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VOL. I. ms ©EJX&biiA IM2jii i< published, every Saturday luorninp, in Macon, (la. on the follow- CONDITIONS : if paid ttrirt.'g in adreinee ~ - aO per annum If not so paid - - -3 00 “ “ l,ei;al Advertisements will be made to conform to the following pro isions of the Statute: — x a l„ of [.*,|,i Slid Negroes, by Kxeentors. Administrators and CJuard aus. are required by law to he advertised in a public gazette, sixty davs previous to the day of sale. These sales must be held oil the first Tuesday in the month, between be hours of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the •Conrt Mouse in the county in which the property is situated. The sales of Personal Property must he advertised in like manner for- Notite to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must he published forty that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary foj >Hvr to sell Land and Negroes, must be published weekly for four months. , Cite lion* or Letters of Administration must be published thirty dn V s —fnr Dismission from Administration. monthly, sic month* lor liis mission from (luardiauship./rty any*. . u'. ,-fnr foreclosur. of mortgage, must be publislied mnmthly.for fovr months— for establishing lost paper *. for the full sp-ee of three msNtns—for cMupeiling titles from Executors or Administrators where a bend has been gix on hv the deceased, the foil .-pare of three month*. Professional and llusiness Cards, inserted, according to the follow "tor 4* dies or less per annum - - S5 oin advance. “ r, hues 7 ‘ ,O “ “ .. w .. ..... - 3iooo“ c-jT Transient Advertisements will he charged 31. I” r square of 12 lines or less, f>r the first and 50 cts. for <* a eh subsequent nsertio n .— ’ <>u these rates there will he a deduction of 20 percent, on settleme.ut when advertisements are continued 3 months, without alteration. s-jr* All lifters except those containing remittances must he post] paid or free. Postmasters and others who will act as Agents for the “Citizen’ mav retain 20 percent, for tueir trouble, on all cash subscrqitions tor warded. OFFICE on Mulberry Street, East of the Floyd House and near the Market. Cnrhi. kEL LA M J. BELL, Attorneys at Law and General Land Agents, Atliiula, Gil., Will practice in 1)< Ixail) and ;iljotiiiii£ eoniilies : and in the Huprome (bunt at Decatur.—Will also visit any part of the country for tin* sett iemeut of claims. \c. without suit, il r Bounty Land Claims prosecotkii with despatch. Office on White Hull St., over Dr. Denny's Drug Store. A. K. KKI.LAM. *• A * BKI.L. 3. &. R. P. KALI, Attorneys at Law, Macon. Georgia. ]>l! MTICE in Mibb, Craw ford. Houston. Ir|ison,1 r |ison, Monroe, Macon. Dooly. Twiggs.Jones and Pike counties: and in the Supreme Court ;■! Macon, Deentur,Ta!botton and Americas. SZtjOOn ick c.,kr Scott, CaRH.vRT }c Co.'s Stork. April 4, 1.250. ly Wm. K. dfiGRAFFENREID, Attorney & Counsellor at Law. MACCN, GA. Iy'OTfJCE Mt’I.iIERitYSTEET, NEARLY OI’I'OSITK WASHINGTON MALI.. Midth 21, IS.’O. ‘ I—'ly ~~ JOHN M MILLEK ATTORNEY AT LAW, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. Jnne 28th, 1850. Id—ly 2> A V l n iE %%S , 7 & k P a AND NOTARY PUBLIC,— MACON, GEO. CNOMMISSiONEU OK DEEDS, Ac., for the States of J Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas, Tennessee, Kentucky, \ irginiu. North Carolina. South Carolina, 1* tori da ,Missouri, New York, Massachusetts. Connecticut, Puun sylvsnia. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Arkansas. Maine, Ac. Depositions taken. Accounts probated. Deeds and Mort gages drawn, and a!! documents and instruments ol writing prepared and authenticated for use and record, in any of the above States. Uksuience on Walnut street, near the African church. O’ Public Office adjoining Dr. M. S. Thomson's iiotan ic Store—opposite Floyd House. Macon, Jane 23, 1850 14-—ly RBBGE3SBER! A'IT’M.F.N in your extremity that Dr, :*T. S. THOMSON is V\ -till in Macon. Georgia, and when written to, sends Mi i ‘iiic by mail to any part of the country, t>*>rs’ give up all hope without consulting him. June 7,1850* H —ts BOUNTY LANDS 3 ■ TO OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS Win sepred in the war of 1812 with Croat Britain, the Indian want of 1700, and 1836, and Lhc war with Mex ico of i 847-8- r rHE UN DF.iIS IONKI) has received from the proper Dr- A purtniPnts. the neees-a ix papers to estnldisli all or any ol die alwne claims, under (lie recent nets of Congress. lie “ill also make out claims under the Pension Act, as well as all others again.