Newspaper Page Text
it, farther than as it affords you a pretext to quarrel with ns
and insalt us, are the proper persons to apply the remedy.
You hare never proved either of these propositions, and you
never will, because neither of them is true, and we think you
know it.
The quarrel now existing between the North and the South,
is, as I think, a very serious affair. It has already done much
harm, and like all quarrels, it will continue to do harm as long
as if exists, and for that reason, it ought if possible to be stop
ped ; and the first step is to define it and let the people know
what they are quarreling about, and know who is in fault.
And as the quarrel between you anil me is a miniature of the
great quarrel going on in the nation, in defining it I shall de
fine the other.
Then in the first place, I have no recollection of having in
jured you in any way whatever, and yet you have fallen out
with me and have said things, and allowed others to say
things in your paper, that were calculated and I think intend
ed, to insult and hurt the feelings of all the Southern people.
And for what did you do this ? Simply because the South
ern people claim the right of thinking for themselves and re
fuse to let you think for them, in a matter tliat concerns them,
and that does not concern you, in the remotest degree. Now
we say that the quarrel now existing between you and me, is
precisely the same as the one existing between the North and
the South, and the definition is precisely as I have given it.
You claim the right of thinking for me in a matter that con
cerns me and not you. If this definition is not correct, point
out the error, and if it is correct, point to anything more dis
gustingly despotic, either in present or past times. I would
as soon fall into the hands of Nicholas, as to fall into your
hands, and I would rather fall into the hands of Nie than
either.
Nothing can be more dictatorial and despotic than your con
duct You know’ nothing about the negroes and have not
the shadow of a right to interfere with them in any way what
ever. AH this you know perfectly well, and yet you persist
in your course. We know all about them, and have a per
fect right to say in what way they shall be disposed of. I
know that I am a friend to the negro, but 1 don't know tliat
you are, nor do I believe it If the negroes were emancipated,
cither they or we would soon be exterminated, and it would
certainly fall on them. This you must know, and under
thi se circumstances I can't think that you are a friend to either
them or us. You are very careful to tell us that you are a
friend to both us and the negroes, but if this were true, there
would be no need to tell it.
If any person should enter your printing office and direct
you to stop work—that he considered it a disgrace to the na
tion and to. him, and an outrage on his conscience, for you to
continue it, his conduct would not be as improper, insulting
and impudent as your’s is about the negroes. I know more
about negroes than any man in Boston, and have thought
more about theif condition than you ever will think, and I
firmly believe that they are in the best eonditiou in which
they can be placed—because they are in the best condition of
any negroes in the world. But for believing this, which Ido
candidlv, you think you have an undoubted right to insult
me, and you do so for no other sin except tliat of thinking for
myself in a matter that does concern me, and that does not
concern you in the remotest degree. Not long since, in speak
ing on the slavery question, you use language like this:
u Shall WE never see the end of this disgrace ?” What are
we to think of this ? Do you really believe that you are dis
graced by wliat men do a thousand miles from you, and over
whom you have not the least control ? or, did you intend to
make other people believe what you did not believe yourself,
and to insult others for daring to think for themselves, in a
matter that does not concern you ? Two-thirds of the people
of Georgia arc as clear of the sin of holding slaves, as you are,
yet I dont suppose t'nat you think any better of them than
those that do hold slaves, because they are guilty of the damn
ing sin of differing with you in opinion ; and when you tell
them that slavery is wicked without furnishing them with one
particle of proof, they have had the presumption to disbelieve
you.
W e are here in the condition that the physician sometimes
finds himself when he has a bad ease to manage, and a parcel
of wise old women interfere to instruct and direct. The old
women know nothing about the ease, and nothing about
the patient or the doctor, yet they are determined to interfere
and prove that they are wise and good old women, by neglect
ing to do what they ought to do, and by doing what they ought
not to do. This is your ease—you know nothing about the
negroes, and you care nothing about either them or us, and
yet vou are determined to dictate and think for us, and so,
“ Compound for sins you are inclined to,
By damning those you have no mind to.”
By extending slavery in the Territories, it would be better
for the siaves and ever)- body else, for the more they are
crowded the worse it is for them, and every body that has any
thing to do with them; and this you must know if you know
any thing about the matter, and if you know nothing about it
you are certainly wrong to meddle with a matter of such vast
consequence, that you know nothing about. But you do know,
in my opinion, that the more the slaves are crowded the
worse it is for them and their owners, and therefore, your ob
jecting to their being dispersed, is proof positive that you are
neither a friend to us or the negroes. You know that by ex
tending slavery in the Territories, you would not add one to
the number of slaves.
The people of Georgia had no hand in making the negroes
slaves. Your fathers brought them here, slaves, and sold
them, and if they are to be set free, it is your duty to set them
free, because you think or pretend to think that they ought to
be free, and we think they ought not to be free, because, if
they were set free, they would be in a worse condition than
they are now in, and the whole world would be injured.
Here you are demanding of us, in a most dictatorial manner,
to do what we firmly believe ought not to be done. This is
nothing more nor less than claiming the right of thinking for
us, and claiming the right of being our conscience keepers.
IT there can be anything more despotic and insulting than
ycur conduct, I know not what it is. You call yourselves
reformers and so do the Lynehmen, and you both have a right
to do so, but if the people should call you dictators and peace
breakers, dont complain. I think the Lynehmen are as good
as you are, and they arc not half the mischief makers that you
are. I have'ncver heard of Lynehmen using such disgust
ingly reckless language as your reformers use. One of them
said in one of your reform associations that, “ If the Church,
the Sabbath, the Constitution or the Bible, was in his way, he
would clear all such rubbish out of the way, and go ahead.”
