Cherokee phoenix, and Indians' advocate. (New Echota [Ga.]) 1829-1834, June 10, 1829, Image 1
- B R — -L. T s ’ e P LR | PRINTED UNDER THE PATRONAGE, AND FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE CHEROKEE NATION, AND DEVOTED T 0 THE CAUSE OF INDIANE.eseE. EOUDINCTT, EDITCRG, VOi., I, : PRINTED WEEKLY BY JOHN F. WHEELER, At $250 if paid in advance, $3 in six months, or $3 50 if paid at the end of the year. T'o subscribers who can read only the Cherokee language the price will be §2,00 in advance, or $2,50 to be paid within the year, : Every subscription will be considered as eontinued unnless subscribers give nnticeto the contrary béfore the commencement of a new year,and all arearages paid. Any person procuring six subscribers, and becoming responsible for the payment, shall receive a seventh gratis. . Advertisements will be inserted at seven ty-five cents per square for the first inser tioh, and thirty-seven and a half cents fo: each continnance; longer oncs in propor tion. , 33 All letters addressed to the Editor, post paid, will receive due attention. AGENTS FOR 'THE CHEROKEE PHAUNIX, The following persons are authorized to receive subscriptions and payments for the €Cherokee Pl nix, Messrs. Peirce & Winviams, No. 20 Market St. Boston, Mass. ~ George ‘M. Tracy, Agent ofthe A. B, 4. F. M. New York. Rev. A. D. Eppy, Canandaigna, N. Y. ‘TroMas Hasrings, Utica, N. Y. Porrarp & Coxverse, Richmond, Va. Rev. James CavereLne, Beaafort, S. C Wirniam Movntrie Rero, Charleston, S. C. Col, Georer SwirH, Statesville, W. T Wicriax M. Comss, Nashville Ten. Rev. Bexner Roserrs—Powal Me. - Mr. Twos. R. Goup, (anitinerant Gen tleman.) . Jereymian Avstin, Mobile Ala. Rev. Cyrus Kixassury, Mayhew, Choc ¢aw Nation. Capt. WirLiam Rosrrrson, Augusta, Georgla. e Col. James Tork Bellfonte, Ala. | INDIANS. HON. H. L. WHITE'S LETTER. [ Concluded from our last.] These considerations account for the language used in the 2d article of ‘the treaty of Holston, and enable us pretty clearly to discover the import of the words in the 6th article—sole and exclusive power to rvegu ate their trade. Dy the 2d article, the Cher okees had deprived themselves of all poewer tomake any treaty with 2ny {or eign sovereign, or State, or individ uval. This power, thus given away in the 2d article, it was essential should be vcgted in some sovereign, who would feel disposed to exercise £t for their benefit, whenever the proper time for its exercise should “‘aviive; hence the language used in 2he 6th article. The power parted with in the 2d is vested by the 6th %n the United States. In the case of the States, the language of the Con stitution is, “Congress shall have power to regulate commerce Wwith foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.” in the case of the Indians, the lan guage in the treaty is “That thefUnit ed States shall have the sole and ex clusive right to regulate their trade.” In each case, as I think, the same idea is communicated; in each a power is given to regulaté their ex ternal trade; and in neither is a pow er given to make municipal laws for them. They may regulate the trade or commerce which other States or nations carry on with them; but as to the internal trade,.to be carried on within their own limits, it is as much the subject of their own municipal laws, as if the Cherokees- still re NEW ECHOTA, WEDNESDAY JUNK 10, 1823, } mained independent, to all intents and l purposes. If it be true, as some | suppose, that, in virtue of this 6th ar i ticle in the treaty, Congress has pow | er to make municipal laws for them, { and to regulate all their internal ltrade, withia the body and heart of the Cherokee nation, where is the } necessity for an express stipulation for the road from Washington to Mero district, for the Kentucky road, for the road to Georgia, for that to Tombeckbe, and for the post road to New Orleans? Where was the ne cessity for the stipulation for the free navigation of that part of the Tennes see river which flows through the na tion? Al these stipulations, made at different times dnd in several trea ties; were entirely ‘useless. If it be true that the United States, in, vir tue of this treaty stipulation, have not | “only the power to regulate the trade ‘ within the nation, but also all their (the Indians) affairs, where was the necessity of those stipulations which provide that white persons who may 2o within the nation, and there com mit ctimes, may be brought out and punishéd in the same mamner as if they had committed the like crimes upon or agalnst white persons within the limits of the district where they resided. The object of this provision is important, and cannot be misunder stood. The Cherokees were