-t the United States for Lost Horses, Hag gage, esc. Information furnished gratis. Charges moderate. Ulaims of Widows, Heirs, etc., particularly atteniiedjo. “Cl 11 Gt JOSEPH’ A. WHITE. Cljf ]kA'j Cornrr, - - • 1 : - • For the Georgia Citizen. The Student Girl. S'.vo si beneath a southern vine, Her dark eyes veiled with silken lashes long, M liieh hid the pensive grief they ever wore, Her form was full of si ft clastic grace, And on her brow a fairness which bespoke Her of a Northern clime —A faded lose That ’ncath that burning zone had not its birth, With perfume still, though all else had fled, Ly on her slender hand, and tears fell fast And hot upon its leaves, for it had cotne AiVith haunting tones and words upon that worn breaking heart—to crush it in hitter agony. A'bat doth she here on lone Pacific’s isle ; A weary stranger on a stranger soil; Come read the tale of that fair gentle girl, She was from famed New England dime, A lovely home was hers within the vale, V here winds the crystal stream of Merimac’s Rippling waves—The rose and myrtle sweet and wined in union close around the trellised pdTeh Beneath whose arch there came no sound Save the joyous mirth of happy hearts. Iler mind was of a mystic mould, Tho’ full of sunny tones and smiles, there lurked Beneath that gay exterior a depth of soul M hieh lent the charm of thoughtful care, Her lovely face unto—while tef our hearts it came, But as a sign of future sorrow, her brightest flowers bend first beneath Cold autumn’s chilling blast, and souls of love h irst drink the dregs of disappointment. ears passed, her soul had met a kindred heart, “” *th noble brow and kindly tones, whose eye Beamed on her, continually, with love, Aet tongue revealed it not. It took a form Dt deeper impress than words couid give it. ***3 ■■ -*■ ■■ -tt*. ■■ ‘■ _ - w l9 ” -y, ..... -i ■- “Utlgjn" iir;- ■**■■ w ’ -•• ~~ —■—— —— They pondered o’er the same enchanted book A\ bother of legend or poetic tale, l util their spirits blent like living waters Os two streams, in perfect harmony. Oh ! who would think there lay within that dream The germ of future grief, Yet change swept o’er that heart’s devoted truth, And crushed in death the hopes of that fair girl, lle who had won her heart's first tender love, Unfeelingly forsook the beauteous maid And left her heart a blighted desert. Oh ! is there no truth in this wide world of hearts? No shadowing dim of that bright Heaven We fain would reach, where all is love and truth, -Mas, life hath too many tales like this ! One brief glad day of joy breaks forth .And then a darkened pathway, There came no murmur from her breaking heart, Shesought for peace before the throne ot God, And neath devotion’s light pursues her path So early clouded. She had crushed back the grief That sapped youth’s early hopes, and left her native sky For distant coral isles—there mid fragrant groves, She sat, with brow of snow among those dark, Sad forms, and told them of the heart’s sweet rest In worlds above. Ah 1 little did they know. That she who taught them thus, was dying Os a slowly breaking heart, as thus she pour’d A soothing balm into their wounded souls. That rose had called up anguished memories, Os him she loved with such enduring truth, And this the last sad relic of his love Came like whispers from the past to crush That fragile reed, in silent agony. She died She of such beauty rare, and gentle soul. Upon that stranger land, in her last hour. Unci leered by those who watched her early bloom. She sleeps beneath the vine where she so often sat, And naught hut flowers of fairest blooming Those dark-hrow’d maidens plant upon her giave, Os earthly love is this the end ! ah sure, An hour will come when Heaven’s just reward Shall meted he to cruelty and wrong, When no sling shall mar the spirit’s peaeo Like that of having broke a trusting heart. M. 11. OLMSTEAD. Otego, N. Y. For the Georgia Citizen. Seek Heaven. When thy heart is sad and weary, Burdened with the cares of life, Book above where naught that’s dreary Clouds the spirits inner life ; Seek ye that path with earnest faith, ’Twiil lead to joys that know no death. W lien thou'st laid some fond loved treasure In the cold unhghted tomb, Look above] and think thy* treasure Wears •• richer brighter bloom ; Seek ye that clime where love ne'er dies, But burns more pure in yonder skies. All of life is changing, fleeting, Nothing sure that is of earth, Less of smiles than bitter weeping, Follow us from early birth; Then seek the land of seraph lyres, Where mind relumes its wasted fires. M. H. OLMSTEAD. Otego, N. Y. .political. Howell Gobi, of Georgia. ( The constituents of this gentleman, at present Speaker of the House of Representatives of the U. States, have invited him to partake of a public din ner at Athens, Georgia,\the place of his residence, and he has accepted it, and lived t!m 14th day of November as the time. They do so for the purpose of manifesting their “approbation of the manly stand lie has taken in the adjustment of the excit ing and momentous questions which so lately agi tated the public