God save the world from such wicked blasphemers. And for
this horrid expression lie gets no rebuke, because he is but ex
pressing the sentiments of the company. When the Consti
tution and the Bible go down, let the sun go down too, never
to rise again. The Bible and the Constitution are, as I think,
‘he only moral lights the world has, and if they were put down
the Sun ought to be put down too. Any man that opposes the
Constitution and the laws, opposes the Bible, because the Bi
ble teaches men to obey the laws, and this is precisely what
you Reformers are doing. You are teaching men that there
is a higher authority than the laws, and that higher authority
you call your conscience, and which we call your it ill. Now
if one man has a right to set up his will as above the laws, so
ha; another, and therefore we had better throw away the laws,
Constitution and BILL.-, all together, and rush into anarchy at
once, or get yon and the Rev. Mr. Spear, or some other infal
lible being, to think for us. I will not say that you Reform
ers are fanatics, but this much I will say, I have precisely the
same reason to believe they are, that you have to believe that
Bocold, Mathers, Fox, Xayler and Beeket, were such. They
at precisely like all fanatics have acted. They acknowledge
no allegiance, if I understand, to any laws of God or man, but
their own wills ; and what i worse, they chum the right of
thinking for other people, and dictating to them.
Two-thirds of our people do not own negroes, and conse
quently have as little interest in the negroes to bias their judg
ments as you have. llovv then does it happen, that you are
so much wiser about the negroes than they are ? They know
ail about the negroes, and you know nothing about them, and
yet you claim the right to dictate to them in a matter that they
know all about, and that you know nothing about, and the
reason of the difference is, tliat they are friends to the negroes
and the country, and you are not.
You may think tliat you are much wiser and better than
they are, but the crowded condition of your prisons, the starv
ing condition of your poor, your trafficking in Milicrism, to the
extent you have done, and your raising $20,000 to support a
prodigal and perhaps wicked family, while worthy poor peo
ple are compelled to starve or steal at your doors, without re
ceiving one cent at your hands. These and hundreds of other
things that I could name, do not prove that you are any wiser
or better then other people, but your neglecting to notice
abuses that exist among you, to attend to other peoplu's busi
p< ce, i*; too dictatorial and iiusaiting to pass unnoticed.
I could easily prove that if the negroes were emancipated,
their condition would be worse than it is, and I would do so,
but I firmly belive that you and a good many others have
made up your minds not to hear the truth on tliis subject. I
find a good many men that have made sylogisms to read in
this way: —The truth ought to be heard ou all occasions, but
on many occasions it ought not to bo heard. Men ought
never to be condenmcd without a trial, yet Washington, Jef
ferson, Marshall, Henry, Jackson, Green, Marion, and all
other pirates, brigands, aud slave holders, ought to be con
demned without a trial. All men ought to be allowed to think
for themselves and to conduct their own business, in their ow n
way, but slave holders and those that live among them ought
not to think for themselves or manage their own business in
their own way, but they ought to allow us holy men to think
for them and to be their conscience keepers. I think, I have
an undoubted right to better the condition of any man or beast
if I can, and if an opportunity offers, my conscience tells me
tliat I ought to do so; and now under this impression, a negro
insists tliat I sliall buy him—says that it wonld oblige him very
much, and because 1 can do it w ithout much inconvenience,
I buy him, and now he is glad and thanks me very much, and
I too feel pleasant and happy, because I have done what I sup
pose to be a good act, but alas! how soon this joy ends, for at
the very moment that I am indulging in these pleasant feel
ings, here comes the wise men from the East, and tell me that
I am one of the blackest scoundrels that ever disgraced the
human name ; that I deserve to have my throat cut for such
a hellish act. And they tell the negro that it is his duty to
murder me the first chance lie gets, or if he is afraid to do
tliat, he ought, at the very least, to steal all he ean from me
and run away to the North, to Canada, or to Ireland, where
they starve white folks to death, and make pets of negroes! I
tell them that I have done nothing but what I thought was
right, and what my conscience approved, but here I am told,
at once, that I have no right to think for myself, or to deter
mine wliat is right or wrong ; that they arc hereafter to think
for every body ; tliat it was formerly thought that the Rope
was intallible, but that what was erroneously thought of the
Pope is strictly true of them ; that they are really infallible
and not liable to err, and that they intend to reform the world,
and last of all, they intend to reform themselves. ’
Now I think I have given a true account of the quarrel be
tween yon and me, not because it is of any consequence, ex
cept that it is a true picture of the great quarrel going on in
the nation. If lam correct in the matter, t,lie quarrel is just
this: You think it is my duty to give SSOO or SIOOO fora
negro and then free him, a thing you won't do yourself, tho’
it is mure your duty to free him than mine, because you think
he ought to be freed, and I think he ought not. Here your
demand is tliat I should give SIOOO to accomplish an object
that I think ought not to accomplished if it could be done for
nothing • or in other words, you demand of me to do what I
think is wrong. I believe this is wliat is properly called lib
erty ot conscience, and it means just this, tliat every man and
all men shall liave full liberty to act, speak and think, pre
cisely as he is told. I may do what lam sure is right, but
here comes an ex post facto law from the Reformers, and I
am used up.
Now if Emperors, Popes or Kings, have ever done any
thing more despotic, historians have been ashamed to record
it.. V our newspapers are constantly furnishing us with pic
tures of poverty and human misery, too revolting to be
thought of, among you, for which you care nothing, but you
are greatly distressed about a parcel of high-fed impu
dent negroes, that are filling the country with disorder. Now
the people of Georgia ean pay you for insulting and misrepre
senting them if they like, but I will not. I can do without
your papers, books and all other goods, and this I am deter
mined to do, and in tliis resolution lam not alone. So fare
well. A. E. ERNEST.
