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Admitted by southern men to have force. But, admitting it to be fair, right, and equitable—which lam not disposed to controvert—that the laws of Mexico, prohibiting slavery, should be repealed. Ad mit that, though the advantages obtained by the North, has been fairly acquired, under the constitu tion, and according to the forms of law, and is such advantage as parties feel themselves justified iu retaking and using, yet, it is not equitable and fair that they should use such power. The reten tion‘and use of such power, however, would not justify the South in dissolving the L nion, or taking any other violent measure of redress. If the prin c.pe be admitted that whenever the majority shall pass a law repugnant to the wishes of the minority, or what is still stronger —and is the case under dis cussion—shall refuse to pass a law which the minor ity think should be passed, be a good cause of vio lent resistance, then no government could stand for five years. It is the essence of anarchy. It asserts the principle that the minority have the right to force the majority. There can be no government where such a principle is recoguised. The princi ple is revolutionary in itself, and involves the ques tion, whether such refusal, though according to the constitution and forms of law, and such as is com patible with the rights of party power, is, never theless, so oppressive to the minority as to justify a dissolution of the Union. Let it be remembered, however, that dissolution would, not make New Mexico slave territory. It wouid not remedy the evil. In another place I shall speak of the serious objections to a dissolution of the Union. Here let me notice the practical evils that we shall suffer, if Congress shall refuse to pass the proposed law, and see if they be of such mag nitude as to justify or excuse the proposed remedy.—l have just shown the improbablity that a population as much opposed to slavery as we are in its favor, should form a constitution allowing it even with the few slavholders that might go to the country. But, it seems to me, that in endeavoring to grasp at too much we may lose all. The slaves t bat would be sent to populate that vast territory might not, prove sufficiently numerous and profita ble to prevent their abolition by the laws of the States that may be hereafter formed. But the drain might be sufficient, to bring about its aboli tion in such States as Missouri, Kentucky, and oth ers where the Institution has been giving way to the increasing white population for years past. A majority of the Old Thirteen States, by the opera tion of the above causes, has already abolished sla very. And if we turn back to the columns of some of our newspapers, twelve months ago, we shall find this argument used as a reason why we should con tinue the prohibition to the introduction of slaves into Georgia. With great force and reason it was said that by the drain Virginia, and other States, would become free States. The reason for concen trating the slave population increases with time. The slave States, though containing much more territo ry than the free, have much less population, and particularly white population. This is because for eign emigration to the country locates in the free States, but, as the w hite population shall press on the means of subsistence in the free States, necessi ’ v will compel them to fill up the more thinly inhab it and Southern States. And when the Northern and Western hives, with their free soil notions, shall spread through the land giving, in time, ten white men having no interest in slaves, to one slave own •r, we shall have abolition in our own legislation. As certainly as water, by the laws of gravitation, will.flow to a lower level, so certainly will the white abolitionist flow from his own crowded State, to seek a more comfortable home in the sparsely populated slave states. The same law which has driven the emigrant from over-populated Europe to America, will, in a short time, drive him from the over-popu lated free States, to the thinly populated slave states. I think it very questionable whether the vast a mount of almost uninhabited slave territory now in the slave states, can be protected from the opera tion of this law of emigration, With some, there is a dread now of home abolition. Turn back to the files of our newspapers, particularly those which support the Nashville platform, and you will find pains-taking, able, and ingenious arguments to con vince the ao/i-slaveholders of Georgia of their in terest in the institution. None such are deemed necessary for the slave-holder. —Straws show which way the wind blows. The writing and publishing such arguments, shows that the writers deem them necessary. I commend them for the labor. But if you have apprehensions from two thirds of our vo ters, raised in the South with all their prejudices and education in favor of the institution, do you think that poliey good for the South which will, as surely as effect follows cause —give us four-fifths— aye ! and in time—nine-tenths of Freesoilers for vo ters. Already we have plain proof of the effect of the draining and diffusing system. The thrifty and freesoil Yankee is crowding into Eastern Virginia to supply the place left vacant by the slaves drained off to Texas and Arkansas, and at some future re form convention —as it will be called—his vote will demonstrate the truth of my argument. The same will follow in Missouri, Tennessee, Kentucky, and others, perhaps finally all of the slave States, if we diffuse slaves and slave holders over all Territory proposed by the disunionists. The system of diffusion cannot safely be extended beyond a certain point, probably it has already been reached, possibly passed. In mentioning what we see in the papers every day about Eastern Virginia, I have pointed you to the leak in the ship, and while the crew are aloft battling with the blustering winds of abolition, which, but keeps them well disciplined and watchful of apparent, because noisy, dangers they suffer, may encourage other leaks to be sprung, whose accumulated and heavy waters will carry her down in spite of those who warn of their silent and subtle flow beneath. But in the hour of strife, the de sire