mind.y The dinner is offered and will be given by gentlemen of both the great par ties, and the invitation is signed by ninety-eight citi zens. In the meanwhile, Mr. Cobb has taken the stump in favor of tlie Union, and is announced to speak at ditierent places, at stated periods, in his Congressional I listrict.y /There is something in the character and in the bearing of Mr. Cobb, that makes*him an interesting study to the young men of our country. His mod esty, liis prudence, his sagacitV, his eloquence,—all so fully developed —are rare elements in one of his years; for Mr. Cobb is one of the youngest men in the House. He wins affection by his gentle man ners ; lie commands respect by his unaffected dig nity ; and those who differ from him, no matter how vehemently, have the good sense never to un derrate his unquestionable abilityAYe have close ly contemplated him during the most acrimonious and lengthy session of Congress in our history, in the Speaker’s chair of the House of Representatives. The session itself will be among the most memora ble in our annals. Its proceedings aroused an in terest among the people that never will be forgotten. Some of its scenes were full of the gloomiest omens to the common weal. The whole fabric of the Un iou was intertwined with its discussions, and upon more than one single decision, depended the ques tion whether we should long survive or speedily per ish as a free people. In this protracted and terrible crisis, Mr. Cobb had the helm. Often assailed by the violent spirits of the floor—nearly always sur rounded by tempests of contention that included the whole body in their rage—he nevertheless remained at his post uuterrifled and undisturbed —seeing eve ry question through the storm, and recalling the House to its duty by the clearness of Lis explana tions, and the courage of his decrees. On the dark est hour of all, when it seemed as if the compromise measures were lost beyond redemption, liis voice of encouragement was heard in all quarters, and when Anally these measures were revived, it was in a great measure owing to his tact, energy, and perseverance, that they were triumphantly car ried through the popular branch of Congress. Since tliev have become laws of the land, he has been bit terly denounced at home, in his own State of Geor gia, by those who regard the compromise measures as injurious and insulting to the South. In this new crisis, he is found to be as calm, as resolute, and as patriotic as ever : and forgetting the fatigues that have w’asted him during a ten month’s session, he is now seen on the rostrum, in Georgia, battling for the Union with all the powers of his manly and stirring eloquence. The spectacle is one, as wo re marked before, filled with peculiar interest?) People of the North! It is such men who are battling for the Constitution in the South. It is “Juiicpcniicut in all tljings—Neutral iu Notljiug.” MACON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 9, 1850. ! such men whose hands will be weakened, whose ef forts will be powerless, whose political ruin will be consummated, unless you throw yourselves into the breach, and breast the waves of the new fanaticism in the North, that threatens first to resist, and then to repeal an important item of the recent measures ;of Compromise. Howell Cobb has no carpet war riors to tight in liis great battle for the Union in Georgia. Bold, able and popular men, have enter ed the lists to contend against him. Will you al low these abolition ultras to give these men new cause for agitation in tbe South i Is it not our duty to say to the whole Union that we will stand by ! the recent measures with resolution and constancy, and to the South, especially, may we not appeal tW a just and patriotic judgment, in view of the efforts we now make, in favor of that feature of the Com promise which so nearly concerns her vital interest? [Pennsylvanian. The Pkesident and the Abolitionists.— The scenes in the Whig Convention assembled at Syra cuse in the State of New’ York, of which an account was given in our paper yesterday, demonstrate to us that President Fillmore is perfectly sound upon the i question of slavery. The Seward or freesoil party have rejmdiated his opinions on this subject. Men who look for a realization of tiieir frantic hopes in a disregard of the constitution and a violation of law can And nothing congenial between them and the President. His opinions on this vital question are all in accordance with the constitution and the ad mitted rights of the South. He knew —and every other well informed man knew—that to sanction the fugitive slave bill, would be to arm the entire freesoil party in the North and West against his ad ministration. And in his future political career— for he is too young for his usefulness to stop here—it was certain that they