The reflector. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1817-1819, March 31, 1818, Image 1

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THE REFLECTOR. . I. MILLEDOEVILLE, G. TUESDAY, MARCH 31, 1813. MU. 21. POLITICAL. SOUTH-A MERIC AN QUESTION. rilOM THE NRtt-TOIUv EVENING POST. following letter received from onB of respondents at Washington, presents actant subject in so interesting, s<> ml so imposing an aspect, ns should ml the attention of every man who due concern for his country’s welfare. io ordinary business before Congress to be going on as usual, and quietly— stion of a provision for the surviving of the revolutionary army is still «!>*- g, and what will be its form or late is ncertain. re are, however, beneath this quiet c two or three subjects of importance, may he brought up during the present and discussed, with more animation al than hitherto have appeared in the sof the. present winter. No one sor ed hygreater difficulties, than thntrclu- o the independence of the patriot colo ns understood that the president feels difference respecting the exertions of colonies to establish their imlepen- but that he is nevertheless desirous suing a cautious course relative to and which, while it accords with theii shall not endanger the great interest of States, li a firm conviction that the imlepen- iof these colonies must materially pro file welfare and prosperity of the U. s, ami that so long as the war is confin- Spain and the colonies, there is a Iit- robability that Spain will be able to re-es- sh her dominions over them, our policy hardly be mistaken, ho other foreign power interfere, we best promote the views of these colonics bcstconsnlt mm own welfare, by also al> ning from all direct interference in the , and from every measure, which may be retracted with honor, or satisfactorily ained. t is scarcely to be doubted that the fo il governments lvave been sounded, and r policy as respects the war between Spain the colonies, seems to be impartial and traJ%- If the. U. States pursue a different sc,may not the powers which have cliarg- hcraselves with the. high police of Eu- instead of confining their cares to the rnrld, be disposed to take into considers- the affairs of the new ? Although in a stion affecting the honor orrssential rights he nation, we ought not to he deterred by consideration ; yet in a concern, orcal- ation, of an interest merely eventual, and hich the main interest is that of a third ty the same should not be altogether dis- arded. he knowledge, which is possessed by sc who are best informed concerning the ditiou of the Spanish colonies, is surpris- y defective, and little satisfactory—their ation may be better, and it may be worse, is supposed to lie—and tbc object of commissioners sent out by the president, obtain full, and more precise intelligence bis subject. To adopt any decisive or ir- okablc measure, respecting the colonies he present sednty* and ambiguous state of nnatiun concerning them, atid when more hcntic information may, at no distant day expected, would seem to be evidence of tlcssncss and rashness, rathorthanofino- •ation and prudence, t must not, however, be imagined, that most decided friends of the Spanish colo arc desirous that the U. States should c a part with them in tbc war with Spain; the contrary-, they admit the correctness the policy that enjoins upon the U. States eniain neutral; but they alledge, that with- neknowledging the independence of these nies, and the it by establishing between us them the full relations existing between and Spain, the mutuality is only nominal; they illustrate this allegation by facts, observations, which if not conclusive, very plausible. Their counsel therefore and such, we arc told, will he the advice t they will urge on Congress to give to President, that the United States shail mediately acknowledge t!»e independence one or move of the Spanish colonies, ich it is said, are now in ilm actual pas sion of independence ; and they assert tsucli acknowledgment is n measure ich can afford no just cause of offence to Bln ; and lliat it is not only consistent with, absolutely necessary to, an impartial sys- of neutrality. 