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2 THE PEOPLES PARTY PAPER, Every Friday at 57*>£ So. Broad St. Atlanta, Ga. OUIi PUBLISHING COMPANY, PROP’S. SUBSCRIPTION; RATES: (Always in Advance.) Ono Year (With Premium.) $1 00 Six Month*, (No Premium.) fa) •I-'or Th*’ Campaign, (to Oct. 10.) 25 Eastern Advertising Agent. Steve W. Floyd, 1313 American Tract Society Building, New York City. Ol FICI A L ORGAN PEOPLE S PARTY, STATE OF GEORGIA. ♦ CARDINAL TENETS OF ♦ PEOPLE'S PARTY. ♦ ♦ Creation and Maintenance of an Hon- ♦ ♦ est. Measure of Value*. ♦ X Fn-r Coinage of Gold and Silver. J ♦ Government Ownership and opera- ♦ ♦ tiraiof Kailroiul, Tel.-iri-nph and T.-l.- ♦ ♦ PhoneLlm-s. ♦ ♦ Opposition to ♦ Opposition to Alien Ownership of Land and Court-made Law. J R. . i.ifion of theL'.. ht <,f the People ♦ J toKule, ).<•., The Initiative and Hefer- J ♦ endum. People’s Party State Ticket. For Governor, J. R. HOGAN, Lincoln. For Secretary of State, L. 0. JACKSON, Decatur. For Comptroller General, BEN MILIKIN, Wayne. For Treasurer, J- H. TRAYIOR, Troup. For Attorney General, FELIX N. COBB. Carroll. For Commissioner of Agriculture, W. P. G OVER, Bibb. For School Commissioner, B. M. ZETTLER, Fulton. For Prison Commissioner, J. S. DAVITT, Polk. Peoples Party State Platte, For Georgia. Adopted in Convention March 16, 1898—Readopted May 18, 1898. RESOLUTIONS, Taxation of th* -mt*- having under Dmno- Cr.tt?-. imini-tr..ti<'ii, iic-i• ain*.' than UK) 1" ” ' <■l B. 1.. Lull •• ' . ■ ; .11 ■ .ii lo _• th* lungl.C nropt-ri v ..r ri;. . i . .h <i‘.|*-d in valu< .ni<-o ]<.;•: rl.d h. -. if ).la.. din pou .r. Fo r< <!u« < th-- pr, nt In .li rat-- of taxatb-n with- 'ic hvjhi-. ■mv.-n-K.n *.f th.- Populists with* nt a national chairman, and • all upon the naC'.iial connr.il t- .-to r/irn Uy the i-v.'l at the ritr!;r-i por-sit.lo MHH.I- nt. h'- - >lv> <l. 'lh. . . -im r<• the .-!■ I ;..ii of th*' N -: \ »l|. nf.-r. ip- . tii.l ;h< a.-lit-n ot th.- r* • J_ " ‘i. '’i i.;.a u.d •oiiv. ntion to ]„• held in t tin-. t’h-.r..i. -h r. ÜB/J’iln along the tno.-d progr iv.-aml a ivan.*«-dJin* < PLATFORM. 1. W<- mdor -• the ISt. Louis platform. li.t-- <:.■:■ s. up ju-; -:ip nt of condemnation ‘‘Th.'pudli.-<-oi' m-.. revolts at the license iis n:aiiil>.ld *•■, ,i . h. .’ou,-,id.Tati<.n <>t r<-v*-nim tl.ai pa \- !• - i .!■m atii h< 1 lie public hr.rdens Hi We ’..V.,!- the of ;m ant|- Lm : - ii, IMI -h dmll clo the i:ur- ..jhs nt ♦ ;• < h ■ J. ...ih- -. ■ tin- I.K-al prohi- bition air. a ?. . <!, ,:•• 1 and provide for the Fair-of i!,t. . -..’J r I .no!-, otherwise than in barroom, under public control. :j. Wo * mpli-itic.Jly .-ondcinn the convict law | a--- 110 th«-l> , latii!.-of as L-ing ’ w* 'ih li.v that tho'stat*-herself should ke* p ] - .• :n■ , - ■ ’i< r and .should employ C • : di t..e pul - i- . ; . and not allow lie;p ;, , ;11 e< • 111! h•ti I;. dl With fl- ’»• labor, H-id that 1- p.rm. Pon. s Lc • -labh.dw 1 for jav< ■ Hi!, e- , ..: 11. .. - 1 ,dl • 0,.i • -i r. . o-mmon fc.-- ( p!:!ig • pa-n- tioni r.’.droad eorperu- »■ • ' ' 1 ■■ fl • - • •: . 1 ■ -i.iitv and jmi ,al 7. We demand th.-:! all ( 111.11-. ojHcer.s bo i>f th .1. •'( • - ,:id oiieii rs Os till- stilly b.\ the h- •• •'- a'- -u •’ ol 1 -aid ’ .mijm’d <;r. ’"w/- hl.-1 ;e< ur- iv. to . eui-.’ an am. c.dnu nf of the. .a-titution of the ’.He which shall pro vid- ' a--, .■ .n <>i t h. •• . i-in t |>.;s < p. Wy d- noun, -ho ■ nt f. .p m and ■ '.I n ■ ''. \ i- * \ I E. Numerous be pools, c > -vgcbuSud Chau- , 'in a" t ‘V. Wuison vvSiHil i I toe present and ■ -iver an address';’ The managers of many of these insti tutions hold Mr. Waison’a declination of their invitations and yet persist in publishing as a fact that he will attend. Thia is rank injustice to Mr. Watson as well as to the public and is nothing short of a fraud on the people who put faith in it and should stop at once. Mr. Watson has been noted for keep ing bis appointments when regularly made and such fraudulent practice does him u gr**at iejust ce. The public will not long stand these bogus an- H’ uncementb, made without authority or foundation. When Mr. Watson ac cepts an invitation, his letter of ac ceptance will be the safest announce ment to credit Uaevf.y Howard. No money is good money that can not be hud when it is wanted- AX ALLEGORY. J Beyond the waves of a tempestuous - ocean, three thousands of miles from J nowhere, there lay a vast continent of untold natural resources, of agricultu ral resources unsurpassed, of mineral « wealth unmeasured, a continent pec pled by a race of industrious, energet- - io and inventive people well versed in y the arts of agriculture, mining and manufacture, well skilled in reading nature's secrets, following nature’s ways and making the most of the great " natural resources of their country, and withal a people Inherently