would bay at his heels and hang at his skirts. For unscrupulous and wicked men, when they are ready to cast conscience over hoard and attain their objects by any means, never pardon the honest men who debar them of their pk*y. We think that the man who is willing to jeopard that which is so valuable to every politician —his popularity—in the conscientious discharge of his duty, is a man worthy of trust and conAdence. Such, we think, Mr. Fillmore has already proved himself to be. He deserves, in consequence, the entire conAdence of the Southern people; and we not in the least doubt that be has received it. The stringent provisions of the fugitive slave law have begun already to produce the fruits expected by those who designed and enacted it. By its active provisions a fugitive slave, if captured and a prop erty is proved in him, can, without doubt, be recov ered, and carried back to the State from which he fled. The North is no longer considered a secure asylum for fugitive slaves; and in consequence they are emigrating in hands of hundreds to! the British possessions. This determines the eflicaov of jhe Jaw. Let Southern -fanatics cease now fer~, against Congress. Here is practical proof of the respect which the North has for tho rights of the South and the constitution of the country. This shows, too, the protection that the Union affords to slave property; and the prompt and rapid immi- j gration of escaped slaves to Canada proves likewise ! that in foreign States, beyond the jurisdiction of the I Federal laws, fugitive slaves from the South are per- ; fectly secure from recapture. Let all this redound to the credit, not only of the Union, but to the cred it of Congress and the President. The latter has surrounded himself with a cabinet that commands the full conAdence of the country. There is Mr. Webster, its head and front. We all know how i with his heavy club, lie mauled the abolitionists, a short time since. His presence in the cabinet, with his well known hostility to abolitionism, and the nat ; ural sway that he holds there and every where, is ’ of itself, and independent of his own action, eou- I vineing proof of the soundness and conservatism of | the President. The other component parts of the 1 Administration are not less entitled to conAdence ; and the presence thereof our own man, A. 11. 11. ; : Stuart, is a guarantee to the whigsof Virginia that ; the President’s opinions are all safe and .right. Un- | tit something is done to forfeit it, we trial the Whig | party in Virginia, and the w hole South, will enter -1 tain no fears of the Administration. — Richmond ‘ Wh i<j. The C risis—Abolitionism. The Day Book has taken its course and will pur- \ sue it, and we confess onr high gratiAcntion at re- \ coivingfrom all quarters entitled to our regard in : this matter the warmest thanks. For the Arst time j since the adoption of our glorious constitution, abo | litionism regardless of consequences has assumed a show’ of respectability, not caused by the arrant ! knaves and fools of the Garrison stamp, but j ! brought about by such merciless demagogues as I Greeley, Seward and Weed, who have lived upon the credulity of a gullible people until they think themselves safe in joining the ranks of the nominees | for President and Vice President of the United; States—Gerrit Smith, white, and Samuel Ward, 1 black. They succeeded in getting the votes and money of the poor Irish until the Slievegammon explosion, and now they are trying the poor negroes and their infatuated white allies. They may thrive for a time, or until their fanatical followers shall at tempt resistance by force to the United States’ laws —then may God have mercy on their souls! It will he the signal for such a rising of whites a yainst the blacks as never was before witnessed in this now happy country. Talk of ‘‘the blacks ar ming,” as is seen paraded daily in the Tribune! If there is not an extermination of the biacks they will be shot down like dogs. Aye and their abet tors white or black if found using force against the laws. Reflect for a moment. Think of the awful storm created by the Tap pans only a few years back, when if he and his mad followers had not de sisted many if not all the black domicils in this city would have been razed to the ground. Such a whirlwind of popular indignation has seldom been seen. The truth is, and century after century illus trates the fact, that the whites cannot live on an e quality with the blacks—one or the other must be slaves, or as is tlie case in all our large cities, worse than slaves. It is as true as that the sun shines, that morally and physically the slaves at the South are in a better condition than the free blacks as a body at the North —aye, and more respected. There is not half the antipathy to the skin, color or per fume at the South as