CormijumkiiH.
LETTER front ATLANTA.
Atlanta, July 2, 1850.
Dear Duvtor. Much has transpired in our city to inter
est your numerous readers since I adtli cased you torn, but my
engagements have been so multifarious I could not make it
convenient to dot down the several occurrences as they trans
pired.
The Plank Road Tax bubble has, I believe, fairly exploded;
and, instead of endeavoring to build the Iload at the ex
pense of the many for the benefit of a few, steps were taken,
shortly after the date of my last letter, to raise the necessary
amount by voluntary subscription. Fifteen or sixteen thou
sand dollars were subscribed in a few days, when, I under
stand, further subscriptions were arrested by a false step of
one or two of its over-zealous friends. A meeting to further
the object has been called to take place at Warsaw, Forsyth
county, during the present week; but I have no idea any
thing will be done to forward the enterprise. The two wor
thies alluded to have long since disgusted every body here
with their twattle, and there is no reasonable ground to hope
that they will not equally disgust our friends elsewhere. It is
passing strange that the real friends of this undertaking
(those who are willing to risk their money in its construction)
will permit these shallow pates to jeopard its success by their
extravagant fondness for speech-making! But such is the
ease, nevertheless.
In a former letter I promised to interest myself, under cer
tain conditions, with the next administration to procure a sit
uation as engine man for the present Superintendant of the
State Road. Since that time, he has given unmistnkeable evi
dence that lie mistook his calling, as well when he undertook
to manage a locomotive as when he accepted tlte appointment
to superintend the management of the Road; and I wish it
distinctly understood that I now consider myself absolved
from that promise. The Captain undertook to run the pas
senger locomotive Monterey, a short time since, when com
ing up with a herd of cattle on the track, he was unable to re
verse her. The engine run over one of them, which knock
ed the baggage ear into pi, and narrowly escaped killing all
onboard. Gen. E. R. Mills, who liappened in the baggage
ear at the time, was a good deal bruised.
The State Temperance Convention held its annual meet
ing in this place last week. It remained in session two days.
On Thursday the annual address was delivered by lion. Jo
seph Henry Lumpkin, who, by an ungenerous, uncalled-for,
inappropriate and gratuitous fling at the Whig party, offend
ed many good citizens, without winning a corresponding a
mount of favor from the opposite party. The offensive part
of his speech was embraced in the bare assertion, (which had
no connection at all with the speech,) that Gen. Harrison was
elected, in 1840, by the influence of drunkards aud grog
shop keepers! I might have retaliated, and asked him by
what influence was our present Chief Magistrate (Towns)
elected; but it was no place for recrimination. There were
about two thousand strangers in the city during the sitting of
the Convention, a large number of whom were of the fair
sex. The procession numbered near five hundred persons,
and was preceded by our fineamateur Band. Several beauti
ful Banners were borne in the procession; the one presented
by the Ladies only a few days previous to “Shenandoah Di
vision” of this city, being the most conspicuous.
There has been much talk in certain circles, recently, re
specting the amorous conduct of a certain M. E. Preacher, of
this vicinity. The circumstances have not, as yet, fully
transpired. Suffiee it, for the present, to say tliat it is gener
ally understood that the Church authorities have had the mat
ter in hand, and that the Reverend gentleman plead guilty to
having given several sisters—married women at that—the
Holy Kiss .’ I shall watch the progress of the investigation
—fori understand it will be sifted to the bottom—and report
to you such items as may be deemed of interest to your read
ers. Wait patiently. If one-half only of what is reported be
true, we shall have a rich case of it yet.
Since my last the earth, which was then parched and dry,
has been made joyous by copious showers of refreshing rain.
AH nature now seems rc-animated, and, clad in living green,
stands decorated in her sweetest smiles.
Your*, truly, GABRIEL.
P. S. The “Citizen” has been very irregular in his visits of
late—sometimes arriving on Saturday, sometimes on Sunday,
and the last number not until yesterday, (Monday.) Whose
foult is it ? - G.
Note by the Editor. —This is abominable. Our papers
for Atlanta are put in the P. Office hero early Thursday eve
ning and if they do not reach their destination on Friday, it
is the fault of the Post Office Department! Will our city
Post Master oblige by looking into the matter and applying
a remedy if within his power.
fl I Sl®liU CXTIZZR.
LETTERS from BAKER COUNTY, A.
Number 1.
Albany, Baker County, Ga., June 20, 1850.
Dear Sir —Probably it would not be uninteresting to give
you an account of our crops in tliis section of South-west* ru
Georgia. I assure you, the prospeets for a heavy crop ol cot
ton are indeed gloomy. The late, cold spring, together with
the ravages of the iiee, and now an almost unprecedented
drought, has caused the plant to wither and die in many
places, and is more backward than I ever recollect of seeing it
at this time of year. Under the most favorable circumstances,
not over two-tliirds of a crop ean be realized. Our prospet
for corn is even worse than tliat for cotton, and unless it
should rain in a very short time, not one planter in twenty
will make a sufficiency to do them three months. This sir, is
no exaggeration, but sober fact.
Respectfully Yours, U. M. R.
Number 2.
Milford, Baker County, Ga., June 25, ISSO.