to be considered as a nation; the bounds of their territory were ascertained; within those bounds they would have all the rights of sovereignty not sur rendered: if a white man \ent with in their limits and committed a crime or trespass, he would have been a menable to the tribunals of the coun try where the offence was committed, and the nature of his crime, as well as the measure of his puunishmeat, wuld have been ascertained by the municipal laws of the country in which he had transgressed. Know ing this. and being unwilling, on the one hand, that a guilty citizen should escape with impunity, and determia ed, on the other, that the guilt or in ‘nocence of an American citzen should ‘not be ascertained by an Indian tribu nal, nor should the nature of his crime | or mzasure of his punishment be as certained by an Indian Legislature, this provision was inserted, - But if an opinion different from mine be on tertained; if it be truc that the Unit ed States are clothed with the power to regulate inlernal trade, and all other affairs, and the Indians have no power. to act o 1 these subjects; {hose provisions were uanecessary. | The Congress had mnothing to do but pass an act, and the same object woull be attained. The United States, even as early as 1791, looked forward to the time when the Chero kees would become enlightened, when they would become civilized, when they would be capable of self-govern ment, when they would be owners of property real and personal, which edch individual within the nation, who might be the owner of it, would be desirious of having secured to his ex clusive use. How were these objects to be attained? ‘Fhe stipulations of the treaty of that year answer the question—by giving them a perma nent interest in the country; by leav ! ing them in the possession of all the powers of other independent commmauni ties, consistent with the interest of the United States. Without an in ternal government of their own, they must remain savages. A governiment cannot be administered without mo ney; without the power to impose a tax, money cannot be collected.” In selecting objects or subjects of taxa tion, they have the sante range as any ‘one of the States. A tax upon mer chants, upon pedlars, and upon haw kers, is common in many, if not in all the States. If the Cherokees have the power to impose a tax upon any thing within their limits, there is noth ing in any treaty or statute which prevents them from imposing 3 tax i apon an Indian or Indian countryman | settled and residing in the nation, anc carrying on the business of tiade anc merchandise, without any license from: the United* Stanes; and if they ar i prohibited from the exercise of this power, it must be upon some princi ple which would prohibit any one of ' the States likewise. There now are, and have been for years, resident merchdats in the na tion, using capital sufficient for re spectable retail stores almost any where in the United States. They neither have, nor is there any law requiring that they should have, a license to cnable them to vend their goods. 'There.are many Indians and ludian countrymen with good farms, well stocked. Cannot these be tax— ed? If they can, what is there to ex empt the itinerant merchant, the haw ker or pedlar, within the nation, with a license from the” United States? Was it the intention of the United States to gite such person a privilege over the resident Indian merchant? — There 15 not one word in the treaty to countenance such an idea. Under the parental care of the I'ederal Govern ment, the Cherokees have been m a good degree reclaimed from their savage state: under their patrovage they have become enlightened; they have acquired a taste for property of their own, from the use of which they can exclude all others. They have acquired the property itsclf. There must be laws to protect it, as well as to protect those who own it. By what community ought these laws to be enmacted? Laws there bave al ways been, and laws there must con tinie to be, emanating from some power capable of enacting them. Where is that power? _ It must be in Congress, or in the Cherokees. Con gress has never exercised it, the Cherokees always have. And if 1 have béen correctly iaformed, one ¢f the Presidents of the United States, to aid them, digasted a code of writ ten laws, which he supposed suited to their society, sent it to them with his recommendation that they would a dopt them. The nation gave them a candid examination,and did adoptsuch of them as they thought adapted to their situation. Afterwards, if lam not mistaken, in a communication to Congress, it was mentioned with approbation that the Indiaus were progressing in the good work of civi lization, and assimilating their gov errment to that of the United States? I never heard that their power was doubted. That this power had been surrendered to the United States Ly the words that ¢“Congress should have the sole and exclusive right to regulate their trade,”. or by the words *‘man aging all their affairs in such masner as they think proper,” if they cught to be considered in force. 