exists at the North. What in Heaven’s name would the abolitionists do ? No one know T s, and themselves don’t pretend to know, only let them loose to rapine and murder. The consequences are too awful to contemplate for a mo ment. This is a time for every lover of his country to take his stand boldly against the wretched, mad schemes of the crazy, foolish abolitionists backed by those devils incarnate who live upon the excitements of the day, many of them originating in their own futile brains. Time so far has thwarted their devilish projects, as it is hoped with the assistance of com mon sense, will be the case in this matter. Mean while we shall do our part fearlessly, regardless of winnings and yelpings. —AT. Y. Daybook. The Shorter Catechism of Disunionists— a writer in the Sumpter Whig, shows up the inconsistencies of many of those now engaged in the disunion movement, iu the following capital hit, ‘'or shorter catechism,’’ to be pro pounded to all persons suspected of being unsound on the Southern question : Ist. Do you believe in the doctrine of “non-interven tion ?” 2d. Do you believe in the doctrine of double intervention ? 3d. Do you not assert that the Missouri compromise was a violation of the constitution ? 4th. Do you nt believe that tho constitution ought to be violated again iu the same way ? sth. Did you say, with Gen. Cass, that the people of the territories have a right to regulate their own domestic con cerns ? fiih. Do you believe, against Gen. Cass, that the people of thu territories have no right to regulate their own domes tic concerns? 7th. Did you not say, with Mr. Folk, that the Wilmot proviso to tiie Oregon bill teas constitutional ? Bth. Do you not tww say, with everybody , that the Wil mot proviso is unconstitutional? 9th. Did you not say that the Mexican law abolishing sla very in the new purchase was repealed by the constitution ? 10th. Do you not now say it is necessary the Mexican law be abolished by an act of Congress ? 11th. Does it not require Congress and the constitution both to kill it? 12th. Are you not in favor of State lights? 13th. Are you not opposed to California abolishing slavery if she desires it ? 14th. Do you not believe that the admission of California into the Uniouwas unconstitutional under the clause of the constitution giving “Congress power to admit new States”? 15th. Were you uot willing to admit her os a free State, provided she would slice off’ a little of her boundary? 16th. Were you in favor of the “Nashville Convention” as a means of preserving this Union ? 17th. Are you not now in favor of the re-assembling of the “ Nashville Convention ” as a means of dissolving the Union ? IStli. Were you not with Gen. Jackson on tho doctrine of secession ? 19th. Are you uot with Mr. Rhett, of South Carolina,and in favor of secession? 29th. Did you not believe, with Gen. Jackson, that “in a Republican government a majority ought to govern”? 21st. Don’t you believe now that a majority ought not to govern? 22d. Did you not think once that a State hud a right to set her own boundaries and sell her own land ? 23d. Don’t you think now that a State has not a right to fix her own boundaries and sell her own land ? pLjU-th. W'X. -ja, 1 ” *>'•’- ; v. f“v r of disqolriug the Union, if the \Y ilmot iso passed into a law, and Congress exercis ed power over slavery in the territories? 2.>th. Are you not now in favor of dissolving the Union bc ’ cause Congress did not exercise power over slavery in the j territories? Unless the accused e3n answer all these questions affirma tively, and whatever others may arise to suit the times, he shall be condemned and considered as unsound on the “South ern Question.’! If he says, they, or either of them, are in consistent with each other, he must but the more believe them all; for each is a subject of such vital importance, faith must not be held in subjection to reason, but reason to faith. Cnrrwpnniirnre. LETTER TO GOVERNOR TOWNS. To the iommauder in Chief of the Army and Navy of Georgia and the Militia thereof. Honored Sir: —Your letter of 3d instant to certain gentlemen of Murray County lias been pe rused. You evidently, illogically and cunningly, make your own answers and then propound the questions. By it you stand charged with endeavoring to ex cite and inflame the public mind, by your feigned and imaginary aggressions and fears of the future. Your construction of the constitution and the powers of Congress is as lucid as were those of a certain member in Congress from Georgia in 1835, when he voted to receive Abolition petitions, for which great deed lie was consigned to public obliv ion, fort lie space of ten years, until dragged from obscurity he was placed in preferment equal to the one you now enjoy. You seem to be surrounded by a cabal of parti zans, some of whom are fanatics