to triumph over Union men at home, and to spite the Yankees abroad, is so tempting that it is useless to call on Southern miners to consult the counsels of reason. If these apprehensions be well founded, thinking men—if any such can be found in these times of recklessness and rain—will perceive that the strength of slavery is in concentration, rather than further diffusion. Serious efforts were made, not many years back, in some of the border States, to abolish the institution by state laws, and, but for the excitement and hatred engendered in the slave states by abolition fanaticism and insolence, I have but little doubt that Virginia, and perhaps oth er states would, by this time, have abolished slavery within their herders. How often in private, as well as public acts, do- men, from experience, discover the short-sightedness of their measures. Whoever has read the debates of that calm and wise body of men, who fra ned our present constitution, will be astonished at their apprehensions of evils that have never occurred, and how they overlooked, those that have embarrassed the operations of our gov ernment. How much less are men to be trusted who act under the impulses of hatred,, abolition, and strife. One of the strongest proofs of consequences be ing different from the expectations of those who project the causes, is to be found in the results of the abolitiou movement. I believe instead of weak ening, it has. strengthened the slave power. As be fore observed, ITavcbut little doubt that pro-slavery in th ■ border states- has not only been kept alive, b .t oxcit and and active, by the constant irritation .Mid insolence ot the abolitionists. And to the ! jeans intended to weaken the slave power we may “now be. indebted for the preservation of slavery by some of the strongest of our border States. It ail demonstrates that people should, not sacrifice a great, permanent, and certain good, for doubtful benefits. | The >ir*:;gtl. of slavery it in its staples One engaged in making sugar, rice, or cotton, strengthens the institution more than five engaged in farming. Even now the destruction of slavery would, I belive, bankrupt the world. It is, and will become more and more the interest of the world that it should exist. Concentrate his labor on the great staples which give to the free man the means of labor and support throughout the world, and not diffnse it among the grain growers, to come in com petition with, and antagonistic to, free labor, if you desire to secure its permanence. hether the Nashville platform, is the worse or better plan for the South, is not so important, as the great error of its advocates, as to the remedy for the real or imaginary wrongs of the South. It has never yet been show n, or hardly attempted to be shown, that disunion would remedy any wrong, or give security to any right of the South. So far from it, it would remedy no evil, and would destroy the main security for slavery. Would it prevent the theft of our slaves, by abolition rogues, and how ? They would remain a contiguous to our people as now, and disunion would hardly give them any more reverence for our rights of proper ty. We have some evidence of its effects in the case of Canada. She is not united to us, and, I pre sume there are more stolen negroes there, than all the New r England States together. Would it stop the abolition lecturers, preachers, and politicians? I think it would but increase them. Whether in, or out of the Union, slavery can be abolished, against the consent of the slave states, by force only. I have never heard that any party, even the abolition ists contended for the right to abolish it in the slave states by law, against their consent. Law or no law, we would never give up the institution but by brute force. The abolitionists, knowing and ac knowledging that Congress has no right to abolish it in the States, are seeking a dissolution of the Union, to the end, plainly, that they hope to effect, by open war and insurrection, that which cannot be done by legislation. Without the Union, we have nothing to stand between us and our rights, but our arms ; and knowing it would be treason to “ South ern rights ” to deny that her chivalry could triumph over “ a world in arms’’ without, and domestic in surrection within, yet I hope that men who are not fond of civil war, who have families to suffer by the fire and the sword, may be excused from desiring such an issue, unless it be necessary to avenge wrong or protect right. But in the Union we have the protection of our arms, the protection of the constitu tion, and the protection of the interest that each State, particularly the free, has in the Union. Why, then, throw away these two last securities, wanton ly, as they do not impair the ultimate reliance on arms ? There is no reason why we shall not be as able, nay more able, to rely on arms in future, when it may become necessary, than now. Is it to be tolerated that men who will throw away two se curities and rely only on one, when all three can be retained, shall be called friends to the South } If the motive be properly examined, and I hope to have space to do so, the rights and security of the South have but little to do with the matter. If the rav ing declamation of stump orators, and barbacue re solutions be true, I will admit that we are a very oppressed, and grievously wronged people, but “ flourishing declamation is as easy as profane swear ing, and about as convincing.’’ But let the disunionists speak for themselves in the preamble of one of the resolutions of an indig nation meeting. It is the first I could lay hands on, and is a fair sample of all; here it is : ‘‘From the ordinance of 1787 down to this present moment the North has been making bold aggressions on the rights of the South. Abolition societies have been forming and the presses have associated and affiliat ed to levy war on our peculiar institutions. Even the pulpit has been made to resound with the mor al evil and sin of slavery. The ultimate object of it all has been, and is now, to overthrow the institu tion of slavery in the United States. Urged on by -aJAmd and bigoted-fonatimm,-they claim a-dignity and a religion higher and purer than that of Christ, and a political consequence above the constitution.” Well then I ask, how can these things be pre vented, in or out of the Union ? It is a consequncc of the liberty of speech and the press. Who expected when liberty of speech and the press was secured, inviolate by the Constitution, that men would not use both wickedly ? To enjoy the benefits of that liberty we are obliged to have the evil. How are we to dis criminate ? If an abolition society in one state is to be put down by violence, or the Union dissolved, another state will insist that the order of Jesuits must be put clown or the Union dissolved; another the Masons; another temperance societies ; and so on of various other associations. If the Union is to be dissolved because one state suffers a man to write and say slavery is a sin, another may say it should be dissolved because Georgia and S. Carolina suf fer their people to say the Union is a curse, and the Government a tyranny. If the Union is to be dissolved because Massachusetts allows a crazy fanatic to pro fane the pulpit; and liberty of speech, in abusing slavery and slaveholders, another state will insist it is a curse, so long as Georgia permits her priests to become demagogues in heading barbecue proces sions, the main object of which is to encourage dis oyalty to their own government, or New York per mits her pulpits to be profaned by socialist doc trines. But, says the preamble above, the abolition societies and press wish to overthrow slavery. And so the enemies of socialism say its tendency is to overthrow society—the protestant that the Jesuit societies and the people of the State of Ohio, that the nullification of South Carolina tend to overthrow the government. The error of this whole course of reasoning is in considering the opinions and langu age of men as a wrong against a state, to be re dressed by the state. None but the most absolute governments have attempted to control the langu age and opinions of its citizens, or subjects, and none have ever arrogated to control the language or press of another state, however offensive. Societies are formed in New York, to subvert the whole social system. Suppose Pennsylvania, dreading lest the infection should spread over her borders, were to require New York, at the hazard of the Union, to suppress the anti-rent and socialist associations. Would not Pennsylvania be laughed at for her pre sumption? And New York has as much power to suppress the socialist organizations, as the abolition ist societies. They both can plead their constitu tional right, to speak, write, and publish their wick ed doctrines, so long as they do no act of agression that infringe the rights of others. Atone time, the people of New York thought Masonry would sub vert the government and was fraught with as many evils as we think of abolition. Suppose she had asked Georgia to suppress all the lodges in the state, would we not have laughed at her impertinence ? Suppose, however, Georgia wished to gratify New \ ork. How, I would ask, could Georgia, consist ently with the constitutution, and without the most high-handed tyranny, have gone about it ? Men, under this government, may think, speak, and write any opinion they please, and also associate to propa gate their opinions, however unreasonable or offen sive they may be, if they do no act to injure others. Ofoourse, Ido not mean individuals, between whom the laws of slander prevail; nor mobs whose impar tial behests are are above all laws and constitutions. The English people, and: even the government, might, by speech and writing, have asserted the right to tax without representation, but if they had never taxed us, there would have been no war, on that ac count. They might have claimed the right, by pen and type, to press our seamen, but if they had not asserted it by the stvord , there would have been no war on that account. It the opinions and words of the northern abolitionists are so grievioui that we must resort to the ultima ratio with our sister states, why do we tolerate the same, and even worse in Eng land, and the rest of the world? England not onfy believes slavery wrong, but acts on the belief- She ?MB $ ©l*©S, ©S JL ®SS 11 IM o liberates the slaves and puts them on an equality •with the whites, socially and politically. England, with whom some of the abhorer9—shall I say pre tended abhorers —of abolition, wish to ally, is now trying to put the political power of Jamaica in the hands to the blacks. A late letter writer, from that is land, says the “ blacks are rapidly increasing in the colonial parliament” and that “probably four-fifths es all the public offices on the island are filled by col ored people.” Who believes in the sincerity of ab horers to abolition who will not stay in the same Union with men because they believe, talk, and write against slavery, but are w illing to become the allies of a people, who have acted abolition in so odious a manner ] Why this kindlier feeling for an old enemy, and want of loyalty to our own govern ment ? English abolition is ten times more offensive than Northern. The former also, abolition by the government —the latter is that of individuals whom government cannot control. (to be concluded in oua next.) Union meeting. In conformity to notice previously given, a very large number of the citizens of Bibb county, met at the Court house in Macon, Georgia, this day, at 11 o'clock A. M. when on motion of J. A. Nesbit, Esq., Gen. James W. Armstrong, and lion. T. G. Holt, were appointed Presi dents. Messrs. James Smith, J. H. It. Washington,.Toseph Bond, A P. Powers, John J. Gresham, A. 11. Chappel, Robert Findlay, C. B. Cole, A. F. Sherwood, and William D. Williams, Viee Presidents; and Messrs R. S. Lanier and Thomas Hardeman, Jr., Secretaries of the meeting. Hon. T. G. Holt, one of the Presidents, rose and in a calm, temperate but impressive manner, explained the circumstan ces which gave rise to so great an assembly of the citizens. He said, thcopject of the meeting, as he understood it, was to deliberate upon and adopt measures best calculated to op pose the efforts now making for a dissolution of the Union ; that by the Proclamation of the Governor, just made, in conformity to an act of the Legislature, calling a convention of the people by delegates, a grave duty devolved upon the citizens