'hat it is competent for the nation to ful fills advice nobody will tpuiiit; but all t agree, that, in doing so, we'subject onr- es to all its hazards and uncertainties n the actual posture of affairs, it may lie edient to sailer this complicated subjee •eraalii with the president a little longer Usturbed by the interference of congress tion enables him to obtain information ; and his duty requires of him carefully to weigh the contradictory representations concerning the condition of these co1oni.cs—His opinions are believed to bo friendly to their indepen deuce, and the responsibility of bis offire is favorable to the prudence of bis decisions. If tlie president be pressed by congress to acknowledge the independence of any of the Spanish colonies and to exchange ministers with them, however innocent this proceed ing may be deemed by us to be, ami whate ver quotations we may make from the writ- tors in public law. to prove our right, no man an believe that Spain will sec our in terference in the same just and harmless ^ght. According to the colonial system of Spam the trade wii,h her colonies is a monopoly; amt her practice under this system has been ffi seize ami confiscate the ships and cargoes ol all interlopers found upon the coasts of tin colonies. In th • early part of the last century, Eng land made war upon Spain to oblige her to renounce this practice ; she concluded the war without effecting its object, and Spain lias since continued it. Our acknowledgment of the independence of these colonies cannot abridge the rights of Spain, nor restrain her exertions to enforce, her laws of trade, or to reduce the colonies to submission. Hut although it may not impair tho right of Spain, as respects ourselves, it will plat v our trade and intercourse with the new' states on the same footing as our trade anil inter course with England, France, or any othoi nation; and our citizens will have the sani right to call upon congress to protect them in this new, equally us in any other legitimate branch of navigation and trade. This collision could have but one result— some persons sec nothing discouraging in a war with Spain : and a war with Spain atone, would not be formidable—but we cannot bci certain, nay wc can hardly expect in the ex traordinary condition of Europe, that other powers may not be drawn in to take a part in a war having for its object the separation of the Spanish colonies. The probability of this event is not diminished by the*notorious fact that Spain has taken great pains to circulate, through the courts of Europe, an opinion that we are seeking an occasion to go to war with her ; that wc covet her contiguous territory, and indulge in views still more extensive.' « JOiigh wc know that this opinion is • without foundation, ami that the same is a shameful device which Spain makes use of to cover her injustice, in continuing to de ny to ns an adequate reparation for the mul- Ugjicd injuries she has done us ; still others do hot know this fact; and the opinion is on this account, not the lcs&fhliucutial iiiexcit- ing jealousy, nor the l^fslikely to lead cer tain powers to interpose, first their media tion, and their arms in a war brought on our Acknowledgment of J^c independence of the Spanish colonies ; B then by the assistance which by our interference, may become the occasion of Spain's receiving, the difficulties f the colonies may be multiplied, the dan ger of their subjection increase J, and the.'pe riod of their independence deferred. So little arc these views the result of timid conjecture, or of a visionary speculation, and therefore unworthy of the consideration of' our statesmen, that they are derived from the only anaiogus case, with whose history wc al'c well acquainted, the case of our own revolution Wc solicited France to rerngnize our in dependence for a long time before she con sented to do so. As soon, however, as she resolved on flic step, instead of relying upon the innocence of the act, and her right to avow it, she looked well into the question, not only of what ought to he, but further of what probably would be thoconduct of England, w hen she should avow her acknowledgment. Altho’ she might have sent forth a manifes to in justification of her conduct, demon strating its innocence and proving by cita- ions from writers on the law of nations, hat her recognition could afford no just cause of offence to England ; still she well understood that it would be unwise and im politic to rely on the efficacy of manifestoes or to omit those measures of precaution hich in all probability would be, and which in fact proved to be necessary. When, therefore, the embassador announ ced to the English government that France bad acknowledged the independence of the United States, lie added « thus being deter mined efficaciously to protect the lawful com merce of her subjects, and to maintain the honor of her Hag, France had taken with the United States eventual measures for this pur pose.’