And so again we repeat there
can be no union of the forces of reform
under the Democratic party, for its
success would give no assurance of re
form, no assurance that the rights of
man to an equality of opportunity
would be fully protected against the
encroachment of moneyed oligarchy.
It is true that Mr. Bryan asserts that
“co-operation does not contemplate
the abandonment of party organiza
tion or the surrender of any political
principles.” But whatever may be
contemplated we must judge the future
by the past and the fact is that co-op
eration, fusion, in 1896, between the
Democratic -and Peoples parties, a
fusion in which the Peoples Party did
all the fusing, did result in disrupting
the organization of the Peoples Party,
destroyed that party as a recognized
political party under the ballot laws
of many of our states and greatly to
its loss, bred infinite dissensions in the
People’s Party that threatened its very
existence.
It is also true that Mr. Bryan asserts i
that Democrats, Populists and silver
Republicans should unite because they
are agreed upon not only one but many
questions. They should unite, but
under the banners of the Democratic
party they cannot. Os the issues upon
which ail are agreed Mr. Bryan enu
merates nine. But the first two, unal
terable opposition to gold monometal
lism and the restoration of bimetal
lism at the present ratio by the inde
pendent action of the United States
are but different ways of expressing
the same question for those who de
mand the restoration of bimetallism by
independent action must be unaltera
bly opposed to gold monometallism.
Then again, Mr. Bryan points out
that Democrats, Populists and silver
Republicans are agreed in opposition
to the retirement of the greenbacks
and to the issue of paper money by the
national banks, but Populists demand
much more than the taking of this neg
ative course, they demand the taking
of a positive course that would not
only create, hut insure the mainten
ance of an honest measure of values,
the issue of money not upon a basis of
two commodities, gold and silver, but
upon a basis of all commodities, and
to this the Democratic party is oppos
ed, though Mr. Bryan, perhaps deem
ing it impolitic, does not take occasion
to express himself on this point. But
with nothing less than a paper curren
cy issued directly by the government
in exchange for labor and so regulated
in volume as to maintain a currency
of stable purchasing power can Popu
lists be content, for in this way alone
can an honest currency that will do
justice to debtors and creditors alike
and assure to all men the fruits of their
toil free from despoilment at the hands
of the creditor classes be insured to
our people. The fifth point of agree
ment to which Mr. Bryan points is
opposition to the issue of gold hearing
bonds in times of peace. We had sup
posed there would be equal agreement
in opposition to the issue of gold bonds
at any time but it may he we were
mistaken. Besides, this question that
Mr. Bryan makes do duty as a point of
agreement common to all those oppos
ed to the Republican party should of
right be included in the first question
he enumerates, namely, opposition to
gold monometallism which certainly
must carry with it opposition to the
issue of gold bonds.
Then Mr. Bryan points out in the
sixth place agreement in favor of an
income tax as means of raising a part
of the federal revenue. But he has
nothing to say as to disagreement as to
the justness of raising revenue by cus
toms duties imposed on certain impor
ted articles of common use that we
cannot produce and must import. Yet
this disagreement is most radical. Such
taxes are put forth by Democratic
leaders and have been advocated by
Mr. Bryan as the justest, most equita
ble of all taxes. But they amount to
per capita taxes, taxes that retrt, upon
all men without regard to their means,
that fall upon the poor man just as
heavily as upon the rich, that require
that the man dependent on his daily
toil for a livelihood and with no pro
perty should contribute as much to the
support of the government as the man
with much property and living in idle
ness upon rents and interest, and such
taxes, Populists hold, are grossly un
just and inequitable.
The abolition of trusts Mr. Bryan
enumerates as the seventh issue upon
which Democrats and Populists and
silver Republicans can agree. And in
the abstract it may be said they are all
opposed to trusts. At least there is
common profession of opposition
to trusts. But when it comes
to ways and means for the abolition of
trusts there is no agreement between
Democrats and Populists. The trusts
have grown out of unjust and grievous
railroad discrimination against their
competitors. For this discrimination
the only remedy is government owner
ship and operation and this Populists
demand. But Democrats assert that
this is not to be thought of, that as the
government has not created such dis
crimination by law it eannot interfere,
must let such discrimination go on,
And so again is this doctrine of laissez
faire, of let alone, carried further
when it comes to proposals for directly
legislating against the trusts. In short,
a large wing of the Democrats are
willing to go no further against trusts
than to remove the tariff duties pro
tecting trusts from outside competition
in the disposal of their products, and
this would fall far short of the aboli
tion of trusts, it would not even weak
en them for it would leave the cause
that gives them being and that sup
ports them, railroad discrimination,
undisturbed. In Short, these Demo
crats have nothing hut a futile remedy
to propose for the evils of trusts and
their abolition. On this point there is
divergence not agreement between
Democrats and Populists as there is on
the question of taxation.
