Cherokee phoenix, and Indians' advocate. (New Echota [Ga.]) 1829-1834, August 12, 1829, Image 2

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HI— ill I wiimnwB———— (wilderness, to the exclusion of the xv.mdering savage, was in no instance Solely relied on; ami never'was it as serted in the history of either coloni al or independent British America, that the aboriginal had no tide to the soil. This doctrine was confined to the Ovandos and Sepulvedac of Spain; and while the horrible cruelties, which grew out of the carrying this principle into practice in violation of the rights of the natives driven to tesistanee by all the feelings of in- sulte * and outraged nature, have ele vated these men to pre-eminence in the annals of crime, the moderation and equity which characterized the conduct of our ancestors, have made us recur with pride to the names of Carver, Winthrop, Williams, Balti more, and Penn, as men worthy of being (he founders of a free nation. These enlightened patriots t of human ity came lo this continent to establish i istitutions for the preservation of civ il and religious freedom, and they knew that their work could not be permanent if its foundations were laid in unjust and violent conquests, and cemented with the blood of the na tive inhabitants. More, however, was required of them than abstaining from injustice. As civilized men, and as Christians, they were hound to extend the bene fits of their superior knowledge to the Indians. The s preservation of the Savage from extinction, and his ad- vaheemeht in the scale of creation, depended, in a great degree, upon the conduct of his civilized neighbors.— This duly was rendered more imper ative, by the unauthorized wrongs to which the aboriginals were sub- < jected by individual rapacity, provok ing, as they frequently did, contests, were, from the hard necessity of the case, the Indian, though not always the aggressor, was invariably the suf ferer. Whilst the British govern ment claimed the sovereignty over the country, an adequate excuse was per haps offered for not adopting any gen eral plan for the improvement and civilization of the aboriginals. In dividual efforts were not wanting, and the names of Elliott and Brained a- lone are sufficient to rescue our an cestors from the charge of indiffer ence on this important point Upon the assumption of independ ence, however, the whole responsi bility devolved upon those who found ed the American Government. A wide field was opened for the exer cise of all the noble and exalted qual ities which distinguish those who ad minister the government for the ben efit of society, from those who usurp it for themselves. By settling a- inongthe aboriginals and by elevating their country to the lank of an inde pendent power, our ancestors charged themselves with all the responsibili ties, which grew out of the relations existing between educated and civil ized Christians, and the ignorant and Savage heathen who surrounded them. A principle had, indeed, been a- dopted by all Christendom, which vested, so far as European consent could vest, the sovereignty of the country in the first European nations. This gave to the United States, upon the acquisition of their Independence, the sovereignty, within certain limits, as against any adverse Eur pean clai- ment. This was but a qualified sove reignty. It was a right of sovereign ty as against foreign nations, and the government also assumed authority to prevent the American citizens from interfering with the territory in possession of the Indians, which, upon thj extinguishment of the aboriginal title, it claimed as public property. It did not, however, claim the right to appropriate the soil, without tbe consent of the aboriginal inhabit ants. The Indians were not subject ed by any right of conquest; and the abominable doctrine of the ancient Papal Church, that the property and persons of the heathen were the law ful prey of Christians, had been long rejected, as one of the maxiins of a barbarous age. The Indians were, therefore, to be treated as a separate and independent people, governed by their own customs and laws, and oc cupying their own territory. All in terference with them, on the part of the whites, was iegulated by treaty, & their territory was to be acquired on ly by compact. Such were the prin- c * n le» adopted by the government of the United States, at its formation. regard to the aboriginals; They hVl b *eu generally conformed to by the Colonial governments; but the na tional sanction then given to them was of a more deliberate and solemn char acter. At the same time, they un dertook the fulfilment of the duties growing out of the superior relation in which they stood. In the moment of impending peril, at the commence ment of their desperate struggle with the mother country, when they knew that years of suffering and trial must be endured before the attainment of self-government, they forgot not their obligations towards the aboriginals; hut deliberately adopted, as a part of their national policy, a plan to im prove their condition. They exhort ed them to stand aloof during the ap proaching contliet. An Indian department was organiz ed, to be administered by commission ers, and in the same year when the declaration of Independence received the sanction of Congress, resolutions were also adopted providing for the protection and improvement of the In dians, and recommending measures