progressive, I ever intent on climbing to a yet higher ’ plane, making labor more productive, and their command over the boundless forces of nature greater and greater. A virgin soil of unsurpassed fertility > welcomed the husbandman and en , couraged him to fresh efforts, while > hidden away in the bowels of the > earth were vast stores of coal and iron, J copper in deposits of marvelous rich- > j ness, lead and nickel and the lesser l» metals in abundance, while the rugged ? mountain ranges of this marvelous a continent bore veins and deposits o’ J the precious metals of a fabulous rich _ ncss. Thus hidden away in the earth were , vast stores of mineral and agricultural wealth, a nascent wealth only waiting to be uncovered and developed to be come appropriable by man to his uses, the promotion of his comfort and hap pincss. And in thus developing the unparalleled resources at their disposal the people of this continent had male great progress. Under tillage they brought the fertile soil until there was no dream of scarcity, but such an abundance of food raised that much was spared to feed the peoples of other lands There was a period in the his tory of this continent when food was often scarce, when the fear of want and famine was ever present, when al most all men were tilling the soil. But that time was long since passed. Year alter year a lesser and lesser propor tion of the people were occupied in tilling the soil, yet year after year a - greater abundance of food was raised. It was because agricultural labor be- * came more productive, because better soils wore brought under cultivation year after year, because better instru. ments of tillage and more economical I means of harvesting were brought into use. All this came with the accumulation of wealth. At first the lighter though poorer soils were cultivated. They were cultivated because the needs of , the people were pressing, because there was little surplus production of food ■ that those who did not raise their own , food could depend upon. Consequent ly nearly all men had to engage in ra sing crops and they had to occupy soils that could be readiest cultivated and brought under tillage at once. These soils were of course the lighter 'i soils on which grew little underbrush II amidst the forest trees, soils in which the efforts of the husbandmen were not handicapped by roots, and soils that needed no artificial drainage Thus the heavier and richer soils were ti passed by, passed by because they could not be cleared and a erop raised the same year, because several years’ time was required before such soils could be brought into a condition fit < for tillage. Therefore the poorer soils were at first cultivated. And then it ’’ was that there was scarcity and fear t of scarcity, then that agricultural la bor was least productive. But as year followed year and the lands first tilled became more readily • tillable and at the same lime, because of better tillage, more productive,more and more food was produced pre-por- i lior.ately to the number of people. Thus the surplus foed that each Uusbai:d man produced bepond iiis own needs grow, us it grew it became availabl ■ for the support and therefore eniploy ’ merit of men to bring the more fertile binds under cultivation, of other men ' who would occupy themselves witli 1 making farm tools and of still o:hers occupying themselves with the manu r facture cf clothing, the spinning of „ vool and weaving of cloth that bad 1 before been done on the farm, but with primitive facilities and at. much greater expenditure of labor. Thus did labor f become more productive, steam and s electricity, heretofore unrivalled forces of nature were harnesred, the arts of metallurgy were mastered, so the ! nascent wealth of the earth, the wealth that nature offers to those who work i in harmi'j:;/ with her laws, the wealth of the soil and the bowels of the earth was uncovered and appropriated. Bles sed with a territory of such great ua ' j tural wealth and developing the natu ral resources with a marvellous succ jss fulness and rapidity as the result of diligent application to mastering the laws and forces of nature, the people of this continent produced and gather ed wealth on a scale never before ap preached. The soil under the industri- ■ ous und ekiiied cultivation of a small, r . and smaller proportion of the total I number of peopi , produced more than ; an abundance of food for all, the min- \eral wealth of the country was uncov ercud, mines were opened capable of proijhicing more coal and iron than thcreX was demand f_r, furnaces and mills were in existence capable cf meeuing all the wants of the people for iron I and steel, woolen and cotton mills of tk productive capacity greater than the q|emands of the peop e wore in existence. | Thus thLro should have been an abundance Vis food, an abundance of clothing f- r lad, for an abundance was or could be (produced. Yet there was not abundant-e. Thousands of monos industrious habits, skillful workmen could find no Wyork, their families suf fered from wand of food, were without sufficiency of (clothing. Year after year the farmci- produced more foed, year after year ..is labor became more predtic ire, yet ufre recompense for hisj labor became leas and less. From hlsi labor his country grew richer but in j THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER: ATLANTA, GEORGIA: FRIDAY, JUNE 17. 