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Lord; and I will cause thee to ride up
on the high places of the earth, and
feed with the heritage of Jacob thy fa
ther: for the mouth of the Lord hath
spoken it.” Now this seems to me to
be a plain explanation of 1 the command,
"to keep the Sabbath holy.” By our
own words, it seems to me we are to
understand those words which relate to
our worldly affairs.—Hence I cannot
but esteem the practice, as atransgres
sion of God’s law, and a desecration
of the holy Sabbath.
IXDIA\S.
From tho Cross. v
THE INDIAN AND THE SPAN
IARD.
The following^ interesting scene oc
curred in tho history of the early Span
ish discoveries in America. The In
dians of St. Domingo were treated in
a most oppressive manner by their Eu
ropean masters A chief named En
riquez, succeeded in throwing o(T the
yoke of the tyrants, and escaped to a
rough and mountainous part of the
country, where, with a few followers,
he lived in freedom. .Many were the
attempts of the Spaniards to drive him
from his stronghold but were unsuc
cessful. His policy was altogether de
fensive, fc.r-wliicfi Ke' had a double mo-
a desire to spare the effusion of
blood, and to escape the attacks of a
disproportionate force. With a for
bearance m ist strongly contrasted with
the conduct of his enemies, he com
manded his Indians never to slay a
Spaniard but in self-defence, but to
possess themselves of the Spanish arms
whenever they could obtain them.'
For ten years, every effort to reduce
him to submission, by force or nego
tiation, was alike unsuccessful. At
length in 1529, Hernandez de San Mi
guel, who came to the Island when a
boy, with tho first admiral, and who
was well acquainted with the manners
of the Indians and their modes of war
fare as well as with the passes of the
mountains, undertook, at the head of
one hundred and (illy men, to hunt
■down the prudent insurgent.
After a pursuit of many days, during
which the chieftain easily baffled the
pursuer, Enriquez gave him an inter
view, in a spot which he selected for
the purpose. Two mountain peaks a-
rose precipitously to a great height
near to each other, yet separated by a
profound chasm, through which llowed
a deep and rapid .stream. Upon these
summits, in mid air, where the war
riors could hear but not appronch each
other, they opened a conference, in
which terms of peace were proposed by !
San Miguel, and accepted by Enri
quez; the former exhibiting full pow
ers from the government for this pur
pose.
It was stipulated, that' the chief and
his followers might dwell in full free
dom and independence, in such parts of
the island as they might select, refrain
ing fVom all violence to the Spaniards,
and restoring the gold which had been
taken from certain travellers. Time
and place were appointed, at which tho
parties should meet, accompanied each
by eight attendants, for the delivery of
the gold and the ratification of the trea
ty.
Enriquez repaired to the place on v
the seashore, and erected a bower, in’
which he placed the gold, and, provis
ions fur both parties. San Miguel too
kentthe appointment; and that hemight
better celebrate the peace, I13 caused
a vessel 1 which accidentally appeared
on the coast to bo moored near the
shore, while the crew marched in pro
cession, to the sound of musical instru
ments. The chief beholding this nu
merous force approach, whoso good
faith ho had but too much reason to
receive the Spandards with cordiality,
to deliver up the treasure, and to say
that indisposition prevented him from
keeping his engagement in person
San Miguel regretted much that the
conclusion of the treaty should be thus
postponed; but more, perhaps, that he
had failed to carry Enriquez in chains
to St. Domingo. He sent him how
ever, a friendly message; and the
truce, though not formally ratified,
was preserved for four years, when
a permanent treaty was concluded, by
which-the intrepid chieftain accomplish
ed the freedom and independence of
hint»&Jf and his tribe.
DOMESTIC.
of adjournment, he may adjourn them
to such time as lie Bhall think proper.”
This clhuse occurs in Section 3d of
Correspondence of Foulson’s American Daily Ad
vertiser.
,. Washington March 24, 1834.