of the State—and especially so, in view of the mo mentous issue which had just been made, and which they were now to decide— union or dissolution ; that he knew not how others felt, but for him, he was for the Union ; and exhorted his fellow citizens, who concurred with him to or ganise in view of the approaching election, in order to arrest secession and preserve the confederacy, which secures so many blessings. Hon. Washington Poe then arose, and after making some appropriate preliminary remarks, offered, for the action of the meeting, the following platform, Ac: Declaration of Principles. The last legislature passed a law making it the duty of the Governor, in certain contingencies, to call a convention of the people of Georgia. One of these contingencies lias happen ed. California has been admitted into the Union, and his Excellency has issued his Proclamation, accordingly. The object for which said convention shall assemble has not been distinctly defined in the Act; still, from the Proc lamation of the Governor, and the sentiments boldly an nounced by certain newspapers and certain speakers, we are forced to the conclusion that the real purpose of its friends is, to bring about a dissolution of the Union. The citizens, here assembled, profess an ardent devotion to this Union. It was the creature of compromise and is rendered sacred by the memory of i patrtoiic ancestry. Un der it we have rapidly advanced to national power and dis tinction. Individually, and as a nation, we have never been so prosperous as at the present moment. Our country has be come the proud refuge of the oppressed of every clime, and the “stars and stripes” wave in triumph upon every sea. We hold that such a Union franglit with such blessings, ought not to be endangered except for grave and important eonido£ltionß. If it should be dissolved, the last hope of the friends of republican liberty, will be swept away; and this last, great effort at self-government will become a bye word and reproach among the tyrants and despots of the old world. As patriots, wo can see no good cause for encoun tering such consequences on aooount of anything which has yet transpired. The measures which have recently received the sanction of Congress, though not such as to meet our entire approba tion, arc nevertheless such as “ the South can honorably ac quiesce in'’ 1. In organizing the Territorial Governments for Utah and new Mexico, Congress repudiated the hateful Wilmot Proviso. 1. Iu arranging the Texas and New Mexico Boundary Bill, the North conceded such terms as were satisfactory to the Senators and Representatives of Texas. 3. In passing the Fugitive Slave Bill, they yielded to South ern men their own terms, and authorized them to frame its provisions to suit themselves. 4. Even the Bill regulating the Slave Trade in the Dis trict, is believed to meet the approbation of the people who are mainly interested therein. All these measures, with the exception of the last, were violently opposed by the free soilers and abolitionists in Con gress, as well as by every abolitionist and every abolition press in the North. The whole of the measures, taken to gether, are regarded by the free soil papers as a triumph of the South. The Albany Evening Journal holds the follow ing language in announcing the final result: “Another Triumph for Slavery! —Freedom’s Banner trails in the dust at Washington! Slavery has achieved another triumph ! Twenty five thousand square miles of Free Soil has, in the last half of the 19th century, by an act of the American Congress, been surrendered to slavery ! And amid the clanking of newly-forged letters, we hear the craven voice of exultation ! Yes, Northern throats are hoarse with rejoicings at the victory obtained by Slavery over Freedom ! Oh, that some avenging angel would blot out the disgraceful record, that our posterity might be spared the mortification of blushing at the degeneracy of their Fathers!” The only issue then is in regard to California, and the simple questions for the people of Georgia to decide are: Will they leave the Union because California has been al lowed to come into it ? Will the people of our State, with all their professions of strict construction and of reverence for the constitution, raise the standard of revolt against a con stitutional act of Congress ? Whatever may be the irregularities in the proceedings which led to the formation of the State Government in Cali fornia, it does not become the Soutli to forget that she ap proached Congress with a republican Constitution, framed at the suggestions of Presidents Polk and Taylor—both South ern Presidents, and both enjoying the confidence of the Southern people. The people of California, in conformity with the principles of Congressional non-intervention, always recognized at the South, settled the question of slavery for themselves. In a Convention, composed of more than one third Southern men, slavery was excluded by a unanimous vote. It is useless for us to speculate upon the reasons which prompted Southern men thus to give up a cherished institu tion. It is hardly probable that if they had been convinced that the soil and climate of California were adapted to slave labor, they would have permitted the institution to be exclu ded without a struggle. While, therefore, we may regret that the people of California have settled this question ad versely to the South—yet as good citizens, we feel bound to acquiesce, provided we can do so, consistently with our in terests and our honor. If slavery can be introduced into California at all, it can be done just as well under a State as under a Territorial Gov ernment. If slave labor can be made profitable in the mines, the people there, whether Northern or Southern men, will find but little difficulty in changing the fundamental law. If the climate and soil, however, should prove unfriendly to the existence of slavery, then it is better for the South that Cali fornia should have been admitted just as she is. The Convention which framed her constitution canvassed this question carefully, and arrived unanimously at the con clusion that a division of the country by the line of 36 deg. 30 mm. would not enure to the benefit of the South. In the Report of the proceedings of the Convention, we find the fol lowing Dr. Gwin, a delegate from San Francisco, said : “ If any portion of our population are opposed to slavery, per te, it is that portion South of 36 deg. 30.’ It is utterly unfitted to slave labor, being a grazing and grape oountry, with a few rich valleys, and extensive arid plains ” See re port, page 445. Mr. Carrillo, a delegate from the South, said : “ Some gentlemen have said that the South prefers a ter ritorial organization. This is a great mistake—l might almost say, a falsity. It has, likewise, been asserted, that the people of the Southern part are iu favor of slavery. This is entirely false. They have equally as strong a desire as any portion of the people of California to avoid slavery.” See report, page 446. Mr. Lippitt, a delegate from San Francisco, said : “ There is not a member on this floor who believes that slavery can exist South of 36 deg. 30 min. Whatever desire the South might have to introduce slavery there—the fact that it is utterly impracticable to do so—that it can never ex ist in that region—is sufficient to preclude the idea. If the territory is divided at all, (that is South of 36 deg. 30 min.) in accordance with the Compromise agreed to, between the two great parties (the Ncrth and South,) it will be erected into a free State by the action of the people themselves. There is no division between the Northern and Southern population of California on this subject. Consequently, if it becomes a separate State, it will be a free State , and instead of one, there will bo two free States.” See report, page 449. These extracts might be multiplied indefinitely. Enough, however, is given to show that the division of California by the line 36 deg. 30 min. as proposed by the Nashville Con vention, would have resulted in the admission of two free States instead of one, and of four free Senators instead of two. Under such circumstances and with such facts staring us ill the face, we cannot as patriots and Southern men, consent to favor a dissolution of the Union, because California has been admitted with her present organization, without a cur tailment of her present limits. We utterly deny that the last Legislature had any right to commit the people of Georgia to any such alternative. They usurped power and sovereignty which belonged of right only to the people. We further solemnly protest against a Convention, called for insufficient reasons, and clothed as this will be, with all the attributes of sovereignty, and empowered to act in the last resort, upon the grave issue of Union or Disunion. The dangers that would attend a dissolution of the Union, we regard as palpable and imminent. In onr opinion, it would be followed by the most disastrous consequences. 2. It will gain for the South no additional guarantees for her cherished institutions. It will not check the spirit of fa naticism at the North ; nor secure the extension of slavery into California. 2. It will result in a civil, perhaps, servile war which would absorb all onr resources, force us into a system of direct tax ation, and render property less secure than at present, both in Georgia and the border States. 3. It would compel the slaveholders in the border States to push their negroes into the Southern markets; and thus force the planters of Georgia and adjoining States to pay Virginia, Kentucky and Maryland for manumitting their slaves. 4. It would force the more Southern States, ultimately to secede again from the new Confederacy, or to fall back upon separate State organizations, and thus give to the South a set of petty States, without either power or respectability. 5. Under such circumstances, the people of the South would have neither men nor money with which to carry slavery into California. They would not even be able to retain it at home, much less force it across to the shores of the Pacific. 6. All these causes operating conjointly, would limit the area of slavery to a few of the South-Atlantic and Gulf States —where the lands would soon become exhausted—where slave labor would cease to remunerate—where the slaves themselves would be worthless, and the institution become a tax upon the people. 7. The fin.nl result of the whole matter, would be, that the owners would be compelled to abolish slavery in self defence —because the property itself will become valueless, and they would have no means left to support it! Here then, are some of the curses of dissolution ; and in our candid opinion, if the Union is severed, it will not require a .qujyjfer of a century, to consummate this magnificent scheme C'Jpnnschief and ruin. As patriots, as Southern men we can give no countenance to any scheme which would be followed by such probable re sults. We cannot consent thus to lower the proud ensign of the Union. As citizens, having a becoming veneration for the Father of his country—his memory and his dying senti ments—-we can take neither part nor lot in any movement which would blot out a single star or erase a single stripe from the glorious banner of the Union as it is. Under that banner we will rally, and like the men of’76 pledge “our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor” to defend it. We will never give up the Union for existing grievances; not* until the peo ple of the North prove themselves lost to all honor and patri otism, by attempting some positive violation of the Constitu tion, and of our rights guaranteed therein. Entertaining such sentiments as arc herein expressed, we, the people of Bibb county, now assembled do adopt the following— Union and Southern Rights Platform. 1. That while we do not npprove entirely of all the Peace measures which have recently passed Congress, and while we sanction the votes of our Senators and Representatives in op position to the admission of California; still we see, in the action of Congress, nothing which can be regarded as a vio lation of the Constitution—nothing which will require a resort to extreme measures, or in which the South cannot honorably acquiesce. 2. That wc profess to be as true friends of Southern Rights, and as ready to defend those rights as any men living, when there is a just and sufficient cause for extreme measures; yet, believing that Disunion, at present, will not only fail to strengthen our Rights in the Territories, but force upon us the alternative of abolishing slavery at home, we are not prepar ed to rush madly into a position which can only result in disas ter and dishonor. 