1898. the enrichment of his country he did not share. So also did there come a greater and greater use of more and more economical machinery and there with the labor of the factory hand be came more and more productive. He produced more wealth but proportion ately to the wealth produced got less. So there was a country peopled by an industrious and wealthy people, a peo ple of unequaled productive power, yet a country where the few reaped the benefits of the increased productive ness of labor, whece the many sowed but did not reap, where the few gath ered the wealth, the industrious, pov erty. Naturally there should have been happiness there was discontent, where there should have been universal abun dance and comfort there was general scarcity and suffering. Thus a people blessed by nature found themselves under a curse. They saw that as their efforts were cursed and as they were not eursed by nature they must be cursed by man. And this curse they found in the shape of a toll exacted on all interchanges of the surplus products of labor and by those who rendered nothing in return, by those who did not facilitate such interchanges but re tarded them. These arbitrary tolls being dexter ously mixed up with tolls charged for services actually rendered had long passed unnoticed. Thus had certain persons been granted the right to build and operate the steam highways of the nation. For the transportation of freight and passengers over these highways they were freely given the right to charge tolls and thus recom pense themselves for the costs of build ing, keeping up and operating such highways. That they should be so paid for services rendered in the trans portation of goods and passengers was right and just. No one complained. But it happened that they charged tolls that were more than ample to recom pense them for their outlay, charges that were more than fair consideration for services rendered. In brief, they added to their charges simply because they had a monopoly, charged the people for the use of priv ileges that the people had given them. Part of their charges wore for services rendered, part were toll exacted by monopoly. But mixed up together it was hard to pick out what were just charges, what monopoly charges. This was made increasingly difficult by the way in which the railroads kept their capital accounts. For example, they universally issued stocks and bonds purporting to represent a greater in vestment of money than ever went into the construction of the roads. In a word, they unscrupulously, not to say fraudulently, watered their capital ac counts so that it was made to appear that the roads cost two times or more what they actually did. And so wha’ was an exorbitant return on. the real cost of a road was often made to appear quite inadequate. Os course, those men to whom this watered stock was issued grew rich while the industrious classes, having to pay a toll to monopoly on the inter change of the products of their labor for the products of others, were depriv ed of the full profits of industry. Those persons to whom this watered capita) was issued by the railroads were those who did what was called ’’financing the roads,” and to the railroad mana gers Thus the railroad managers is sued watered stocks and other repre sentatives of capital to themselves and to those promoters and bankers who helped them in the operation. But this was far from the worst side of railroad management. The worst was management so as to stifle some enterprises and enrich others, so as to bring prosperity to some localities, stagnation and destruction to others. This was done systematically. To one enterprise in which the railroad cliques lisd a part ownership interest, or to one in which railroad managers were given an indirect interest in return for special privileges, certain favors in transportation rates and services were granted while all other competitive enterprises were discriminated against. That is, to the favored enterprises, lower freight rales were given, both in the gathering of raw mat. rials und in the marketing of the products, than were charged their competitors. Os course the favored enterprises could produce cheaper and distribute cheap er than their competitors, so undersell and