Dear Sir —ln my last letter, I stated crops were suffering
very much for want of rain. We are still suffering; the corn
crops are well-nigh lost —not all the rain that can foil, will
restore them so as to make half as much as they would have
•lone under more favorable circumstances. We shall have to
import corn or starv e the next season. It is now seven weeks
since I have liad rain enough on my farm, to wet the earth
one inch. Corn is actually dying in the field, from the ef
fects of drought. Our cotton is much injured, very small and
backward. I predict a short crop of that also. It would be
well for those who make any cotton to hold on to it. If the
scarcity of the article will cause it to advance, I think The poor
planters should be entitled to the benefit. Nothing of import
ance worth communicating in these “ diggins,” save only a
meeting of a portion of the citizens of this and the adjoining
county, Lee, on the 17th ult., to take into consideration the
propriety of constructing a plank road from Albany to Ogle
thorpe, which no doubt will ultimately be carried into effect.
The project is generally well received, and the people will go
into it readily. lam informed that Macon will assist. I hope
she may, the advantages would be great to your place. We
have another meeting to come oft’ on the 28th, which you will
see advertised in the Albany Patriot. I hope the citizens will
turn out “en massif” All we want is a “ pull, a strong pull
and a pull altogether,” and the work is accomplished. I see
from the papers, “ An agent for a London Emigration Com
pany” has purchased some 150 thousand acres of land in Ir
win county, for the purpose of getting it settled by English
operatives and manufactories. I sincerely hope they may suc
ceed. These Lands arc adjacent to the best cotton growing
region on the globe, and well supplied with water power and
timber, and if they erect their factories and build a rail road,
the day is not far * l distant,” Mr. Editor, when you will see
South-western Georgia “ flourish as the green bay tree,” and
“ blossom as the rose.”
Respectfully Yours, U. M. R.
dl]c Ocovijtn Citizen.
L. F. IV. ANDREWS, Editor.
MACON, GA., JULY 5, 1850.
To Correspondents.-- -Owing to the holiday, yester
day, we have been unable to serve up ‘Perkin Pry’s’ Letter,
from Columbus, and several other communications, in the
present number. Our correspondents will please excuse the
omission, as it was unavoidable.
Fair Notice. —Subscribers to the ‘Citizen’ are respect
fully notified that the time for advance payments has expired
and that Three Dollars instead of $2,50 will be exaefed of
each individual who defers payment any longer. We will
give ten days further grace, however, before we finally close
down upon delinquents. Subscribers in town and vicinity
will find receipted accounts ready at the office, for them.
New Subscribers. —ln all Cases when the parties are
unknown to us, new subscribers must send the cash to ensure
attention to their orders. “We, positively, cannot afford to do
business on the credit sys;eni.
Rally of the Friends of the Union.
By a notice in another column, it will be sei n, tliata meeting
has been called for to-morrow evening, of all the friends of
Clay’s Compromise Bill, of the Union and of the peaceable
settlement of the slavery question, to give an expression of
their views on this momentous question. We have no doubt
as to the response which will be given to this call. It will be
one which will be strong, decided and imposing. The great
Conservative and constitutional party will be there to pro
claim their attachment to the Union, in unmistnkeable terms
of devotion and firm allegiance. Let no one embraced in the
call fail to attend. Rally ! Rally 1 friends of constitutional
government! Rally, foes to anarchy, sectional strife and na
tional discord, and say to the angry waves of ultraism aud far*-
aticism , “Peace be still!”
—————
City Improvements. -—The Burnt District, on Cot
ton Avenue, is fast being regenerated from the desolation
which lately reigned in that part of the city. Tho walls of
the large bu ilding opposite Washington Hall are nearly rais
ed to their destined elevation, and the same may be said of the
Range of Stores going up on the 2d street side of the Triangle
across to the avenue. All these buiidings will probably be
ready for occupancy by the Ist of October, when business, in
that quarter will find a more fitting accommodation than ever
before. Thus from even the destruction of a conflagration
may good be educed and a private evil become a public benefit.
Factorydom.— A ride, the other day, out by the new
Factory, revealed to our astonished gaze quite a little village
which has sprung up there, as if by the.wand of an enchanter,
within a short period. We counted no less than eleven new
double wood tenements, all in a row but two or three, and all
of the same size and order, of plain architecture, designed for
dwellings for the operatives. The Factory Building of Brick
has been raised three stories, and an adjoining brick structure
over one story. We congratulate thecommunity on the pros
pect there now is of an early completion of this important en
terprise. When the buildings are finished and the work of
manufacturing is commenced, anew and auspicious era will
dawn upon us.
Wesleyan Female ( • —We have been favor- j
ed with a copy of the Annual Catalogue of the Trustees, Fac
ulty and Students of this Institution for 1549—50, from which
we gather thnt the College is in an exceedingly prosperous
State. The total number of pupils is 176; 30 in the Primary
Department, 35, each, in the Ist and Sophomore Classes—
-34 in the Junior—29 in the Senior, and 13 Irregular students
The following Ladies and Gentlemen compose the present fac
ulty:
Rev. Win. 11. Ellison, D. D. President, and Prof, of
Mathematics.
Rev. E. 11. Myers, A. M., Professor of Natural Science.
Rev. James R. Thomasj A. M. Prof, of English Litera
ture.
Rev. G. 11. Hancock, Adjunct Prof. Eng. Lit. and Pro
fessor of Languages.
Mr. P. G. Gutfcenbergcr, Prof, of Music.
Mrs. Susan S. Hancock, Governess, and Teacher of the
Ornamental Branches.
Miss M. A. McDowell, Instructress in the Primary De
partment.
The Cannuencement Exercises, will commence on Monday
next and close ou Wednesday-following.
Forged Bonds .—Considerable excitement has existed
in tliis city, for several days past, in consequence of the arrest
of one of our citizens, on a requisition from the Governor of
Pennsylvania, on a charge of forging and uttering $65,000
worth of Georgia State Bonds in Philadelphia on the 30th of
May last, on which $6,000 was borrowed by the individual.—
The accused is able, we understand, to prove an alibi —tliat
he was in Georgia at the date of the transaction. To enable
him to do which the ease will undergo investigation before
the Hon. Inferior Court on to-morrow. Y\ e purposely abstain
from giving further particulars, until that investigation takes
place.