3. That should Congress at any time exhibit its purpose to war upon our property, or withhold our just Constitutional rights, wc stand ready to vindicate those rights, in the Union as long as possible, and out of the Union when we are left no other alternative. We repel the idea that we are submission ists or that we have any sympathies with the enemies of South ern Rights. 4. Believing, as we do, that either secession or any other extreme measure, at present, can only result in mischief to the South, and to the cause of Republican institutions, we will sup port no candidate for a scat in said Convention who does not, publicly and unequivocally, pledge himself to oppose any and every measure which may lead, either directly or indirectly, to a dissolution of the Union ; and we request the friends of the Union, in other counties, to exact the same pledge from every candidate before yielding him their support. 5. That we deprecate, as unpatriotic and dishonorable, the practice, pursued by certain Disunion orators and presses, of denouncing Northern men and Foreigners residing at the South, as being unsound on the subject of our local institu tions, and as being capable of joining in a servile revolt. We believe such charges, unsupported as they are by the slightest proofs, to be the strongest evidence that the men who make them are destitute of moral and political honesty, and ought to be watched with especial care. 6. That the People of Bibb county, will forget all past Tarty distinctions and differences ; and, in imitation of their Fathers of the Revolution, will rally under the Flag of our glorious Union—that they will devote their time, their talents, their money, and, if need be, “ their lives and sacred houor,” for its protection and preservation , that we call upon the Union men of Georgia, and of the South, to unite with us in the ap proaching struggle, nor cease their efforts until our glorious Old Commonwealth, and the Government of our choice, are rescued from impending dangers. On presenting the above, Mr. Poe advocated the the views and principles set forth, with much ability and eloquence ; and on concluding, moved the following resolutions, which, together with the above, were unanimously adopted: Resolved, That we, who arc here assembled, together with all other citizens who desire the perpetuity of our National Government, and the continued enjoyment of the political advantages guaranteed to us by the Constitution of the United States, hereby form ourselves into “ The Union and Southern Rights Party of Bibb county.” Resolved, That a Committee of ten be appointed by the Chair, to select four delegates to bo supported by “ the Union and Southern Rights Party of Bibb county,” to the State Con vention, and that said delegates, if elected, be considered as pledged to oppose any action by said Convention, looking to re sistance by the State, to the act of Congress admitting Cali fornia, or for any other existing cause. Resolved, That an Executive Committee of six, be* appoint ed by the chair, to take all necessary steps to secure the election of said delegates, and to do, and perform all things that may be essential to the success of the “the Union and Southern Rights Party of Bibb county,” in carrying out the objects of this or ganization. Resolved, That a corresponding committee of five be ap pointed by the chair, to confer with our friends in other coun ties, and to provide suitable orators to address the people on the grave issues, made by the act calling a State Convention. Resolved, That a Committee of safety, consisting of fifty be appointed by the Chair, any one of whom may communicate to the Executive Committee, any suggestions and information touching the efficiency and success of said party. Resolved, That our friends in other counties be earnestly urged to spare no time in organizing and preparing to send good men, and true to the Convention, who will see to it, that no harm be done to the Union, the Constitution, and the Com monwealth. The following Committees were, pursuant to the resolutions, appointed, viz: Committee to Select Candidates: Robert Collins, O. G. Sparks, James A. Nisbet, C. A. Ells, Roland Bivins, W. K. DeGraffcnrcid, Thomas P. Stubbs, James B. Ayres, C. W. Raines, Henry Wood. Committee of Correspondence: S. T. Chapman, L. O. Reynolds, Isaac Scott, Wm. S. licit, W. K. DeGraffcnrcid. Executive Committee. J. H. R. Washington, Charles A. Ells, T. R. Bloom, C. I*. Levy, Z. T. Conner, Andrew J. White. Committee of Safety: John B. Lamar, Edmund Russell, Oliver H. Prince, Wm. Scott, R. K. Hines, J. B. Art ope, Samuel Hall, L. N. Whittle, J. T. Woottcu, John L. Jones Keelin Cook, Alex. Scott, James Gates, 11. C. Freeman, John P. Evans, Simri Rose, James Tinley, T. Hardeman, Jr. Wilson C. Hardy, M. N. Burch, E. C. Sherwood, Absalom Jordan, Elijah Bond, Anderson Comer, Wm. Hughes, Peter Stubbs, W. C. Wilson, T. Piercy, A. J. White, 1.. F. W. Andrews Wm. Holmes, 11. T. Powell, G. W. Talmadge, Willis Wood, C. G. Douglass, W. B. Carhart, Lewis J. Groce, Asher Ayres, J. H. Ellis, J. W. Babcock. R. Gilbert, John B. Grace, I. C. Plant, .1. M. Kibbee, J. E. Wells, Albert Mix, S. F. Dickinson, W. Lundy Sidney Lanier, A. P. Powers. On moiion of S. T. Chapman, Esq., Resolved, That the Chairman of this meeting l*c request to call a second meeting as soon as the Committee “to select candidates” arc ready to report, for the purpose of submit ing the result of their deliberations and notion, to said meeting. On motion of Col. A. P. Powers it was Resolved, That the city paper* Ik* requested to publish the proceedings of this meeting, and that the pros*.