bankrupt them, This they did for it was to their interest. The favored cliques then stepped in und bought up the bankrupted properties. So doing they gathered the savings of others’ industry and at the same time gained a monopoly. Possessed of the properties that once belonged to competitors they removed the discriminations against such pro perties and that had made them un profitable, while all the clique enter prises, thus possessed of monopoly through railroad aid, built up their profits higher and higher by the charge of monopoly prices. Thus fortunes gathered rapidly on this turn of the wheel, but they were gathered by cut ting down tran-portation rates, and so at the cast of the railroads. If the cliques had then possessed the railroad securities, of course this loss would have fallen upon them. But they were not so i hurt sighted as to put them selves into the position of robbing Peter to pay Paul, or rather self to en rich self. Before they wrecked any railroad by robbing it they took care to tell their ownership in it, cr at least that part of It represented by stock and junior binds. When they put up rates on a lino cf read with the view of crushing cut the enterprises on that road that were competitors of the clique owned enterprises, the earnings of such road were naturally swollen, for the earnings, the very vitals of ths competing industries, were sapped to this interest payments eapiti.l puss;- i.:,-. v.i u ■ tn tiic sv. . u ’ l ' a',.: e.n.sij such securities to appreciate in selling value, a deluded public being tempted to buy. And then the cliques sold. As a result the public had the securities of the road when the cliques wrecked it, and" thus were investors stripped of their accumulations. Os course the low rates that wrecked the railroad made the enterprises along it, and favored by such cut rates, profit able. As a consequence they became salable at appreciated values and the cliques were enabled to dispose of them at a good profit and buy up the wreck ed road with the proceees. Then the operation was repeated. And so it went on until the wealth of the country became centralized in the hands of a few railroad cliques. They made the curse that blighted the pros perity of an otherwise blessed people, they mode the curse that shut off men from the enjoyment that should have come with the increased productiveness of their labor. Awakening to this, at last, this peo ple resolved to break the curse put upon them by these cliques. As an entering wedge they resolved to build a railroad of their own across the con tinent, a highway that would serve the public not the cliques, that would pro mote the interchange of commodities and stimulate industry by insuring to all men the fruits of their labor. There was ample labor in the country and out of employ to’ make the cuttings, build up the fillings, grade the roadbed and lay the track ; there were rolling mills without employment quite capa ble of rolling the rails, there were mines of iron capable of supplying the needed iron ore, mines opened and ready to supply the coal to smelt it. above all were there idle miners only too anxious to mine the needed iron and coal. So too were there masons and bricklayers innumerable who were ready to do the needed work, so there were bridge builders, locomotive and car builders, and men ready to make all kinds of track supplies. Thus within itself the country had all the resources to build the road. The farmers were only too anxious to raise the food that the men employed in constructing such road might need, and they were more than capable of producing food in abundance. And so could the manufacturers of clothing easily keep the, men who would be en gaged in such work of construction, fully clothed. Such manufacturers were without work simply because the men who would thus be given employ ment were without work or money and unable to buy the clothes they needed. Simply because the workman out of work was stinting himself and family in food, simply because he could not clothe himself aud his decently, simply because the farmer could not find re munerative for his products or the r. anii'ae’his, the product ive force of was re.