for the propagation of the gospel, and the cultivation of the civil arts among them. As philanthropists and as pat riot, watchful over the national char acter,they sought to rescue the abori ginal from extinction, & to elevate him to the rank of civilized man. Whilst they were laying the foundations of the American republic, they were not i regardless of the untutored savage within its limits. They intended if possible, to raise him to ail equality with themselves, and at all events, to show to the world, in case of his ex tinction, that they had no participa tion in hastening that unhappy result. With this view, provisions were made regulating the Indian trade, and a de liberate scheme of policy adopted for their gradual improvement arid civili zation. Treaties were made with the principal tribes, defining the boun daries between their territory and that belonging to the whites; and the United States agreed to furnish at their expense the principal tribes with domestic animals, implements of husbandry, blacksmiths, and, in some instances, “suitable persons to teach them to make fences, cultivate the earth, and such of the domestic arts as are adapted to their situation.” The object of these treaties cannot lie misunderstood. It was an offer on the part of the national government to the aboriginal of civilization. It was a manifestation of one of the most glo rious attributes of superior intelli gence, and breathed the purest spirit of a religion, which proclaims peace on earth, good will among men. '1’his offer was accepted on the part of tlie Indians. Amidst all the degra dation which had attended their inter course with the whites, they had al ways manifested an earnest wish to preserve their race from extinction, and to partake of the improvement of their civilized brethren. Upon this footing matters stood at the commencement of the independent existence of this Republic. The whites claimed sovereignty over the whole territory, to the exclusion of foreign nations, hut did not assume to exercise any of its rights over the In dians. The tribes were treated as distinct and independent; arid the boundaries between the respective territories of the two parties, were marked out by treaty. Congress, under tho old Confederation, did not presume to extend its jurisdition over the territory which the Indians had reserved to themselves; and it strenu ously denied that the State Govern ments had any right to interfere with Indian affairs. The United States were also seeking to civilize the In dians, and t > render them a stationa ry people, depending for subsistence on the cultivation of the soil. All this, however, was attempted by the moral influence of precept & example. It must be borne in mind, that, in establishing these relations, the white man was the lawgiver, and the In dian acceded to them, because he was made to believe that they would result to his benefit. It was implied that they would ul timately eventuate in the establish ment of the aboriginals, as a civilized community, within the territory se cured to the tribes by treaty. On no other supposition can tho national government escape from the imputa tion of holding out deceptive expecta tions to the Indians. The good faith hitherto manifested by the federal authorities, conclusive ly shows, that this was the result which was desired. The first section of the act making an annual appropri ation for the civilization of the adjoin ing tribes, affords a memorable proof of the sincerity of its intentions:—“For the purpose of providing against the further decline and final extinction of the Indian tribes adjoining the frontier settlements, and of introducing among them the habits and arts of civilized life, the President of the United States is authorized, when he shall judge im provement practicable, and that the means of instruction can be introduc ed with their own consent, to employ capable persons, of good moral char acter, to instruct them in the mode of agriculture, suited to their situation, and for teaching their children,” &o. The talk of Mr. Madison to the In dians, in 1812, affords another proof of its sincerity; and, as the manifesto of the American government, we shall submit a part of the document to the public:— “I have a further advice to my Red children. You see how the country of the eighteen fires is filled with peo ple. They increase like the corn they put into the ground. They all have good houses to shelter them from all weathers, good cloths suitable to all seasons; and as for food, of all sorts, you see they have enough and to spare. No man, woman, or child, of the eighteen fires, ever perished of hunger. Compare all this with the condition of the Red people. They arc scattered here and there in hand- fulls. Their lodges are cold, leaky, and smoky. They have hard fare, and often not enough of it. “Why this mighty difference? The reason, my Red children, is plain.— The white people breed cattle and sheep. They spin and weave. Their heads and their hands make all the elements and productions of nature useful to them. “It is in your power to he like them. The ground that feeds one lodge by hunting, would feed a great hand by the plough & the hoe. The Great Spirit has given you, like your while brethren, good heads to contrive, and strong arms and active bodies.