A rather lively discussion was got up
in the Senate this morning upon An
old affair. In my letter of the nth
instant. I gave you a sketch of what
was said that day on the presentation
of a memorial [by the President of the
Senate] from York, in Pennsylvania, St
that on account of the offensive lan
guage contained in it, and by reason
of its having been mutilated, the Sen
ate had refused to receive it. This
morning the President again presented
a communication from that quarter, of
a somewhat apologetic nature, but ask
ing to have their resolutions received,
without the preamble which had given
offence.
Mr. Clay asked Mr. Van Buren,
if he, as the rule of the Senate on of
fering tho communication, that in his
opinion there was nothing offensive in
it. The President, thus publicly call
ed upon, rose and recapitulated part of
what he said on the 17th; the amount
of which was, that he should refer it
to the Senate to decide that point for
itself.
Mr. Clay again rose, and in a some
what impassioned manner, told the
President, that the rule of the Senate
required every member, when about to
present a petition, to state distinctly
whether there was any offensive matter
in it: that the President, as a member
qf the body, had the same privilege,
and was necessarily bound by the same
rule. That he now distinctly under
stood the Chair to state that he declin
ed making any statement on the sub
ject, it was evident therefore, if the
example now set was followed by the
other members, the rule would be a-
brogated, all other rules might be abro
gated, fk any thing, &. every thing, how-
‘ever offensive, could be presented to
the Senate. He had presided several
years in the otlrer House, they had the
same rule there, and it was invariably
observed; he did not hesitate to say
the Chair had failed to discharge its
duty, and under these circumstances,
and expressly for the reason that the
Chair had refused to observe the rule,
he would not consent to receive the
communication.
Mr Clay said he had fallen upon cu
rious times VVe had n President who
took all responsibility upon him, and a
Vice President who would take none.
He wished they would exchange a por
tion of their attributes, that if one of
them had less con mittal the other less
noncommittal, it would be much better
for the country.
Mr. Wright now said a few words in
favor of receiving the communication.
Mr. Preston also was in favor of receiv
ing it, ho thought there should be a
great deal of latitude on subjects con
nected with the right of petition. Mr.
Leigh would not consent to receive it,
because even this communication had
been altered likewise, it was not the
petition of the people of York, and for
that reason he would not receive it.—
Col. King of Alabama, was for receiv
ing it.
Mr. Calhoun said it was a mutilated
paper, and he would not vote to receive
it. He would receive no paper but the
identical paper sent by the peoplo of
Y’ork. Mr, Southard and Mr. Ewing
also were against receiving it. At two
o’clock, the motion to read it wqp laid-
on the table by a great ’majority.
Mr. White occupied the rest of tho
moring against Mr. Webster’s bill for
extending the bank charter. Tn the
house, petitions were received, and
some squabbling took place between
Messrs. Watmough and Sutherland.
It will 3»or, be very' fcvident to every
body that North Carolina has under
gone a thorough political revolution.
the 2d Article, which section Enumer
ates the duties of the President of the
United, States,—and, it is to be spe
cially remarked that it is separated from
the clause preceding and following it
by colons, indicating that the two sev
eral parts of the clause relate to each
other. The obvious meaning of the
clause is therefore, that when the Pres
ident convenes Congress, he may ad
journ them. Those who oppose this
construction contend, as the Globe
does, that the' power to convene and
the power to adjourn »rc separate, in
dependent, and substantive powers.—
The Globe supports this view by the
fact that, in the original draft of the
Constitution, each of these two giants
of power stood in a separate sentence,
and by the surmise that they were
connected, by tho Comntittee ofRevis-
ion, for the sake of euphony. I should
rather imagine that thej>iigiual separa
tion into sentences was accidental, and
that the subsequent connection was
advised, considerate, and intended, not
for euphony, but for fundamental law.