-.’ric'.e I. Such was the eißKuon when the peo ple of this great imnamed continent, a people blessed by nature, cursed by the greed of man, resolved to build a railroad across their continent Then to the government came an agent of a foreign banking house, and on behalf of that house, offered to loan the money, at the rate of 3 per cent, needed to build the road. But the wise man whom the people had put at the head of the.r government replied: ‘ Do you propose to import an army of aliens and loan us their labor to grade the road and build the roadbed?” ‘‘Oh, no 1 ” was the reply, ‘‘that your own idle people will supply, they will make the cuttings and the fillings, they will construct the road.” “‘What then do you propose to loan us,” inquired the 'vise man, “the steel rails or the bridge siruotures or the tra k supplies or the roiling stock ? ” ‘Oh.no! all that your own people w ill supply, they will make the rails, they the bridges, they 7 the track sup plies end rolling stock, they will build the road.” ' What then will you do?” queried the, wise man. ‘ Why, supply the mpney, to pay the labor, to buy the rails, the locomotives,” was the reply. “And that will the people supply for themselves,” was the response. For that they will pay you nothing. They create ths road, with wealth of their creation it must be built, with their capital not yours will it, be constructed, To build the road you offer no capital, you offer but the representative of cap ital. And if our people must create and contribute the capital they cun create the representative of capital, the money with which to pay ihe labor, to buy the rails, the locomotives, the ears. Money is but the mere rep resentative by which wealth is ex changed, by which the product of ouo man is exchanged so-t the product of another, and the people who can cre ate the wealth need not borrow the in struments by Which it may be exchan ged. Those inswuments they can make for themselves, those instruments they shall now make. The govern ment will issue notes each of which shall read ‘this note will bo received by the government railroad at its face in payment for freight and passenger charges and by the National Treasury for ali taxes and public dues.’ This will give these notes an exchange value at once, this will make them pass as current money, this will make them pass as current money, this will make them acceptable by all merchants having dues to pay to the government, ami being so acceptable workmen will gladly accept them in payment lor their labor, knowing that they can exchange such notes for the food and clothing that they need, the maker of steel ra'ls will be only too glad to take them for his product, knowing that he can pay labor with such notes and meet the other costs of production. So the issue of these notes will give employ ment to labor, will make increased de mand fur the products of farm and factory and mins by those who are now half starved and half c othed, there will come prosperity for farmer and manufacturer and wage earner alike, the railroad will be built simply by stimulating the productive abilities of the nation into activity and build by the exercise of energies that would not otherwise be exercised, the employ ment of labor that would otherwise be idle. “When the notes issued for this pur pose are received by the government either for taxes or dues or later in pay ment for the transportation of freight or passengers over the government road” continued the wise man “they will be effectually redeemed. But to cancel all such.notes when received in payment of taxes would inevitably cause a great hole in the public rev enues. a hole that would have to be filled by new taxes. If this was done it would amount to building the road by general taxation. Again to cancel all such notes when received for the carriage of freight or passengers by the government road would, if a large part of the receipts were in such notes, en tail a deficit in the operation of the road, for about two-thirds of the re ceipts of railroads, on a basis of pres ent average transportation rates, are absorbed to meet operating expenses. The other third remain as profits. Therefore the notes issued by the gov ernment to pay for the construction of the road and received in payment for transportation services cannot be can celled in a ratio of more than one-third of the notes received without causing a deficit which wou’d have to ba met by general taxation. That portion of the notes received for transportation that would be required to meet the costs of transportation would have to be reissued when received, that portion received as profits on transportation might be cancelled. Therefore it shall be provided that these notes shall bo receivable at their face value for all taxes and public dues and government railroad charges and when received for taxes or public dues shall be reissued, when received by the government road such proportion shall be reissued as will meet the costs of operation, such proportion as represents profits shall be retired. Built and operated after this manner the road will pay for itself in a few years and at the end be the propi-nty of the people. Built by bor rowed money the people would pay tor it within a few years bu’. at the end it would be the property of the cliques.” So said the wise man to the agent of the foreign banking house who pro posed that in breaking the curse of the railroad cliques the people should shoulder the curse of