The eighth point of agreement enu
merated by Mr. Bryan is opposition to
government by injunciion, but the
Democrats in Congress do not seem to
be disposed to raise this question or
propose legislation to restrict the courts
to their proper functions, the interpre
tation of law and check their usurpa
tions of legislative and administrative
functions. And the last point of agree
ment which Mr. Bryan enumerates,
namely, “arbitration as a means of
settling disputes between capital and
labor” is indefinite in the extreme.
With few exceptions all men favor ar
bitration as a means of settling such
disputes. But if such arbitration is
not to bs made compulsory mere decla
rations in favor of arbitration are
meaningless Whether or no Mr.
Bryan to infer that there is
agreement between Democrats and
Populists in favor of compulsory arbi
tration is not clear but that it would
be a wide departure for the Democrats
from their doctrine of laistez faire to
advocate compulsory arbitration and
upon which there is no unanimity
among the Democratic leaders is quite
certain.
Appealing to Democrats and Popu
lists to fight together on what he
refers to as nine issues upon which
they are agreed, hut upon several of
which issues they are diametrically
disagreed, while on the others therp is
no assurance that the Democratic par
ty is agreed or can be relied upon to
sustain them, Mr. Bryan adds that, “If
the Republicans obtain control of the
Senate and House at the elections of
1898, there is no doubt that they will,
by law, surrender the contract right
which the government now has, to pay
coin obligations in silver.” But this
right the government has already sur
rendered. Mr. Harrison surrendered
it, Mr. Cleveland surrendered it, Mr.
McKinley has surrendered it. True, it
is surrendered by executive ruling not
by legislative act. But if the Congress
elected this year should pass an act
surrendering this right the Congress
elected in 1900 could repeal this act and
reassume such right. In reassuming
such right there would be no breach of
contract on the part of the govern
ment The forms of contract under
which our bonds have been issued were
fixed by acts passed in the years 1870
and 1875, and no declaration of Con
gress can change the meaning of those
contracts.
In 1878, Congress declared that under
those contracts the government could
justly pay the interest and principal of
such debt in silver coin. Yet a differ
ent interpretation, an interpretation
that the creditor has a right to pay
ment in either gold or silver as he pre
fers, has been given by the executive
branch of the government, the solemn
interpretation of the Congress of 1878
ignored. And so may the next Con
gress reverse the interpretation of
1878 and approve the executive inter
pretation of to-day. But as the Con
gress elected in 1898 might reverse the
interpretation of Congress in 1878, so
might the Congress elected in 1900
reverse the interpretation of the Con
gress of 1898. So the evil effects of
Republican congressional victory in
1898 would not be irretrievable. And
as to such election being followed by a
surrender of the right which the gov
ernment has to pay coin obligations in
silver, and which Mr. Bryan seems to
fear as the worst result of such a victo
ry, it can only be said that such sur
render has already been made, that we
could suffer no added evils by surijcn
dering that which has already been
surrendered.
“The advocates of thegoldstandard,”
concludes Mr. Bryan, “the enemies of
independent bimetallism, the oppo
nents of the greenbacks, the friends of
national bank notes, the defenders of
trusts, the supporters of government
by injunction, and those who object to
arbitration and an income tax —all
these find no difficulty in uniting on
the main issues, no matter how much
they may differ upon the minor ones.