— Use them like your white brethren of the eighteen fires, and like them, your little sparks will grow into great fires. You will he well fed, dwell in good houses, and enjoy the happiness for which you, like them, were created. These are the words of your father lo his red children. The Great Spirit who is the father of us all, approves them. Let them pass through the ear into the heart. Carry them home toyour people; and as long as you re- membei this visit to your father of the eighteen fires, remember these are his last and best words to you!” The beneficent policy which is here so simply, but beautifully recom mended. has partially succeeded with many tribes. In the Cherokee nat ion, however it has produced the most triumphant results—results which es tablished the practicability of civiliz ing the Indians. It has been the good fortune of the Chcrokees to have had born among them some great men. Of these, Charles Hicks, lately a chief, stood pre-eminent. Under his guiding counsels, and aided by the policy of the national government, they have outstriped the other tribes in the march of improvement. They seek to be a people, and to maintain, by law and good government, the se curity of persons and the rights of property. That they have made great advances in civilization, is gen erally understood; hut, in order to present an exact picture of their con dition, the following account, extract ed from a letter of David Brown, re sident in the tribe, dated September 2d, 1826, and published among the official documents of the government, is here inserted:— “Horses are plenty, and are used for servile purposes among them. Numerous flocks of sheep, goats, and swine, cover the valleys and hills. The natives carry on considerable trade with the adjoining States; and some of them export cotton, in boats, to Netv-Orleans. Apple and peach orchards are quite common; and gar dens are cultivated and much atten tion paid to them. Butter and cheese are seen on Cherokee tables. There are many public roads in the nation, and houses of entertainment kept by tho natives. Numerous and flourish ing villages are seen in every section of the country. Cotton and woolen cloths are manufactured here. Blank ets of various dimensions, manufactur ed by Cherokee hands, are very com mon. Almost every family in the nation grows cotton for its own con sumption. Industry and commercial enterprize are extending themselves in every part. Nearly all tho mer chants in the nation are native Cher- okees. Agricultural pursuits engage the chief attention people. Diflercnt branches in mechanics are pursued. The population is rapidly increasing. In tlie year 1819, the Cherokees, east of the Mississippi, were estimated at 10,000 souls. In 1825, they amoun ted to 13,568 native citizens; besides 220 whites, and 1,277 slaves.” They have also established a Con stitution whose provisions are better calculated, as it is expressed in preamble, to “establish justice, en sure tranquility, promote tho common welfare, and secure to ourselves and posterity the blessings of liberty,” than many of the more elaborate con trivances of their European brethren. The government is representative in its form, &. is divided into executive, legislative and judicial departments. The trial by jury is establised; and the particular provisions of the Constitu tion, while they are calculated to ac custom the Chcrokees to the princi ples of our system of jurisprudence, arc peculiarly well adapted to the anomalous condition in which the na tion is placed. The whole is well suited to secure to the tribe the im provements already made, and to sti mulate them to further advance in ci vilization. [To be concluded in our next.] IMPORTANT INTELLIGENCE!! The Columbus Enquirer, received by last night’s mail, furnishes us with the following important intelligence from our Indian frontier. In addition lo what is given below, the Enquirer states, that Col. Crowell, the Agent, notwithstanding he had written lo the War Department on the subject, had neglected to apprise our Stale Ex ecutive ot the hostile attitude which the Indians are assuming. We would hope that the Enquirer is misinform ed in this particular, as we should re gret to learn that Col. Crowell had so far forgot his feelings as a man, and his duty as an Agent. The informa tion, however, we farther learn from the Enquirer, was communicated to Governor Forsyth, by Col. U. Lewis of Columbus. We deeply lament the rash and mad policy, which appears, from the above intelligence, lo actuate the Councils of the Creeks and Cherokees. If they persist in it, their utter annihilation will be the consequence.—Jiugusta Chronicle. Columbus, July 18. INDIAN AFFAIRS. Much alarm has been excited in this place by some recent movements of a iios: ile character among the Indi ans. Several secret Councils have been held in the Creek Nation, with a view, it is beli< ved, of concerting warlike operations against the Fron tier Settlements. In consequence of the general apprehension of danger, some of our citizens on Wednesday lust visited the Creek Agent at Fort Mitchell, for the purpose of obtaining whatever information he might possess in relation to the anticipated difficul ties. The following is furnished us by one of the gentlemen who held the conversation with him. “The agent staled that there had been several secret councils held by the chiefs; that he had been informed by several Indians, that they, the In dians, in these councils, had resolved to slay and die upon their soil; that they had