But, admitting that the power to ad
journ Congress has no dependence up
on the power, to convene Congress,
there are other . qmiliiicatioits of the
power which render ‘ it inefficient for
purposes in view, in the iirst place
it, would be easy to show that the word
‘‘adjourn,” as used in the phrase, can
not mean prorogue# and that it implies
not the dismissal of Congiess at a par-
ticulai u trmo, but putting it "ir ;.o o...oil
er time, i am inclined to believe that
a prorogation w as not iu the view of the
framers, anti that, if it had been, word
prorogation would have been used,7—for
there .vere men iu the Convention who
were acquainted with the import of
ivotds. My conclusion is, therefore,
that they meant to say that in case ot
a disagreement between the two I louses
as to tiie time to which they should ad
journ, the President should "adjourn
them to such time as he shall thiuu pro
per.” That this is the meaning of the
framers, appears from many considera
tions,—no matter whether the two grants
are independent or not
But there is still another’qualification
of the power, oven if wp admit taut the
power to "adjourn'’ is a power to pro
rogue " A disagreement as to the time
of adjournment” is a technical phrase,
and is understood by Parliamentarians
to signify that the Houses are ready
to adjourn, consent to adjournment, but
disagree as to the particular day.—
Therefore, should the llouse< pass a
doint Resolution,10 adjourn on apa»tic-
ular day, the Senate could avoid the in
terference of Executive power by reids-
ing to consider, or, considering, by ’in
definitely postponing the Resolution:
Tho proceedings ol the House to-day
were unusually dull The anny oiil
has, at length, got to an engrossment,
but Mr. Ttlmadgc has not got to the
end'of his speech.
witnessed, and which it cannot long
bear. But it is not a condition for des
pair. Nothing will ruin the country, if
the people themselves will undertake
its safety, and nothing can save it, if
they leave that safety in any hands but
thoir o\\n.
Would to God, sir, that I could draw
around me all these twelve millions f»f
people; would to God that 1 Could
speak audibly to every independent
Elector in the whole land. 1 would
not say to them vainly and arrogantly,
that their safety and happiness required
the adoption of any measure recom
mended by me. But 1 would suy to
them, with the sincerest conviction that
ever animated man’s heart, that their
sufety and happiness do require their
own prompt and patriotic attention to
the public concern#, their own honest
devotion to the welfare of the State. I
would say to them that neither this
measure, nor any other measure, can
be adopted except by the cogent and
persisting action of popular opinion I
would say to them that the public rev
enues cannot be restored to their ac
customed custody, that they cannot be
again placed under the eontrol.of Con
gress. that the violation of law cannot
bo redressed, but bv manifestation, nor j
to be mistaken, of public sentiment. I>
would say to them that the Constitu
which wc can hope to extricate
selves from them. Must the 1
quake, before the people cens
sleep?
Baltimore, March 21
THE BANK OF MARYLAN]
The notice from the Cashier of
Institution, published yesterday,
like an electrical shock to the city,I
throughout a greater portion of the
crowds were gathered in front of|
Bank. There was, however, no
cnce—regret was the predominant
ing—and although the suspensior
operations by the bank will occai
great present inconvenience, yet
have reason to hope that'deposil
and holders of its bills will sustain]
loss finally.
In the present critical . conditior
affairs, there should be mutual
bearance. Wo believe that our bi
ing institutions are disposed to use|
practicable means, consistent
their own safety, to relieve the
1 munity—and, on the part of the
C le, all unnecessary excitement sht
e avoided.
We must all lament the nccesd
which forced the Bank of Maryland]
close its doors,—but, as the loss
chiefly fall on the stockholders, th]
is no occasion for alarm among otlie
fion and the luws, their own lights and j We believe, as wc have already s;
that the notes will be redeemed
their own' happiness, all depend on
themselves; and if they esteem these the deposited paid; and would thel
of any value—if they were not too ; fore cuution holders of either agai|
dearly bought by the blood of their fa- making a sacrifice.—(Chronicle,
thers—if they be an inheritance, fit to At a meeting of the officers of
1.0 in.nomiiif.il in their posterity. I wmint , »<■ vci al Bunks of tho city, convene!
beseech them to come now to their sal- the Union Bank of Maryland, in t
ration. * ; sequence of a notice received from
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IS.
President of Union Bank of Marylal
Mr. Leigh, in his speech, said
Sir, the contest is between the con- . u consideration the state
stitutional principles of republican go- ; l fimrs arising from the cjosing of
"Who nfltfdc^thc 300,000 drunkards
that now defiie and disgrace our coun
try ? Who caused the death gf 30,000
sots who have died in the United States
within the past year*? Where does this
.responsibility rest ? It must he some
where It cqn be no where else than’
upon the dealers in ardent spirit, I am
deeply convinced the evils of inleiAper-
aace can never cease, till the virtuous
in society shall uuite in pronouncing
the man who attempts to accumulate
wealth, by dealing out poison Sc death
to his neighbor, ns inftAnovs. v - -[Rev.