* of the State generally be requested to copy. The meeting then adjourned. JAMES W. ARMSTRONG, ) „ , _ ’ . Presidents. TIIADDEUL G. HOLT, ) R. S. Lanier. ) „ . . _ , V Secretaries. Thomas Hardeman, Jr. j Macon, Sept. 28, 1850. CnrrwjjLiniH'iirL LETTER from COLI ÜBI S. COLUMBUS, Sept. 30, 1850. Dear Doctor : —Disunion stock is <>n the decline. Holders are anxious to sell, and buyers require a further submission. On Saturday night, a week ago, the Fire-Eating club, of this j place, convened, distributed their pewter-buttons, the badges of office, and the committee reported that for want of time, they were unable to muster or enroll their country friends. Then the swa?np-lion was uncaged an 1 brought upon the stage to repeat the usual antics, accompanied with more than the ordinary quantity of roaring. The scene then closed, and to the unspeakable delight of j lovers of law and order, on last Saturday night, there was no meeting for drill, that is publicly, tlnmgli rumor says a select score of the faithful convened secretly. What was there plot ted is unknown. The brazen-faced officers appointed to so licit signatures to the Club-Constitution were not successful enough, to warrant a publication of the names. This favor able omen permits the Union Democratic Whigs to breathe free. The difficulty here, with ‘he two Disunion Presses, seems to be how to retreat with some semblance of advantage. Any reckless Captain can fob up a fight, but to retreat safely, requires consummate skill. Deigning sickness does not always answer. The Federal Union paper fails to face ! the music, and hopes to put Disuniotirst* in the Convention by stealth. It seeks to substitute the term resistance, for ** make War on the Government.” One press, In re. ha* its wrath so mollified as to catch the word, and says, because the South paid 92 1-2 millions, out of one hundred, and furnished forty out of sixty thousand soldiers, for the acquisi tion of the Mexican territories and has not got one inch of it. resistance shall he made. Well, most of this money was paid to the army and its officers, and for clothing, provisions and horses, and millions more in the shape of Land Bounty Warrants; and if the South had two-thirds of the army, it received two-thirds of the pay. If there was a fraud perpetrated on the South, it was done in the acquisition of the Mexican Territory. If it was made free-soil, it was done by Mr. Polk's administration, when it sent Stevenson's Regiment from the State of New York, at the public expense, to colonize California. If it was made free-soil, it was done by Senators, who ratified the treaty of Gaudaloupe llidalgo, and cowardly omitted to pro tect slave property in that Treaty. If mere Party considera tions did not actuate such Senators, what did ? Some ratified it, from culpable ignorance. The ultras, from all sections, voted for it, for the very purpose of dissolving the Union. Proof of this assertion is furnished by the fact, that every ultra Senator, who ratified the Treaty now seeks to dissolve the Union! The same causes, doubtless, operated on every Press that now cries “ to arms" —“make War on the Govern ment,” &c. Found dead, on the 24th instant, at Athens, Clarke coun ty, Georgia, “ the Southern Herald.” Coroner’s inquest re ports, “ came to its death by the too free use of mock-thunder, a rush of too much sham-chivalric blood upon the brain— want of common sense and pure patriotism—all producing violent ass.;.ults upon the Constitution of the United States, framed under the auspices of General Washington, which terminated instantly the life of the assailant.” We have with becoming feelings put. on the usual badge of mourning, with some apprehension that similar catastrnphies may not be un frequent in other regions. The Augusta Republic, it will be seen, sheds briny tears over the fate of its companion in arms, it is hoped though, not from any premonitory symp toms of its own approaching end. Here the fates are fervently invoked not to visit harshly our Disunion Presses. It is likely their subdued tone recently in speaking of re sistance, without saying how or whom they will resist, may ward off the blow for a few moons; but the doom for past offences is inevitable, to wit: exclnsion from office, and a withdrawal of public patronage. On last Saturday, we nearly had a passage at arms, in Broad-strect. A Disunionist, surcharged with the spirit of the “ swamp-lion,” drew and presented a pistol at one of the supporters of law and order, but did not shoot, and the truth is, his adversary, did not crouch, submit or run. Therefore it will be for your readers to determine, who. in this instance, nearest to submission . Ilad blood been shed in the above case, on whose head, think you, falls the sin? They are responsible, who have incited the Disunionists to such madness. We are all pleased with your boldness and skill in this contest. I wish you would procure the history of the Fed eral Ruin man’s retreat in 32, from Qualtleburn. It is un derstood he called every Camp by his own name—Camp betlYonrs truly. AMIGUSL . Ct Q _ o K>. (Tl)f 6m*gia Citizen. * r. W. MSSSiri, Editor. MACON, GA.. OCT. 4, 1850. “ TO CORRESPONDENTS: Several Letters on our table, some of which are in admissible some too late for the present issue, and others deferred. No future demand for the names of our Correspon dents will be” recognized, unless we are convinced that a libel has been committed. Mere politicians who make pul): speeches have no right to complain if they are spoken dis respectfully of. e hold ourselves, however, always readv to correct any errors of fact or opihion which may happen to find place in our columns. To ihe Union lien of Georgia. The Editor of the Georgia Citizen” begs leave to call tbs attention of the Union men of Georgia to the necessity there is, at the present time, of an extended support being afforded to those presses, who have, from the first, battled with nnwavs ring devotion, in behalf of Southern Right* and the Union of the States. To the Union men of Macon, of Bibb and adja cent counties, do wc especially appeal for that just and gensr ous measure of patronage for the “ Citizen,” which a new terprize like it may he supposed, in its infancy, to need, and which is so essential to a vigorous and successful manage ment of its Editorial columns. To a free ami untrammelled press—untrammelled by embarrassment of every kind— must the Conservative A law-abiding portion of the community look for the support of those principles of Republican Government which are now in peril of overthrow’ and ruin. Such pr#M are indeed the palladium of the peoples’ liberties, at all times, and especially in those seasons when treason rears