1 cannot suppose it possible that in making these treatics the United States ci ther wished of intended to take from the Indians the power of making mu nicipal laws. If they did, it must have been with a view to vest the ‘same powers in Congress. It would have heen cruel to divest the Indians of the power,without at the same time intending to use it for their benclit. This power never has been used, that I know of, perhaps could not be used, by Congress, to advaitage. Of all subjects that Congress could be called to act upon, this would be the nost difficult—to make a code of laws by which the Cherckee nation should manage all their internal afiairs. 1 cannot but believe that this is pow er most fit to be exercised by the Cherokees themselves, and that such was the opinion of those who framed the treaties; and, therefore, they were left in possession of it. At the time this treaty was framed; and this language used, the Cherokees werc in possession of a district of country, spread into several States; they lived in many detached villages, separated from each other, some of f them by many miles, each village hav- | ing its own peculiar cusloms. "This ' sountry is solemuly guarantied by this wreaty to the Cherokee nation. Mu iicipal laws to regulate its trade and and all its affairs within those limits, aie to ber made from time to time, and those laws frequently to be chang :d, so as to snit the.chbanging coa . lition of those inhabitants, and there oy premote their happiness and Com l iort.. Is it probabie that the Ixecu <ive of the United States, or his ne gotiator, would/desire this power tok en from the Andians and vested in 'Congress? Would the Indians be 'willmg to Arvansfer it? Weve Con i gress to /be perpetually in session, ~without any other business to engage their atlention, it is not probable they could discharge such a trust to their own satisfaction, or to the satisfac “tion of an Indian community. General Washington knew better than to desire the transfer of sach a potver to the United States; his ne- | gotiator, acting uhder his speeial in structions, knew bhetter; we ought aot therefore to give to the theaties such a construction &s wonld vest such a power in Congress, if language used can be fuirly satisfied withont doing so., It seems to me this can be done. “Congress shall have the sole and exclusive power to regulate their trade.” By the words sale and cxchi sive, we exclude all other sovéreigus from acting upon the subject. Reg- [ ulating *‘their trade:” these words fix | the subject to be regulated; that is, t their trade: the trade of the Indian | nation as a nation; not the trade bo- | tween A and B within the pation. Ia other words, Congress alone is to have the power of regulating the trade of the Indian with eli" olher | sovereigns. . Each Staté was once sovereign; each bad the power to' regulate its commerce with oibery sovereigns. By the Consiitution 0(, the United States, Cengress is vest- | cd with the power to regulate com- \ merce with foreign nations, and a- | wong the States, and with the ' ludion | tribes. . What power have the“ States | losi? The powerto regulate com-* merce with foreign nations, and among each other; but neither bas lest the | power to regulate transactions be tween A and B withia its own hmits, The Indian nation must some timé have a government to regulate the in- ] ternal concerns of the nation; indeed they have always had one: as they be come enlightened and civilized, this government, like that of other nations, will require money to support it. Fhere is ng stipulation i any trealy ihat Coigress shall defray this e:‘-{ pense¢ out of the comion fund. Is Congress by the treaties to impose | a tax upon the Indians? The Amer ican Government never has advocat ed the doctrine that taxes can be im -posed by a body, where the people ‘ taxed aré unrepresented. The Con stitution of the United Stafes prohibits an enumeration of the Indians for the purposes of representation; they are therefore unrepresented in Congress. If we suppose the treaty of 1785 in force, and add to the words ‘‘regu late their trade” *and all their affairs,” it will not aid the other side of the question. Immediately it will be “asked, with whom? I answer, with foreign nations. As a nation, they have much to transact