Mr. Pierpont, Unitarian.
From thf New York Journal of Commerce.
Washington, March 15, 1834. **
Much conversation and, I may say
sensation, has been occcasioncd here
by the leading article of the Globe of
this morning on the subject of the lj’res-
dent’s power to prorogue Congress.
The article was viewed by many with
surprise, although, as Mr. Adams says,
the matter hqd, for some time, been the
subject, o£ "whisperings in the House
and around about the House.” The
article is written with great ability and
ingemfity, and ’ wears the appearance
of having been well considered.
-That
the construction thus put upon the
clause in the constitution is correct
will be generally, if not universally de
nied. I very much doubt whether a
majority of the House would venture
to sustain it. But, at the same time,
the clause is rather blind, and leaves
some question as to its meaning. . It
is as follows:’ "He [tho President]
may, on extraordinary occasions, con
vene both Houses, or either of them;
and, in case of disagreement be
tween them, with respect to the time
From Pouleon‘8 American Daily Advertiser.
THE BANK QUESTION.
Mr. We aster in the Senate of the
United States on Tuesday last—at the
close of his speech in bringing in a bill
to continue, for six years, the act in
corporating the subscribers to the Bank
of tho United States, suid—
I have thus, sir, stated my opinions,
and discharged my duty 1 see the
country laboring, struggling, and pant
ing under an enormous political evil. I
propose a remedy, which, 1 am sure,
will produce relief, if it be adopted, and
which seems to me most likely U> ob
tain support. And now, sir, i put it to
every member of Congress, how he
can resist this measure’;'unless by pro
posing another, and a better? Who
among the ngents and servants of the
people assembled in these Houses, is
prepared* in the -present distressed
state of the country, to say that he will
oppose every thing, and propose noth
ing? For one sir, i can only say, ( that
I have been driven to this proposition
by an irresistible impulse of duty. If I
had been suddeply called to my great
reckoning in another world, I should
have felt that one duty was left unat-
tempted, if I had no measure to recom
mend, no expedient to propose, no
hope to hold out to this suii’ering com
munity. . .
As to tho success of thU bill,, sir, or
any other, I have onl) to repeat what I
have so often said, th&t every thing
rests with the people themselve*. In
the distracted state of the public coun
cils, any measure of ralief-’can .only be
obtained by the decisive demand of thp
public will, i ’
By an exercise of Executive power
which I believe to bp illegal, & which
all must see to be injurious, by an un
relenting tidherance to tho measure
which has thus been adopted, in spite
of all consequences, and by the force
of those motives which influence men
to support* the measure, though they
entirely disapprove it, the country is
brought to a condition such as it nover
vernment and the principle of monar
chy it was unnecessary and idle to
inquire whether the President designs
to subvert the Constitution? Political
causes put intoaclum often produce ef
fects beside, beyond, anti contiary to,
the purposes of the actors When the
English Parliament consented to purge
the army, did it no so with design to
make Cornwell lord protector of Eng
land? When Bonaparte usurped the
crown of Spain, did be design to sub
vert his imperial throne? Aud'yetit
was that act of all-grasping ambition
that fated ‘blunder,’ which roused the
spirit of resistance in the nation of
Europe, tlmt o.vs'->Vnpii s hed his down
fall. ' '
The recent disclosures have con
vinced me, that a broader metallic
sis than now exists, is absolutely qe-
oessmy to sustain our extended system
of Bank credit, and Bank paper cur
rency; and I can readily see that this
may bit partially effected by State or
Federal legislation—wise, judicious le-
gislaiion—but 1 must protest against
the power of the President to accom
plish such an object, however desira
ble. I make the remark, because the
President told one of those copivnittees,
tljat recently waited on him with me
morials, thin lie meant to restore a me
tallic medium of circulation to the
country; and that, in order to do this,
He piopoaed, first, to stop the circula
tion of all notes under ten dollars, by
placing the public deposites in such
state banks as would issue notes under
that denomination, and by prohiniting
the receipt, in payment of the revenue,
of the lu tes of such banks as should
issue smaller notes; and that, after
wards, a like process'would be em
ployed to put out of circulation nil bank
notes under the denomination of twen
ty dollars; Thnt jie should think the
Executive power competent to adopt
and enforce such a system of policy,
could excite no man’s surprise.