a bonded slavery. So those, who, seeing the people bestir themselves to throw off the curse of the railroad cliques, sought to cast over them another curse were baffled. So was the railroad built, so were ths rail road notes issued, so was life instilled into all industry, employment given to labor, and prosperity reigned. . It wst. seen that as the. road paid for itself cut of profits and the notes issued to pay for its construction were csn> celled, there would come contraction’ falling prices, Industrial stagnation, unless such contraction was provided against. This was done by providing for the construction of new public works and the issue of new notes as the old were cancelled thus guarding against contraction and providing for a steady increase in the volume of cur rency concurrently with the increase of trade aud expansion of industry. As the old nates were paid off out of prefits, transportation charges were reduced to a point so as to yield a rev enue only equal to the costs of trans portation. And this reduction was very material, for as laws were re duced traffic increased and the costs of transportation concurrently decreased, for the large- the volume of goods end number of passengers transported the less is the cost ton for ton and passen ger lor passenger. Besides, the vast sums that had been exacted from ship pers but that never found their way into the treasuries of the clique man aged roads, being paid to the cliques as rebates for favors granted at the expense not of those granting th?, favors but of the investors in railroad property, were saved. So the cheap ening of transportation resulting from the eonsiructiou and operation of rail roads by the government was very great and the interchange of commodi ties, and hence diversification of indus tries, leading in turn to greatly in creased productiveness of labor was in finitely encouraged. But this was not the only benefit by far that accrued to the people from Uns new policy, for this now policy was the means of establishing an hon est monetary system. It was noted that the increase in the volumne of currency caused by paying out cur rency on account of railroad construc tion caused a greatly increased demand for all lines of goods to spring up. It was also noted that any contraction in the volume of currency caused ashrink in this demand, a general fall in prices, undermining of profits and shrinkage of business. And so was it noted that that as the volume of currency was ex panded aud greater employment offer ed to labor wages rose, aud that unless the the government raised the rate of wages offered as pay for labor employ ed on government works any inflation of the currency would check itself, for men refusing to work for such pay the opportunity to put such notes into cir culation would be closed. It was fur ther recognized that inflation, causing sharp and speculative prises in prices unsettled business even as did contrac tion, causing sharp and great falls in prices; that the money calculated to promote industry was honest money that would neither rob the creditor on the one hand or the debtor on the other, but that would secure to men the fruits of their toil, so that the most industrious would be vouchsafed thq greatest rewards. Aud it was seen that honest money was money of invariable purchasing power and that the volume of money should be so regulated as to insure such stability in values, With the gen eral progress of invention and society labor of course becomes more product ive and if wages do not rise propor tionately prices will tend to fall. But if prices do fall the creditor classes will share in the increased productiveness of labor which they have done nothing to bring about, which is not the fruit of their energy but of the energy of others, and in such they have no right to share. The only way labor can ful ly profit from its increased productive ness is through rising wages. Prices should be kept stable and as labor be comes more productive wages should rise. Therefore it was seen thnt the gen eral level of prices should be the meas ure of honest money, that the volume of money should be so regulated as to keep prices stable, that this could be done in connection with the construc tion of government railroads and pub lic works. By making employment for all the idle the government provided for an issue of money in sufficient vol ume to enable the people to make the utmost of their productive capabilities. Any undue inflation and rise in prices soon checked itself in two ways. First by the increased profits of industry stimulating individual enterprise, caus ing competition among employers for the services of wage earners, thereby raising wages and consequently dimin ishing the inclination of mon to accept government employment. Consequent ly the opportunities for the