also resolved to kill him, the agent, and wage a war of extermina tion up«n the frontiers, and assassinate every white west of the Flint river, and when troops should be sent to fight them they would retire to the swamps and die to a man fighting for the soil ,pf their fathers. The agent, not put ting sufficient confidence in these re ports, felt no alarm, until an old, res pectable chief, in whom he had al ways put the utmost confidence, and who had always manifested for him, the greatest friendship, came to hint and told him in confidence that the re port was true, arid that he himself was a member of tlie secret council which passed the aforesaid resolution, and that ho voted for it, hut that he had so great friendship for him, the a- gent, that he could not reconcile it, to his conscience so far to violate his faith as to see him sacrificed without ap prising him of his danger. Thus much having heretofore be come public, no injury can accruo from the repetition of it; hut some other communication which the chief made to the agent, for prudehtial rea sons perhaps had best not be made too public, as they appertain to the safety of the agent. The chief also slated that deputations had been sent to the Cherokees, the Choctaw's and Se- minoles, to solicit their concurrence; in sentiment and action with them, the Creeks, but that none hut the Chero- kees had beeu heard from, and that they concurred; that Ross, the Presi dent, was preparing a talk for his na tion, advising them never to give up their land, hut to kill every white mail who crossed the line.” By the same mail that brought to us the foregoing “important intelligence,” we re ceived the following letter from Colonel Crowell: Creek Agency, July 23d, 1829, Dear Sir—A paper published in Columbus Geo. has a publication on the subject of Indian hostilities, in which the Cherokees arci implicated; this statement is given as coming from trie. The object of this communica tion is to ask of you the favour, should that article meet your eye, & should you give it a place in your paper;, to stale that you are authorised by me to say that the statement is entirely incorrect, and that no such expression- ever escaped me on the subject of the determination of the Cherokees. It is due lo the public as well as to the authorities of (he Cherokees, that I should correct the errors, which arc in that publication, at least so far as I ant concerned. I have the honor to ho your ob’t,. serv’t. JNO CROWELL, Agt. for I.A,. The Editor of the Cherokee Flicenix, Echota. We hope the communication of CoL Crowell will be considered sufficient to clear the Cherokees of the bi*e and false charge, attempted to be palmed on tlie credulity of the public. If any thing more is necessary, we would declare the above “important intelligence” utterly unfoundr': ed as regards the Cherokees, and intended to prejudice the public against the Indians,, and, by criminal means, bring them to some desired collision with the whites.— We are confident many Georgians would not lament to see the Cherokees and Creeks resorting to “rash and mad poli. cy,” nor she! a tear to witness tlieir “utter annih ldtion.” Some plausible pre text thus to annihilate the Aborig:nes of this country is earnestly desired by the au thors of falsehoods and misrepresentations Which arc continually pouring forth to our injury. We will here assure the public, that the authorities of this nation will pur sue the same course of prudcncce and for bearance, which, be it said in tlieir favor, they have un lb- n y observed, .f ,h: / a e to be “annihilated” we believe it will not be in consequence of a ‘“ash and mad poL icy” on their part, but in consequence of repealed insults and oppression, which they are now receiving from their persecua. ting neighbors. In the last number of the Cherokee Phoenix we find a letter to Elias Bou dinol the Editor, from the celebrated Ba ron Humboldt, dated at Beilin ip Prussia, in November last, in which the baron expresses his admiration at the progress of the Cherokees in civ ilization and learning, and desires that his name may be placed on the list of subscribers to the Phoenix. What will this learned nobleman think of our civilization and humanity when, in the first numbers of the paper which lie peruses lie finds, along with the evidence of the wonderful improve ment of the Indians, the documents which announce the determination of Georgia and the United States tci drive them from their beautiful coun try, and compel them to herd again with savages!—JV. Y. Obs. INDIANS IN MISSOURI. Extract of a letter from a distinguished citizen of Missouri to liis friend in Miu r lilan-l (communicated to the editors of \ the National Intelligencer.] Tlie Indians are prostrate and crushed. We take their land first and cheat them out of it afterwards. , We have already done so on the left bank, and the right is too good a country to expect a different fate.— - The whites have now no fears of them; they are cowed and subdued, . and yet exhibit a touch of their con dition that would awaken the bettep • feelings of any man not hardened, as I partly am, by the frequent occurenccr . of the spectacle. They meet their fate like the trapped wolf, with a sort . of sheepish ferocity. - An overwhelm^ ing fear, and the absblrife certainty' or of perdition, have deprived thfi* 1 ". of that proud spirit of resistance which, marked their primitive gharaoter, and.