Mind your Dots —The Chronicle and Sentinel of the
30th ult., copies an article of ours about “ Macon Mechan
ics,” and gives credit to our neighbor on Cherry street, for the
same. T. Lis is a double wrong Mr. Chronicle, you have i*>m
mitted—first in not giving us our due, and 2dly in attributing
to our neighbor what lie would probably scorn to own—our
compliment to Macon Mechanics !
The 4th. - -Yesterday was duly celebrated in this city by
the Military, Odd Follows, Children of the Sunday School Ac.
Also by a Eulogy on the life and character of John C. Cal
houn, by President Ellison. Wehave no room for particulars.
National Division, S. of T.
This body which convened in Boston last month, took ac
tion on a subject of vital importance to the Order in the South
ern States.
The Grand Division of Ohio, at its July session 1549, held
at Cleveland, admitted to membership W. 11. Day, a colored
man. At the annual session of the same state Division in
1849, tiie subject of the initiation of colored persons eanie up
for consideration--was referred to tbc Judiciary committee
whose report thereon, accompanied by preamble and Resolu
tions, after being amended was adopted—in substance, as fol
lows—“Tliat it was contrary to the original intentions of the
Founders of the order—socially wrong to compel the w hite to
associate with the black—contrary to the highest interests of
the order and at war with its harmony and prosperity.”
On an appeal from this decision, the question came up before
the National Division, who gustained the action of the Grand
Division of Ohio at its annual session, and declared the admis
sion of Negroes into the o.rder improper and illegal, by a vote
of 74 ayes to 6 nays.
The following are the officers of the National Division for
the present year.
John W, Oliver, of N. York M. W. P.
Isaac Litton, “ Tenn. M. W. A.
F. A. Fickardt, “ renn. M. W. S.
Jas. B. Wood. “ “ M. W. Tr.
A. S. Stone,- “ Mass. M. W. Chap.
Sam’l. L. Tilley, “ N. Bruns. M. W. Con.
James 11. Ennis?, “ N. Car. M. W. Sect.
The State Temperance Convention closed its annual session
at Atlanta, on the 27th inst. The following are the officers
for the ensuing year :
lion. Jos. 11. Lumpkin, President.
William King, Vice-President, Ist Dist.
Rev. L. Pierce, “ “ 2d “
Rev. S. G. Bragg, “ “ 3d “
lion. J. J. Floyd, “ “ 4th “
lion. W. Ezzard, “ “ sth “
llev. W. J. Parks,“ “ Gtli “
Rev V. Sanford, “ “ 7th “
L. D. Lallersted, “ “ 6th “
E. G. Cabiness, Corresponding Secretary.
J. W. Burke, Recording Secretary.
Rev. V. A. Gaskill, Assistant Secretary.
Benjamin Brantly, Treasurer.
Thomas A. Brewer,
11. F. Ousley,
Win. Dibble, Executive Committee.
J. 11. Ellis,
M. E. ReyUiuder.
Roscli’s “Chronic Diseases.”—w have recei
ved a copy of a pamphlet on ‘Chronic Diseases of Woman,
by D. Rosch, translated from the ilarmim ly Clin*. L>um
mig,’ from tho press of Messrs. Fowler & Wells, New York.
The work treats of some curious matters connected with con
jugal life, and is adapted especially to the private medita
tions of married people, though young people designing to en
ter the matrimonial state might find some useful hints therein
as to the bert method of preventing the ‘Chronic Nervous
Diseases’ to which the female sex is subject.
Editorial Corrf.spondence.— Nashville June 7.— The
Convention, it is freely conceded on all hands, is, beyond doubt
by far, the ablest that has ever met since the formation of
our Federal Constitution.—Augusta Republic, June 13.
As the girl said ‘self praise is half scandal.’ The associate
editor, D. ought to have added, l quorum pars fuij to have
finished the modest eulogium l —Georgia Citizen.
If any kind of scandal it involved, the ‘Citizen’ of course
could not be expected to be silent, but w r e ask would any other
than a vulgar mind have ever imagined that the writer
meant to include himself.—Augusta Republic, June 29.
If there is any scandal in what the Citizen has above said,
it arises from tlic nature of the subject involved. Ist. was
scandalous in his Excellency to appoint such an erratic gen
tlemen as the junior of the Republic to take part in the pro
ceedings of so grave and dignified body as the Nashville Con
vention ought to have been. 2d. It was more scandalous
for the appointee to go as he did, ‘jack at a pinch.’ 3d. It
was most scandalous for him to write home that ‘the Con
vention, it is freely conceded, on all hands , is beyond a doubt j
by far, the ablest that has ever met since the formation of our
Federal Constitution,’ because such unqualified and extraor
dinary elogium ought, if true, which nobody believes, to have
come from some else, than from a member of that illustrious
body ! As to the vulgarity of the idea that the writer of
that eulogium meant to include himself, all we have to say is,
that the imagination was a fair inference from the well-known
complacency of the gentlemen himself as evinced in his ac
ceptance of the appointment, and in the remarkable flourish
of trumpets, (epistolary,) with which he made known that
acceptance.
But, we meant no offence, whatever, in our paragraph—
and certainly nothing reflecting upon the standing or charac
ter of the junior, aforesaid, save in the attribute of modesty ,
of which his best friends will hardly claim for him an unusual
share.