Shall the friends of reform show less
earnestness or less sagacity ? ”
We answer confidently that Popu
lists will show no less earnestness, we
trust no less sagacity. But Populists
will show their earnestness as oppo
nents of gold monometallism and ad
vocates of bimetallism not by smother
ing their party identity and supporting
a party that cannot be depended upon
to fight aggressively and sustainedly
the aggressions of the moneyed oli
garchy ; they will show their earnest
ness as advocates of honest money not
by the negative course of opposing the
retirement of the greenbacks and an
increase of bank-notes, but by demand
ing the issue of a paper currency di
rect to the people and in volume suffi
cient to maintain a stability of prices,
so that a strictly honest currency may
be created and maintained ; they will
show the earnestness of their opposi
tion to trusts by cutting at the root of
such trusts, railroad discrimination,
not by supporting the party that
scorns to advocate government owner
ship of railroads as a remedy, that
proclaims its preference to tolerating
such discrimination to turning to gov
ernment ownership as a remedy ;
they will show their earnestness in
support of an equitable system of tax
ation, their belief in an income tax, by
demanding that all taxes shall be im
posed in proportion to the means of
the individual, not in supporting the
party that advocates a system of per
capita taxation as the justest and most
equitable ; they will show their sagac
ity by working to bring about union of
the forces of reform, not under the
banners of the Democratic party,
which have been besmirched by the
corrupt practices of the party, that do
not stand for equality of opportunity
for all, that are not carried oy those
who can be depended upon to defend
our people from the encroachments of
the moneyed oligarchy upon their
rights and liberties, and under which
there can be no union of the forces of
reform, but under the banners of a
party upon which are inscribed the
words freedom, liberty, equality, the
grand tenet of true democracy, “equal
ity of opportunity to all, special privi
leges to none,” and shows itself worthy
of such banners by its acts, a defender
of freedom, of liberty, of equality, that
can be relied upon, a party worthy of
confidence and support, a party under
whose banners there can be union of
the forces of reform, the Peoples Party.
—Wharton Barker in American.
Populists of Mclntosh.
Mclntosh county Populists in Mass
meeting having selected three delegates
Nelson Amos, Isaac Gary and R. K
Walker, to State convention to be held
in Atlanta on March 16th passed the
following resolutions:
1 That we place no confidence in
Democratic pledges to reduce taxation;
for we having had Democrats continu
ously administering our government
since the days of Bulloch, find our taxes
higher now thau ever before, and
harder to pay.
That they have broken their pledge
to do away with the convict lease sys
tem, and that in the matter so import
ant as selecting judges of our courts,
they have passed a bill whereby the
will of the people in any judicial c r
cuit can be over-ridden by the votes of
those living outside of said circuit.
2 We demand the repeal of this law,
and that a law be passed giving voters
in each judicial circuit the right to
select their judges. We further demand
that the rights guaranteed by the con
stitution be restored, so that all the
officers who look after county and city
affairs, shall be selected by popular
vote, and uot as is now the case in
some of our counties, appointed by
grand juries.
3. We pledge ourselves to work earn
estly aud faithfully to elec' men to
ofliee who have the interest of all the
people at heart.
Let the assistant Democrats go where
they belong.'
OUR LITTLE SAY.
W. S. Morgan.
We also have a little tale to unfold.
We began our fight for reform in 1874,
twenty-four years ago. We cast our
first vote for a Peoples ticket put out
through the influence of the Grange, in
Missouri, that year. Since that time
we have never faltered in the cause of
reform. We have labored hard and
made many sacrifices to help the work
along. We have spent time, money
and the best years of our manhood.
We have aided in building up three
political parties. We have seen two of
them —the greenback and union labor
party —fused out of existence. We
have witnessed the demoralizing effects
of fusion in the Peoples Party and
know that it means its destruction if it
is not killed.
We know that fusion has its origin
in the hearts of selfish politicians who
want to take a short cut to the pie
counter. We know that these men put
up false pleas of patriotism and policy
that deceive thousands of honest men.
While all this is going on we know
that, while it will give these schemers
a short season at the pie counter, it
will inevitably destroy the party just
as it has destroyed the greenback and
union labor parties. We know that if
not stopped, all our work, all our sac
rifices, and that of thousands of other
sincere and earnest men and women
will he worse than lost. We feel that
another generation will have to come
onto the stage of action before the
people will have confidence ’enough in
leaders to again rally to the cause of
humanity as a political party.
Is it any wonder, then, that we have
no patience with fusion or its advo
cates ? We have borne much, and hop
ed against hope, that we might be mis
taken, and that some good might come
from fusion. But we have watched
and hoped in vain. While some little
good may be accomplished in a
particular locality it only serves to
clothe with respectability that which
means disintegration and death gener
ally. Never, under any circumstances
will we submit to it again. We are
willing to forgive and be forgiven, and
join once more with all who, although
they advocated fusion, now see the
mistake and are in favor of straight
independent work. But we want the
fusionist to go where he belongs, to
no longer pose as a Populist, and from
now on, in conventions and under all
, circumstances, we notify them that
between us it is “war to the knife and
the knife to the hilt.”