issue of currency were curtailed as there was inflation while the constant cancella tion of notes out of the profits of gov ernment enterprises not being made good by new issues contraction soon followed until the danger of inflation was past. If such contraction went so far as to threaten to destroy industrial activity by undermining profits, such contraction was soon checked; for the moment men found themselves thrown out of employment by curtailment of production caused by contraction, fal ling prices and shrinking profits, they sought government employment, were paid in government notes aud thus the currency expanded until the fall in prices aud shrinkage in profits was checked. With the progress of invention labor became more productive, and if the volume of money had been regulated by the rate of wages paid by the gov ernment, and that rate was arbitrarily fixed, prices would have certainly fallen and injustice have been done. But by regulating the rate of wages by the general level of prices, raising such rate whenever the general level of prices was found to have fallen, and in this way encouraging an increase in the volume of currency sufficient to restore the general price level, such price level was made to regulate the volume” of money and an honest measure of values secured. So to all men were secured the fruits of their toil, each man’s industry and capability became the measure of his o.vn success; thus were men rewarded according to their due, industry freed from all its handicaps flourished, there was no longer heard the plaint of the idle, no longer the spectaclo of a great people wasting their productive force, but of activity, happiness, contentment of unrivalled prosperity. For the people of the United States this unrivalled prosperity is not unat tainable. It is ours if we throw off the curse of the railroad and moneyed cliques that now blights our fair pros pects. Suppose we set about it and prove ourselves worthy of our heritage, —Wharton Barker’s American. Little Too Swift. Samuel Gompors, President of the American Federation of Labor has gone out of his way, as the head official of that order, to tell the working peo. pic of Toxas how to vote for governor. He advises them on the strength of his labor record, to vote for Mr. Joseph Sr,yers. Mr. Sayer’s labor record may be all right. If it is it is more than a goodly number of the workers of thia Country think about Gompers, whose labor record, if reports irom the labor press of the country be true, is not above suspicion. Texas workmen, who are on the ground, know better than Mr. Gotupers can tell them, how to vote on the question and as far as the Mercury knows, his advice is entirely gratuitous and unsolicited. Mr. Gom per’s letter is addressed to Mr. Sayers campaign manager, and by him has b?en made public. The federation of labor is in polities only on such occa sions as this, and then it is in politics of the rankest order. The federation of labor should put a brake on Mr. Gompers. We Texans think that polit ically, he is quite too “swift.”—Mer cury. Strange But True. If you want to damn anything in America, add or prefix the word “free” to it and the thing is done. The word “free” has a peculiar stench to Amer icans. Free land, free trade, free speech, free press, free exchange, free men aud freedom alike arc under the ban of public prejudice. If there is one word more than another that should be dear to Americans, it is certainly this word they turn up their noses at and denounce as impracticable. This is the result of education which they have received from their industrial and political masters. You can educate a nation into any fallacious belief if you will take time and prevent them from seeing the truth. —Appeal to Reason. Every Man is Needed. If the Populists in each county will, between now and November, talk to every man, woman and child ten years old in their county and fully explain the Texas relief railroad and the re ferendum ths Populists and indepen dent Democrats and Republicans can easily elect a majority of the legisla ture and a state ticket. It requires a revolution of this kind to overcome the corporation campaign fund and official Combuation. Every patriotic man and help.