Shooting in the Streets.— An Irishman was arres- i
ted on Monday last, for firing a pistol, several times, in the
street, up Cotton Avenue, and was brought before his honor
’the Mayor, next morning, who fined him $5 and discharged
him. He had bean disguised with ‘bald face’ at the time of
the shooting; and was very penitential and tearful when ar
raigned before tho Court. Hence the leniency of the penalty.
Consistency of Abolitionism.
A bill lias been introduced into the Connecticut Legislatures
providing for the fine or imprisonment of clergymen and mag
istrates who shall unite white and colored persons in matri
mony.
Oil yes! The negroes ought to be emancipated and liave
given to them all the rights and privileges of citizens, but af
ter all they are not exactly fit for amalgamation with the
whites! Hence the introduction of the above Bill to prevent
the marriage of blacks with the pale face abolitionists ! Could
there be any plainer proof of the hypocrisy of these abolitionists
on tho slavery question, than is here manifested ? Why not,
if sincere, amalgamate freely with the black race ? Why not
marry their fair-haired, beautiful daughters with the thick
lipped and strong scented Buck Negro, or their light complex
ioned sons with the sooty wench, if they believe the races to
be equal, in every respect ? Tliat they do not thus put their
theory into practice is ‘proof as strong as Holy Writ,’ that
they are as errant a set of hypocrites as ever lived.
Premium Plate. —We are indebted to Mr. George R.
Graham, of Graham’s Magazine, for a eopy of one of the two
beautiful premium plates (“ Christ blessing little children,”)
which he offers to each one of his subscribers who will send
him $3 for Graham's Magazine, from July 1850, to July
1851. The other plate is. the “ First Prayer,” ail exquisite
mezzotint of a mother teaching her child to pray.
Rude, —The Editor of the Georgia Citizen gives us a clou
dy dissertation of Madame Bishop and Mr. Boacha's affairs
Keep your modesty right side up, Mr. Citizen, when pencil
ling such an article.— Savannah Georgian.
That is asking of us more than the parties named liave
been in the habit of doing with the same art icle ! And, more
than some Editors do when they commend notoriously im
modest feminines to the patronage of a virtuous community,
without a blush at the indelicacy or impropriety of the act !
Getting’ Excited.— There is a wealthy cotton planter
down in Twiggs county, who is getting into a dangerous state
of mind, on the slavery question, in consequence of lending a
too credulous ear to the representations ot the “fire-eaters.”—
He imagines that the torch of the abolition incendiary is even
now kindling into a blaze, under his dwelling and negro cab
ins, and he is thereby rendered so miserable that he cannot
sleep soundly at nights, for fear of waking up, some fine
morning, without a single “wooly-liead” he can call his own!
These incendiary Editors will have much, we fear, to answer
for, before they get through the furrow they have commenced
hoeing!
The Three Black Crows.- -The Charleston Mercu
ry says, there were near two hundred delegates in the Nash
ville Convention! This is an abominable suppress o r eri.
The total number in attendance was 156; of these there were
101 from Tennessee, and about 20 from Alabama. Taking
off from these States all but what they were legitimately enti
tled to, and the total number of delegates would not have ex
ceeded 60, several of the States having only from one to five
delegates. Tremendous great Convention, that, and what is
more to the purpose, according to the showing of one of the
number the “ ablest ,” “by for as “ conceded on all hands'’
and without doubt , that ever convened, since the adoption of
the Constitution. The next version we expect to get of the
multitude there assembled, will be by the addition of a cypher
to the figures of the Mercury.
Desecration. —We notice that the Hotspur, go-off-at
half-coek party, have proposed holding disunion meetings in
several places in Georgia, on the 4th of July, (yesterday.)
What a desecration is this, of the political Sabbath of the
Union 1
Mr. Toombs’ Opinion.— The lion. R. Toombs
took occasion, lately, in his place, to declare that the South
had uniformly held and maintained the right of a people form
ing a State Constitution to admit or exclude slavery as might
seem good unto them—and that the South did not oppose
California on account of the anti-slavery clause in her Con
stitution. “It was her right, (said Mr. TANARUS.) and L am not pre
pared to say that she acted unwisely in its exercise—that is
her business.” Mr. T. in the same speech claimed the right
for the South to enter all the Territories, with her property
and securely to enjoy it. lie was willing to divide on equita
ble principles—but “the right to enter all or divide he would
never surrender.”
In all this we discover nothing to prevent Mr. Toombs
from suppn-ting Mr. Clay's Bill of Compromise, which leaves
the right to enter the Territories unabridged, until the peo
ple shall choose otherwise on forming a State Constitution.—
On the other hand Mr. T. cannot consistently support the
Missouri Compromise Line, because that will cut off the South
from the right hi enter 51-2 degrees of Territory north of
36. 30 as well as interfere with the right of the people of Cali
fornia to form such a State Constitution as they please, which
he expressly admits to be their right and to which there is no
reasonable ground of objection with the South.
C————
Error Corrected. —We were in error, last week,
in the statement that the Georgia Legislature had appropria
ted $30,000 towards defraying the expenses of the Delegates
to tile Nashville Convention. That sum was appropriated for
the expenses of members to the Georgia State Convention, if
one should be called. We were led into the error from the
fact of this appropriation for a similar object, and the addition
al fact that one or two of the other States had made appropri
ations to pay expenses of their delegation to Nashville. We
also have the impression that as the Legislature authorised the
election of Delegates, it will feel itself called on, by every
principle of justice, to pay the expenses incurred,’ if no more.
And ten chances to one, the appropriation will yet be made,
under the caption of “an act to relictc certain poor delegate's
to the Nashville Convention,” provided the Nashville Con
ventionists have the ascendency in that body, at its next ses
sion.