Our feelings are intensified in this
matter by the sacrifices we have made
and the twenty-four years work we
have behind us for the cause.
Shall we see all that work come to
naught that a few men, most of whom
have not been out of the old parties
long enough for the gangrene to dry
up, shall have a position at the pie
counter ?
Are all our sacrifices to count for
nothing ?
Are we to listen now, and blindly
follow a few men who have only re
cently left the piratical ships of the
old parties and assume that the proper
thing for us to do is to steer our craft
up along side of an old party hulk and
commit ourselves to the tender mercies
of its pirates ?
We give due notice now that we will
do no such thing, and men may yell
Hanna, and boodle, and bolter until
they are black in the face ; it will have
no terrors to us We will stick to the
old Populist ship until she sails tri
umphantly into port under her own
flag, and with her principles nailed to
her masthead, or, if she sinks, we will
be found standing on the deck by our
guns fighting for the great cause of
humanity until the waves shall roll
over us and it is impossible to fight
longer.
But if we go down we will "fall fight
ing under our own colors, and not
those that have been dishonored by a
thousand broken pledges, and prosti
tuted, in the name of patriotism, to
foster corruption, despoil the ballot,
rob industry, depreciate honesty and
encourage political methods that are a
disgrace to our civilization.
If to be true to the cause of Populism,
which is the cause of suffering human
ity, is to perpetuate dissension and
bring down upon our head the denun
ciations of the place holders and place
hunters, and results in our ship being
tossed in stormy waters, then we saj:
“Nail to the mast our holy flag,
Spread every threadbare sail,
And give her to the god of storms,
The lightning and the gale.”
Troup County Acts.
A meeting of the Peoples Party was
held in Lagrange today at which it
was decided to retain the old executive
committee and the following gentle
men were elected as delegates to the
state convention : Wm. M. Boyd, B.
F. Anderson, Edward Cline, Henry
Floyd. Alternates, Clark Phillips,
Joe Hames, Peter Tatum, J. M McGee.
The opinion is unanimous that inas
much as McKinley is the logical candi
date of the Republican party and as
Bryan has already canvassed the
United States and Mexico as the candi
date of the Democratic party, the 4th
of J uly next will be quite late to hold
our national convention, especially as
there is an insidious attempt being
made by the Democrats to induce the
Populists to join them in putting the
best men in the legislature in order to
wipe out the stigma put upon the state
by the incompetency of the last legis
lature, these best men are always
purified, organized democrats.
To all such propositions we say “get
thee behind me Sa’an” as we know it
is the same St. Louis fusion in differ
ent dress.
John H. Traylor, Chm.
J. J. Tutxjng, Sec.
MORPHINE
Laudanum, Cocaine and all other
DRUG HABITS.
FREE TRIAL TREATMENT AT HOME.
Painless, Harmless, Sure, Permanent,
Entirely New.
We will send anv one addict'd to Morphine, nr other
drug hahitH. a trial treatin'nt sutlni.ni tor t. n days.
I REE OK CHARGE. the it.osl remarkable t.tn.d.v
tor tins purpose .Y. r.hNcover. .I. eomamm.- tbe gnat
vital priin ipl. , larking in all other r. nn dus St nd
name and addr.-s, and prove the truth or falsity .four
!xli U ''sp- a iall l v ’wYt’hVhvsirnni's. ’ 'hrotn' the tini. . tt. k
1!l4 tirst d..M <,f ( ,ur rrnu dv, all <l. sir. f..r drugs dimp
pears. You p. ;i t once to sh-.-p v. 11. rat "ell.ai.d
gam weight and su-ngth. Th.-only tein. dy that» urcH
without rnti'.in patient anv buttering wliatt'ir. He
friu-tnrv .use, s..H. i1..l 1n.1..,5.-.l M l‘l»-u nlxl
ilissimilir in m r. reupi-rl from mi. ullu-r known
pal'i'.'lir''','ll', in nbh .nlii.lv
recovered and free from all desires fornterl.v pubSeßßing
tln-ln. .■..irvi.poll.l.tn -u Mn.-fly cnnllileutial.
ST. JAMES SOCIETY,
1183 Broadway, N. Y. City.