* There was dignity in this proceed ing, anil the event proved that there was c- rpial wisdom. Instead then of endeavoring to convince, and persundo the public, that the acknow ledgment of the independence of the Spanish colonies, is a mere harmless and uncunse- which ought rtot, and therefore will not give offence to others ; it behoves th.ose who may be called on to examine this subject, to ex tend their enquiries a little further to look into the influence of the passions on public measures, and to examine w hat, according to the course of human affairs, allowing to pow er, to pride, and to the mortification.of disap pointment, their natural influence, is likely to be the consequence of oipf acknowledg ment of the independence of the Spanish i olouies. If tills be done, if it stiH be deemed both just and expedient to make such acknowledg ment, the president will forthwith enter into treaties of friendship and commerce with the new states, not to secure to the United States exclusive commercial advantages, but to pre vent such advantage being granted to others —Whether lie will also conclude with them treaties of alliance, having for their object the establishment of their independence, and engaging mutual co-operation and succor, are -questions of the highest political im ports, and the discussion of which will call f.sr the most profound deliberation—He will furthermore give prompt and formal notice ' > Spain, that lie has acknowledged the inde pendence of the new states, that lie has form ed with them treaties of friendship and com merce ; and that the United States being de termined to protect tho unlawful commerce of their citizens, and to maintain the honor of thoiuflag, have taken the necessary measures tor this purpose. Among these measures should be found the immediate re-establishment of the inter nal taxes, including a land tax ; the" augmen tation of the army ; and the equipment of the whole naval flare. lie. who believes, and endeavors to per suade thecountry, that the United States can formally acknowledge the independence of the Spanish colonies without adopting ade quate measures of precaution, ought not to be regarded as a safe and experienced coun sellor. If the Uivitod States resolve to acknow ledge the Independence of the Spanish colo nies—be it so—but let the nation be prepar cd manfully to maintain their ground when once taken—.and instead of indulging in the hope that this can be effected by orations and manifestoes, Jet them understand that it must be done by defence and by arms. ’That a general sympathy, and universal good wishes in favor of the Spanish colonics, in the struggle with their unnatural parent do exist, and are cherished throughout the United States, and this too with unexampled unanimity, no man who a' f hits to what is passing around turn, w ill entertain a doubt- Ac as any measures which would promote their success without involving the United States in great and complicated difficulties would b universally ajqiroyed. But in the indulj must be restrained MISCELLANY. DEATH OF GEN’D FRASER. Extract from general Burgoyne's ‘ state of the expedition to Canada,’ ns exhibited by him, in bis defence before a committed of the House of Commons. He bad been re proached with a want of cordiality towards general Fraser. Ho feelingly adverts to this imputation. *« The defence of military conduct is au interesting point of professional honor ; but to vindicate the heart, is a duty to God, anil to society at large- Few conjunctures in the campaign I have been describing, few perhaps upon military record, can be found so distinguished by ex igencies, or productive of such critical and anxious calls upon public character and pri vate affections as that which now took place. In the first place the position of the army was untenable, and yet an immediate retreat was impossible ; not only from the fatigue of the troops, but from the necessity of deliever- ing fresh ammunition and provisions. The losses in (lie action were uncommonly severe. Sir Francis Clarke,my aid-de-camp, had originally recommended himself to my Attention by his talents and diligence; us ser vice and intimacy opened his character more, lie became endeared to me by every quality that can create esteem. 1 lost in him an useful assistant, an amiable companion, an attarh- d friend : the state was deprived by his death of one of the fairest promises of an a- bie general. The fate of col. Ackland, taken prisoner, and then supposed to bo mortally wounded, was a second source of anxiety—gen. Fra ser jyas expiring. In tlie course ofllse action a shot had pass, ed through tny hat, and another had torn my waistcoat. I should be sorry to be thought insensibld to the protecting hand of Provi dence ; but I evermore particularly consi dered (and I hope tint supcrstitiously) a sol dier’s hair-breadth escapes as incentives to duty, a marked renewal of the trust of Being, for the purposes of a public station ; and tinder that reflection to lose our fortitude by giving away to our affec tions ; to be divested by pny possible self-emotion from meeting a present exigency with our best faculties were at once dishonor and im piety. Having therefore put aside for a time my private sensations, it has been shewn that I effected an entire*chango in the position of