Bearded in bis Den. —“Curtius,” a correspondent
of the Charleston Courier has given a report of the late
speech of the lIon.R. 11. Rhett, in that city, which seems to
have aroused all the bad passions of this gentleman and his
friends. “Curtius” however, stands firm in the declaration
that lie gave with perfect fidelity the spirit and main pur
pose of his speech—which was to UNFURL THE FLAG
OF DISUNION and SET IN MOTION THE BALL
OF REVOLUTION ! Here, we have it, in unmistakeable
language, from the reputed author of the Nashville Address,
on his return home, from the Convention, what was the de
sign of some, at least, of the leaders in this movement. Mr.
Rhett has also admitted that the adoption of the Missouri
Line, recommended by that body, was “ utterly hopeless.' I '
This declaration coming from so prominent a politician as Mr.
Rhett, in connexion with the revolutionaryf speech made at
the Charleston Meeting, ought, we think, to open the eyes of
all to the truth of the allegations made against the Conven
tion, in advance of its meeting. DISUNION was the ob
ject, and although they were frightened by the voice of the
people, as expressed through the conservative Press, from an
open avowal of their unholy schemes, yet they sought, by
fraud and indirection, to accomplish the purpose so dear to
their hearts, and which, some of them had the mendacity to
deny having ever been entertained, in the face of proofis and
confessions furnished by themselves and their friends. This
purpose, we repeat, was disunion of the Confederacy at all
hazards, and the plan adopted was the impracticable and con
fessedly “hopeless'’ alternative of the Missouri Compromise!
Wonder who are the “traitors and tories” now! And
who are the “dupes!” And who the “long-eared party.”
Only let these “hotspurs” alone, a little while, and they will
furnish evidence enough to “Old Zach” to have them ail
hung up by the neck, according to the statutes provided for
the crime of 7 'reason against the government. To this com
plexion it will come, shortly, unless the phases of the political
horizon give out an uncertain augury.
“Leaders of the People.”
Governor Hammond, of South Carolina, is reported to
have designated the Nashville Convention the “Leaders of
the People !” Aye, self-constituted leaders, who would lead
the people to ruin, if the people are fools enough to follow
where they have blazed out a pathway. In that ease there
would be verified the saying—“they be blind leaders of the
blind and both shall fall into the ditch.”
Keep it before the People
That the Nashville Conventionists have utterly abandoned
the position heretofore maintained by the South—tliat Con
gress has no right to pass any law respecting Slavery—when
said Convention demands of Congress a recognition of the
principle (by a declaratory resolution) that the South may be
permitted to go with their property into the common Terri
tory of the Union.
Keep it before the poople that the Nashville Convention in
demanding the Missouri Line for the Territories as the “ex
treme concession” which they will take if offered by the
north, have not only abandoned the safe Southern ground of
nonintervention, on the part of Congress, but have laid
down an ultimatum which the Convention knew to be im
practicable and which it designed to be disruptive of the L n
ion!
Democracy of North Carolina.— The Demo
cratic party, of North Carolina, in Convention assembled on
the 13th June at Raleigh, among other Resolutions, passed
the following:
“ Resolved, That the Union of these States, as formed by
our forefathers, is dearer to us than every thing else, besides
our vital interests and honor; that we will cherish it and stand
by it so long as it realizes in its operation the designs of those
who founded it as equals; but that, while we thus yield to
none iu our attachment to it, we are still determined, happen
what may, to resist all palpable violations of the Constitution,
and all attempts to wield this Government, by a mere section
al majority, to the injury and degradation of the Southern
people.
“ Resolved, Tliat the Compiwmise, known as the Missouri
Compromise, was adopted in a spirit of mutual concession
and conciliation, and, though the South feels that it detracts
from her constitutional rights, yet for their love of the Union,
this Convention is willing to abide by it, and would checrfull,
see all the distracting questions settled on this basis.”
MR. CHAPPELL’S LETTER.
A short time ago, several prominent members of the De
mocratic Party, of this place, addressed a letter to the lion.
A. 11. Chappell, soliciting an expression of his views, on tlie
great and absorbing questions which now agitate the public
mind, in reference to Slavery. To this solicitation Mr. Chap
pell has replied, at length, reviewing with much ability, the
whole subject, and declaring himself, under all the circum
stances of case, in favor of the adjustment Bill of the
Committee of 13, in preference to the extreme measures or
sine qua non ultimatum of the Nashville Convention. This
Letter is now in press and will shortly appear, when all can
judge of the cogency of its reasoning and the sound, patriot
ic and const native principles which have governed the au
thor, in his investigation of the exciting topic. The late hour
of the reception of this document prevents us from “giving
eveu a synopsis of its contents, nor could we do justice to Mr.
C. were we to make the attempt. We cannot, however, re
frain from extracting so much of the Letter as will present the
writer’s views on the merits of Mr. Clay's Bill, which here
follows:
‘ ‘The bill reported by Mr. Clay, as Chairman of the Com
mittee of Thirteen in the Senate, is the great antagonisiieal
plan to that of the President and his cabinet, and to the
schemes and views of the Northern Whigs, Free-soilers and
Abolitionists. If it fails, they must nccesarily triumph.
If it succeeds , they are as necessarily defeated and over
thrown. Such is the real unshunuable alternative which the
ease presents.
Let us look dispassionately at that bill. The un
doubted excellence, the exalted patriotism of its objects, en
title it at least to a fair and liberal examination before it is con
demned and rejected.
It is impossible, I apprehend, to deny that it is a bill which
contains much that is good—and good of the highest kind.
It is equally impossible to deny that it will prevent much that
is evil, and evil of the very worst kind.