But what I am going to mention is
very remarkable, and it is equally re
markable that it has not hitherto at
tracted the least notice. The Presi
dent being asked when he intended to
commence the execution of his plan,
answered, not till after "the expiration
of the churter of the Bank of the Uni
ted States. (I am only stating the
substance of what he said, from memo
ry.) Now, I wish to lyavc it observed,
‘that, as the charter of tho Bank will
expire on the 1st March, 1836, and the
President’s term of office ‘on the 4th
March, 1837, cither he designs .to ac
complish this difficult operation of le-
storing a metallic medium of circula
tion within the short space of one year,
or he intends to be re-olected for a
third term, and perhaps for another
term after that, for the probable dura
tion of l>is life will hardly be equil^lo
such a work. I do not uflirm thut
such are his designs; but he has taught
me to note his <vords, and to compare
his subsequent conduct with them.—
His words fere often pro’tentous. We
have no light by which we can discern
the issue of the present stnjp of things,
but that which corruscates from his
mansion; and-that is like flashes of
business of the Bank of Maryland,
following Presidents and Cashiers w
present:
William Lorman, President of
Bank at Baltimore.
Philip Moore, of the Frankin
Wm Bolin, of the Com. Frain
Nicholas Brice, of the Framer
Merchants.
VYm II Murray, Cashier of
Mechanic?.
J, Bier, Cashier of the Marine.
William Lorman was called to
Chair, and N. Brice acted as» See]
tary. Among- other proceedings
following took place.
The President of the Union Bi
intormca ine meeting that the Bank
Maryland had made a deed of tv
ba-^ which they were prepared to dcliv
’ conveying all the property*of the Bi
to him in trust, for the general and
qual benefit of its creditors—that
had not as yet read it, nor accepted
and decliqed doing so‘without the
vice and concurrence of the other Bai
interested in the distribution of
funds, and that this meeting was cal:
to lny the subject before them for th
direction concerning it.
It was then by the meeting una|
mously resolved by the President
Cashiers present, that in their opin
it is advisable that Mr. Ellicott
ccpt the deed of trust proposed by
President .and Directors of the B
ofMnrylnnd, and that they there
unite in recommending Min to do so
Tt being understood among other thill
ofdetail, that the different Banks s’
from time to time be informed of
progress of the trust, and that their si
oral officers shall have free access
every information thnt they may requ|
until its close.
Mr.
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From the Philadelphia Examiner.
Prophecy nearly Fulfilled.—The fr|
eralist of this quarter, although indir
lightning, in a dark night, serving only nant at the course pursued by GenH
THE B ANK OF MARYLAND.]
The announcement of the stopp
of this Bank, came like an elpct
shock upon the city of Baltimore,
do not recollect at any period to h
witnessed such a general excitem
among n(l classes. The streets all
forenoon have been filled with gro
of citizens. What this event will!'
to no on* can tell. All the other bai
have been called upon, more or le
fiir payment for their notes in spec
which, of course, have been met.
hope, in this matter, a forbearing sp
will be- manifested, and that the pub
will not withdraw that confidence f
has been so long and so well.deserv
We hope that the "bitter fruit”
the government "experiment,” ofwhi
the people by this event are made
taste, 'will induce oyr rulers to pa:
in their career, and without delay
trace steps. The gloom which pervodj
the city, will, we hope, satisfy
Secretary Taney, that the "e.xpe
.memt” of the government is frau;
.with certain ruin to all glasses of tl
people—and induce him, we fervent
trust, to avert the destruction whij
the President and he alone have f
power of doing.—Baltimore Patriot.
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to show _ a .
| horrors all around us, hut no road by