the army before, day-light. Early in tho. morning of the 8th general Fraser breathed his last, and with the kindest expressions of his affection, his last request was broT me, that he might be carried without parade by the soldiers of his corps to the great redoubt. le ought best to understand tlie tempo the policyofforeign governments; his sta-] qucnlial act that wo may !lawfully do, and and iftiried-th^re. The whole day of the 8th ncc of Hi one feelings, we «(' October was correspondent to this inaua- y a*paramountduty—the pi; loirs beginning. Tlie hours were moa- welfarc ami safety of our own country, are sure d by a succession of ignmediate cares, in- tbo ,objects of our first and higher i^irc-— creasiug# doubts’, and melancholy objects. “* '" ic erfemywere forme’d ifl tvwlinesy&Every ^ ft of their disposition, as well ; as the re pealed attacks upon lord Balrart-as’s corps, and the cannonade from, the plaint kept tho troops in nloiBcutary expectation of a gene ral’action.-/During this suspense wounded officers, some upop ^rutches, and others even carried upon hand bar rent's by their servants, were occasionally ascending the hill from the hospital tents to. take their share in the action, or.follow thbmiircli of the army, 'fliegenerals were einpjoyled in exhorting tint troops. . About Sun-set the corpso of gen. Fraser' was beo’t up .tlie hill, attended only by tho officers wjp had lived, in his family. To ar- I’ivp at the redoubt it passed within view of the greatest part of both armies. General Phillips, general ltoidcsfcl, and myself, who were standing together, were struck with tlie humility of the procession : They who were ignorant that privacy had been requested might construe it neglect. We could neither endure that reflection, nor indeed restrain our natural propensity to pay our last atten tion to his remains. The circumstances that -l isucd cannot he better described than they haYe been by different witnesses. The inces sant cannonade during the solemnity; the stea dy attitude &; unaltcicd voice with which tho .chaplain officiated, though frequently cover ed with dust, which the shot threw upon all sides of him ; the mute but expressive mix ture of sensibility and indignation upon evj- ry countenance ; these objects will remain to the last oflife upon the niiud of every man who was present. The growing duskiness added to the scenery, ami the whole marked a character of that juncture that would make one of the finest subjects for the pencil of a master that the field ever exhibited. To the canvass, and to the faithful page of a more important historian, gallant friend ! I con sign thy memory. There may thy talents, thy manly virtues, their progress and their period find due distinction; and long mqv they survive ;—long after the frail record o'f my pen shall bo forgotten,” while tlie great inlprqjts and hopor o States arc violated, i(Ws to their vindication tliat the government should first aftend ; and no remote, or niere' col 1 atoral policy, should divest, dr withdraw its regards from this im^st urgent duty. r \S . , If the essential rights and the silvern of the United States have.bee'll and continue to be violated by Spain ; if anfcr long and pa tient. negotiations, to obtain an atleip paration of these injuries, Spain nSt only '.persists in refusing satisfaction, but from out forbearance, lias of late added insmcnce to her refusal ; |wUL tlie honor of the nation permit a furlin'*** continuance of this dis graceful negotiation ?• will not such continu ance sink us deeper in humiliation, and em bolden Spain to rise still higher, if possible, in the tone of contempt and scorn ? Rather than this—let our minister in Spain lie recalled) let all further negotiations both here and there be broken off—let tlie whole subject be brought before congress, and let them rcsohre to truckle to Spain, or to pre pare to vindicate the national honor. it is more than probable, that this course will have its proper effect on the Spanish councils—those who know them best, will least doubt, a pacific and satisfactory result Should it prove otherwise tbc interim will have been employed in those measures, which after this proceeding, cannot be omitted— and the war w ill call for only a short expo sition to satisfy the world of its justice; In such a war, just and necessary, we cannot presumo iliat any other nation will interfere against iis ; nor doubt, that by the vigor of our arms, and the favor of Heaven, it w ill be prosecuted to a speedy and honor able issue. If Spain force us into a war let South- Amcrica remember that the enemy of her en emy, is more than he.If her friend. *«■* During my absence I have appointed Rob’t Rutherford and James Rousseau, Esquires, my Attornies. Persons having any demands will call upon them .for settlement. WM. ROBERTSON.