—Mercury. The Crime of 1898. On Saturday last our plutocratic sen ate passed the bond grabbers bill, oth erwise known as the war revenue hill. For its infamy and hellish purposes this bill will pass into history a fitting sequel to the national banking act, the credit strengthening act, the refunding act and the demonetization act Another great national crime has been perpetrated against the common people. Another link has been forged in the chain that would fetter the hu man race. The bond holding robbers of nations have again held us up by the cry of war while they picked our pockets with an issue of bonds. Let the people mark well the politi cal parties, the men responsible for this imfamy. Populists throughout the nation stand opposed to bonds. Populist sen ators introduced two amendments to this bond bill. One amendment called for an issue of $400,000,000 full legal tender, Lincoln greenbacks, to take the place of the bond issue. The other amendment called for the coinage of the silver bullion now piled up in the treasury. Both these Populist amendments were defeated and the bond bill passed by substantially the same vote. The yea and nay vote by which the bond bill was passed is as follows: Yeas—Aldrich, Allison, Baker, Bur rows, Caffcry, Carter, Chandler, Clark, Davis, Deboe, Elkins, Fairbanks, For aker, Frye, Gallinger, Gear, Gorman, Hale, Hanna, Hansbrough, Hawley, Kyle, Lindsay, Lodge, Mcßride, Mc- Enery, McMillan, Mantle, Mason, Mitchell, Morrill, Murphy, Nelson, Perkins,' Platt (Conn), Platt (N. Y), Pritchard, Sewell, Shoup, Spooner, Thurston, Turpie, Warren, Welling ton, Wetmore, Wilson, Wolcott—4B. Nays—Allen, Bacon, Bate, Berry, Butler, Cannon, Chilton, Clay, Cock rell, Daniel, Harris, Heitfeldt, Jones (Ark.), Jones (Nov.), McLaurin, Mal lory, Martin, Money, Pasco, Pettigrew, Pettus, Rawlins, Roach, Stewart, Sul livan, Tillman, Turley, White—2B. From the above vote it will be seen that 48 senators stood for Wall street, 28 senators stood for the people and 12 senators sneaued from responsibility. The make up of the senate is as fol lows : Republicans 46 Democrats St Populists 7 Silver Republicans 4 Total ...88 Every Populist should cut out and preserve this yea and nay vote. When your backbone gets weak and your knees knock together it will strength en your Populism. Show it to your fusion friends. Ask these “think alike” fellows to kindly explain the whichness of the how. Ask your “think alike” fusion friends why the seven Democrats, Turpie, Lindsay, Mitehell, Gorman, Murphy, McEnery, anil Caffery voted with the Republi cans for Wall street and for bunds. Ask why these seven Democrats oppos ed silver and greenbacks. Ask why the eight Democrats, Gray and Kinney of Deleware, Smith of N. J , Faulkner of West Va., George and Walthall of Miss., Mills of Texas and Vest of Missouri, sneaked into the cloak rooms and refused to answer when their names were exiled.. Note that 75 senators cast their votes and there were only 12 absentees or sneaks. Os these 12 sneaks, Bof them were the Democrats named above. Os the entire number of 31 Democratic senators 15 either voted for the bonds or refused to vote against them and we are told that Democrats and Populists “th.air alike.” Os the 4 eilver Repub licans, bo it remembered that every man had the courage of his eonvietiqns and voted against the bonds or like Teller made speeches against the bill. Os the 7 Populists the entire delegation voted against the bill except the fusiou ist K.’le. la the face of this record and these facts the Democrats and Silver Repub licans have the gall to ask and the as surance to expect that the Populists of Hennepin county shali submit the nom ination of thoir congressional candi date, T. J. Caton, to the acceptance or rejection of a committee of 5 Demo crats, 5 Silver Republieanc and 5 Popu lists. Populists believe in the referendum principle, in referring all questions, all nominations as far as possible to the whole people or a large number of rep resentative'. Populists would i. 't entrust the nom ination o.‘ a congressman to a commit tee of 5 chosen from their own party and it is absurd if not an insult to the intelligence cf our party to expect or ask that we entrust such nomination to a committee, a majority of whom are choson from other parties, The chumps are not all dead neither are they all Populists. Think of these gentlemen under a flag of truea and an alliance banner making us a “heads I win, tails you lose proposition.” Think of the Demo crats coming into our convention and making us the proposition that “they would take the turkey.” N<r gentle men, we care not for the offices. It is the good fat turkey of substantial re form that we are fighting for. We be lieve Mr. Caton will do his best to get it for us. We believe he will neither vote for Wall street noi- sneak from duty in his country’s peril. Our allies say they seek the same ends. They claim wo all think alike. Let them prove these assertions that they think with us by voting with us. If these allies should refuse to heart ily support a genuine Populist congress man, the unanimous choice of the Pop ulist party, such refusal together with the foregoing record of Democratic senators should settle for all time the wisdom of our present independent action.—E. A, T. in Representative. C Loyalty to the country does not re quire a citizen to be blind to the fault* or mistakes of his country’s eervante,