In the first place, it is a marked ingredient of good in the
bill, that it makes provision for the organization and govern
ment of the Territories of New Mexico and Utah. The atro
cious contrasted wrong and evil which it will prevent, and
which so deeply stains the opposing cabinet plan, is the leav
ing of the people of these Territories for an indefinite length
of years without the protection of government and laws, to be
a miserable prey to civil anarchy, military despotism and bar
barian outrage. Every day that this state of things is allowed
to last, is a continuation of the most crying, merciless, discred
itable injury and injustice, on the part of our government, to
wards this portion of our fellow citizens. It constitutes a ease
of the most remarkable governmental pravity and abandon
ment of duty, tliat was ever known. It involves a breach of
the faith of treaties, of the obligations of the Constitution, and
of the sanctity of oaths, all of which unite to demand in thun
der-tones of the President anl Congress, to give to the peo
ple of New Mexico and Utah, the benefits and protection of
civil government and laws. Mr. Clay's bill proposes to dis
charge -most solemn and imperative duty. The antago
nistic Presidential plan, proposes to set this duty at naught,
and to abandon these Territories for an indefinite length of
time, to all the miseries and wrongs of their present anarch
ical and unprotected condition. Will Southern Democrats—
will Southern men of any party pursue a course which effec
tually helps and enables Gen. Taylor and liis cabinet, to carry
out such an atrocious policy l This is one of the questions
which they must answer by their coarse in this matter. For
to help to defeat Mr. Clay's bill, is to help most efficiently to
carry out Gen. Taylor's system of govermental non-action and
abandonment of duty, in regard hi the Territories. That sys
tem goes into effect if the bill is- defeated—it vanishes into
nothing if the bill is passed.
Another prominent and undeniable merit which Mr. Clay's
bill possesses, is to be found iu the rejection of the WHmot
Proviso, and in the feature it contains of Congressiot il non
interference with the subject of slavery in the Territories.
Those Southern men who refuse to recognize this as a great
and satisfactory merit in Mr. Clay's bill render very poor ser
vice to the Southern cause. They contribute to weaken and
demoralise the South in her own eyes and in the eyes of the
whole country, by stirring up dissatisfaction now against what
the Southern people glamored for, only two years ago. Let
us beware, now that the position we contended for in ISlS—is
sought to be conceded to us, how we turn away grumbling
from the offer, and insist upon another position we then repu
diated. Dow downward is the tendency of such a course!
And how certainly are those who pursue it destined to sink
the character of patriots in that of faetkmists !
The bill has a still further merit in connection with the mat
ter of slavery. It is not only marked tlir -ughout all its pro
visions, by the entire abstinence of Cor gress to legislate in re
lation to slavery, but in order to make absolutely sure of
Southern approval in this particular, it expressly denies to the
Territorial government the power to pass any law prohibiting
or establishing it; thus leaving the question of slavery in the
Territories in the hands of the judiciary where the celebrated
Clayton Compromise bill of ISlS—over the loss of which the
Southern people so poignantly grieved, sought to put it. Sure
ly, then, it cannot be tliat Southern men and especially South
ern Democrats, will pronounce Mr. Clay's bill unsatisfactory
on the subject of slavery in the Territories.
Again, the great and, so far as I am aware, the only point
of honor urged or made by the South iu connection with this
controversy .has been that Congress should not make a discrimi
nation against the Southern people, by piissing a law in re
straint of their right to emigrate with their peculiar property ,
to territories acquired by the common blood and treasure of
the whole country. Such a discrimination it was felt and in
sisted, would be not less a wound upon Southern honor and
equality tliau an infraction of Southern rights. This point of
honor is saved to ns—saved complete and inviolate by Mr.
Clay’s bill.
And yet further:—The passage of Mr. Clay's bill, in con
junction with the opinion prevalent throughout the South,
that, in the absence of all Congressional or Territorial legisla
tion to the contrary, the Southern people wouid be entitled in
point of law to carry their slaves into the Territories—the pas
sage. I say, of this bill in conjunction with this prevailing opin
ion, would make Southern men feci secure in * emigrating
thither with their slaves. And if there be adequate induce
ments presented by the soil, climate, and productions, mineral
or agricultural, of the country, they will so emigrate to it,
and plant Southern induenee there, and in due time bring the
States there to be formed, into the Union as slave-holding
States.
In strongest contrast with all this, is the course which
things must take if the bill is defeated and Gen. Taylor's
policy of non-action and abandonment” of the Territories to
an unorganized and lawless state, supervenes in its place.
In that case, the whole world knows tliat there will be no
immigration of Southern slave owners with their property.
For men owning any kind of permanent or valuable property,
especially slaves in the South, to the absolute security of
which they look for the maintainance of their families and a
provision for their children, will not risk it in a land destitute
of the protection of civil government and law’s. In such a
land the needy, lawless, the outlawed and the desperately ad
venturous. w ill mainly congregate. Such will be the charac
ter of the population, that under the system recommended by
Gen. Taylor, will at some distant day frame constitutions and
governments, and ask for admission into the Union for New
Mexico and Utah. And such a population, ow ning no slaves
and looking merely to the appropriation of the country and its
government and honors to themselves and others of their own
sort—will be sure to shut out Southern slave-owners, by an
interdict in their State Constitution, as the Californians have
done.
The Northern Whigs, Free Soilers and Abolitionists, who
are supporting Gen. Taylor's non-action policy, understand
well what will be its operation. They know that it will, in
the end, certainly throw New Mexico and Utah into their
hands as the President’s active policy lias already thrown
California into their hands—and so they be but sure of get
ting the the substantial tiling which they want, they are not
over-nice or particular about the process by which it shall, be
done.
Will Southern Democrats, will Southern uteaci any party,