its forked j bingue and spits its malice upon alt that is nobis and praise worthy in the political institutions inherited from our Revo lutionary fathers. Under snch circumstances, and in view of the fact, that the Editor of this paper has already suffered j from the malice of political enemies, may w e not, without ia delicacy, solicit such renewed efforts in behalf of the “Citizen” and such further increase of its subscription and meant of us*, fuhiess. as may be commensurate with the cr* at ends to be ae | eomplished—the diffusion of correct principles and the safety j of the Commonwealth ! JIHI?C Yisl)fl\s Address. -On Tuesday, according to appointment, the Hon. E. A. Nisbet, delivered an Eulogy, at the Presbyterian Church, on the life and character of the late President Taylor. The Military and Odd K. Hows turned | out, on the occasion, r.ud a large audience of ladies graced it bv I their presence. The Meeting on Saturday. Tlie proceedings of this meeting will he found in our paper, to-day. It was a “ large and rcrycctable” primary assem blage, notwithstanding the short notice given, and ib very unseasonable hour appointed ftr the meeting. Indeed wa wonder that it was nut a failure from this cause, inasmuch as none but planters and professional men had leisure to at tend a political gathering, at 11 o'clock on Saturday, at th* present season of the year, and mi the eve of a general re moval of stores and Imutu holds in this city. Nevertheless, > in spite of all ihesc and raw’ I Kicks, the meeting was a large oae and of the right spirit and material. The,Resolutions sad Declaration of Principles, (hating the unnecessary quotations from free-soil papers and from the California C.mv. nlion pro ceedings, i are of the right stamp, and should reeaive the calm consideration of every patriotic Georgian. M c were pleased, also, to see a considerable sprinkling, in the crowd of new converts from the “ 36—30” mlknJ who cannot further go with the Disnnionists. Tli.m- and others who have long been wavering and shivering in the brerx#, are welcome to a position on our “ platform.” *■> they be quiet and not too obtrusive of self upon public i o iee. As one of the original Union men, we cannot permit “eleventh hour” converts, and those, who. not long since, favored the sitting of the Nashville Convention in Macon—to |, n *b aside men who have “ l**rne the harden and heat of the day,” and usurp their places. Be modest gent lent, n, until your day of probation is over, and you can then come in and “ take the honors,” if you de*. rvc them As one of the < ‘onunittreof Safety, the writer of this is permitted to make arrv rurg ( tiun touching the efficiency of measures proposed, nud h. therefore hopes that what he has said, or may say, w ill not be taken amiss. The success of the cause n;nt not be bazardsd bv anti ri puhl'can practise-, or ii.diM-r.s-t counsel*, f .rt ry thing, in deed, dcp.-n.ls up.ti united and harmonious action, iq-on open and fair dealing, so that every possible influence mav be enlist ed in behalf of the glorious cause of UNION. PEACE and SAFETY. 1 lie “ Ball is in motion !” From this ecnirt- to the eircum ference of the State, let it be kept bounding, till it reaches th* Union goal or ballot-box. on the 25th November ! High School in Macon •—7 his is a desideratum in Macon, which, it appears strange to us, hits not before bc ri supplied. Wc want a High School for beys, in which the English and Mathematical branches of Education w iii rtcehe that share of attention which their practical importance, in this utilitarian age, so imperiously demands. There i*. we believe, hut one Classical ttclmol in this city proper which we learn is over-run with pupils. Two or three other* in the vicinity are limited in their number and modeled after the ancient pattern of bestowing chief attention to the dead languages, to which the English branch :s arc subordinate These are all well enough in their way, and as well conduct ed as most schools of the class. But there is still room for an Institution of the character we have designated—a High School for male youth, where Mathematics in their practical application to the wants of the age, as well as the perfection of English Literature may !>c imparted, at a reasonable chare#, and where Civil Engineering, Surveying, and NaturalSc:ei<-* in general, may be studied with on t the necessity of spending years in the time-honored routine of Latin and Greek, whi. h are comparatively useless in after life. We have not space, at present, for a detail of all the disad vantages which men of moderate means now labor und r, in relation to the education of their sons, in practical aciene* and English Literature. But we may be allowed tomenta u one, and that is the inequality of attention which the teachers of classical schools, are compelled to give to their Engli-li pupils. The latter are neglected, comparatively, if justice is done to the pupils in Latin mid Greek. This is perhaps, un avoidable, but it is not the less true, as can be attested by the experience and observation of many parents and teachers. We, therefore, would be glad to see a school established here, of the highest literary grade, in the English branches, and to tliecxelusion of the Ancient Classic*. Such a school would suit the means and meet the wishes of the masses of the com munity and would, doubtless, be well supported. It is, at least, worthy of enquiry, whether Macon, so well supplied with Schools and a College, for the education of our daughters, ought not to he as well provided with the facilities aud mean* for the education of our sons, in such departments of literature as may best qualify them for the every day business and pur suits of unprofessional life. We recommend the subject to the notice of the Odd Fellows—the Masonic and Mechanics’ As sociations, by whose combined influence and surplus incans, the desired object might easily be accomplished. General Kail Road Depot.—The Rail Road Com panies have offered $5,000 per annum, in perpetuity, for the privilege of establishing a general Rail Road Depot in tin* dty, aud the aouncil have appointed a committee to consider details—wliea the whole matter will be submitted to tho w*iee es the people, before final adoption or rejection.