with the ‘ United States, or with other nations, ‘Lwhich does not relate to the regula tion of trade, the fixing boundaries, !trealine; with other Indians, &c. The affairs then which they have to rlransaci with other powers, the Unit cd States have the power to manage for them; but not to manage affairs whieh relate to the rélative duties of 'Aindividual Indians to each oth~r, with -in their own territory, nor to the duo tias which individuals of the Indian | commurity owe to the Cherokee na tion. o soon as the Indian natiun had ‘existence as a community, there was a power scme where {¢ make munici- pal regulations for the government of that comatanity, and among those powers one tolevy and coilect taxesy that power sili exists somé where; I think it is. not ené of those powers trausferred to the United States: it must therefore remuin with the Che rokee nation. I wiil now inquire whether there is any 'thing in the trea ties which will éxcmpt the merchant having a permit from the United States, and veading his merchandize, by retail, witlun the nation, fromi a tex. By the Sth article of the tieaty of Holston, it is provided, “that ne citizen or inhabitamt of the United States shall attempt to huat or des stroy the game. on the lands of the Cheroktes; nor shall any citizen or inhabitant go into the Cherckee country withoat a passport first obtained,&c. B) the 14th ariicle, it e provided that the United States will send a nuniber of persons, not exceeding four, to reside in the country, who ¢half qualify themselves {o act as .inter~ preters: these persons. chall have lands assigned them by the Cherokoes* for cultivation, for tliemselves ond their successors in cffice, but they shall be preeluded [rom exercising any kind of traffick. 'These &rticles are (e’ only ones to be found, which speak of a passport, or p(:rmissio:l to go intd the nation. B Fhe chject of the provision in this 9th article, if appears to me. is very’ obvious: itis to preserve pecace witly the Indizns. If all deseriptions of per sons were permitted {o enter the na? tion, this could not be dowe; disery derly ‘immoral persons would make their way info the nation, practice fravd upon the Indians, and-a war might be the consequence. Ilence ithe s‘.ij)u}a(ion that ©io ‘white person siall ebterthe nation without s pessport from the Government: but 1t is rot said thawhis passport shall confer auy. other privilege upon Lim, Lut that of excusing him from being considered-as a trespasser, a persen that is cutlaw od by his own Government, as one thaf the Indiavs may punish or net, as they choose. Befsre he obtains the permiss sion'to go, he must satisfy lis owst Government as to the business upen which he wishes to enter the nation; and if the Government believes lie can be safely trusted among the In dians, the oflicer gives him a peimis sion toenter the nation, and in thet permission spegifies the business upen which he goes. It is a docnuent furdished’ him to ‘satis{} the Chero kees that the individual named in it has the consent of his ewn Govern ment to go into their country, for the purpose of trading with them; there 1s not stipulation that he shall, in coy respect, be entitled to a privilege, ag to his traffick, which their own peo¥ ple do not enjoy. The exemption claimed would give the man who holds the passport the right of vend+ ing bis merchandize upon better terms than the resident merchant. This surely never was intended. Tt cau not fairly be argued that this paper is given in virtue of the power to regy ulate trade. If so, and Congress are to regulate thewr internal trade, how comes it that no license has ever heen required for the resident mer+ chant? Tor years, Indian and Indiai countrymen have vended geods in their own country, without any such in strument: byt the American citizen who Tvishes to go into the pation for this or any other purpose, and does not wish to expntri‘ale himself, must obtain tlie consent of his Government; and tlis written consent very naturd ally expresses the business which he intends to followw while there. The Government derives no revenue from these passports: and is an exclusive privilege to be granted without an exv press stipulation in the treaty to aus thorize it ? T think it never was s tended. If the Cherokcees -are to be considered as a nation, they must have power (o impose taxes and make other municipal l'egul\tians for ᏣᎳᎩ ᏧᎴᎯᏌᏅᎯ ᎯᎠ ᏂᎦᎥᏧᎬᏩᎶᏗ. ᏑᎧᎪᏓᏆᏍᏗ ᎢᎪᎯᏛ ᏌᎹ” ᏧᏂᎴᏴᏁᏗ ᎨᏎᏍᏗ, ᏴᏫᏁᎬ ᏗᏂᏬᏂᏘᏍᎩ ᏦᎢᏁ ᎠᏰᏢ ᎤᏮᎫᏴᏗ ᏥᏎᏍᏗ ᎢᏳᏃ ᎢᎬᏪᏅᏛ ᎠᏮᎾᎫᏱᏍᎨᏍᏗ. ᎢᏳᏃ ᏑᏓᏢ ᎢᏯᏅᎪ ᎢᏴ ᎠᎾᎫᏱᏍᎨᏍᏗ) ᏦᎢ ᎠᏐᎸ ᎤᎾᎫᏴᏗ ᎨᏎᏍᏗ. ᎠᏕᏘᏱᏍᎬᏃ ᎢᏴ ᎩᎳ ᎠᎾᎫᏱᏍᎨᏍᏘ, Ꮕ.ᎩᏁᎢ ᎠᏰᏢ ᎤᎾᎫᏴᏗ ᎨᏎᏍᏗ. ᏣᎳᎩᏃ ᎤᏩᏒ ᏗᏂᏬᏂᏘᏍᎩ; ᏔᎵᏢᏉ ᎠᎨᎸ “ᎤᎾᎫᏴᏗ ᎨᎬᏎᏍᏗ ᏬᎧᏕᏘᏴᏛ, ᎢᏳᏃ ᎢᎬᏪᏅᏛ ᎠᏮ” ᏌᏱᏍᏑᏍᏗ. ᏦᎢᏁᏃ ᎠᏰᏢ ᎾᏍᎩᏉ ᎤᏕᏘᏴ” ᎵᏘᎡ. ᎠᎾᎫᏱᏍᏢᏬᏍᏗ. ;