who are ready to break through all rules of respect and morality, and throw the country into confusion and anarchy for the propagation of that zeal to “rule or ruin,” and some hypocrites, who for hire have apostatized from all that is honest, and now overact their part with a zeal characteristic of Neophytes. Both the fanati cal and hypocritical courtiers are generally destitute of all true American feeling, and in their apparent and disguised devotion, they endeavor to extinguish every national respect and sentiment. Your South ern Congress (alias the Hartford Convention of Nashville) is responsible to no one; no powers of sovereignty and perpetuity have been delegated to it by the people. There are no obligations or guar antees thrown around that body to protect the Rights of Man, which God alone created. The members are not more wise, vigilant, and just, nor are their obligations and responsibilities more sa cred than the legitimate members of Congress to whom the people have constitutionally delegated powers. They have no right or power to issue nuncias, make treaties, appoint foreign ministers, grant reprisals or vend out offices to the highest bidder, nor to forgive or grant absolution to the vio lators of their official and constitutional oaths. When any or all of these things are done, by this perpetual and designing picket guard of anarchy and Despotism, w ho will with the rapidity of light ening, send forth their false and secret alarms of in surrection, then will the Federal and State Con stitution and the sovereignty of the State and peo ple be plainly and palpably violated and usurped. It will then be for the sovereign people to decide, whether an elevation like those who closed a career at Tyburn or Tower Hill will be most appropriate, for they will deserve one or the other for their pains, or whether they will then tamely submit to their ty ranny or resist them with halters in their pockets, and knives by their sides ! The feelings of the whole people have become so agitated that they cannot, without much discompo sure bear longer the effrontery heaped upon them, especially from one who stands closely and sacredly related towards the Federal and State Constitution and the laws of the land. You should have “pour ed oil upon the troubled waters,” instead of brand ishing the torch to light up feuds to destroy our dearest interests and desolate our country. The lat ter belongs not to the duties of the Executive, the former is a component part of liis obligations. “They who have sown the tempest must reap the whirlwind.” You have chosen your position with your coffin on your back and your grave at the Mis souri line ; you can be supplied with the Arst with out carrying it, and the latter you can have to your order at home. To advance in your career is not without imminent peril, to recede is not without hu miliation and disgrace. Your Cabal must share a like fate. You must not be so absurd as to think yourself personally affronted, because others think tit to be guided by more patriotic motives or more conserva tive judgments, or because they believe any one else rather than you. It would be as easy for you to convince the people of the truth of your illogical and cunning catechism, as to make the world be lieve you bad squared the circle , or that they should cut their throats because they must ‘sometime die.’ There are thousands who have not bowed to your Baal and “who will not serve thy gods nor worship thy golden calf which thou hast set up.” You are strongly suspected of trying to win pop ularity at the expense of your authority and digni ty. The public voice loudly accuses you of tryfng to gain favor and preferment at the expense of their own honor and the general weal. Your cabal at tempts to propitiate you by affecting to be reconciled to you. In spite of mortification and humiliation they cling to self made regal power, with the grip of drowning men. There arises a strong presump tion against the sincerity of a conversion, by which the convert is to be directly gainer. There is a point at which you ought to have stopped. Had you only went to the verge of destruction and seen its dangers and then recoiled, the people would have granted you a liberal amnesty, in consideration of your firmness and integrity in refusing to take your final step of Disunion. Sometimes seared consciences have tender spots, but unscrupulousness of conscience, insensibility to shame and excess of baseness leave no room for a tonement fora violation of confidence blindly placed iu another. At some future day you may gladly wish you bad in time, recanted your words, and retraced your steps, as did “Jeffries” (when recognized in the Ale house) from the ravages of an infuriated mob urged to deeds by his own pandering acts. It will be then too late to play apostate any longer. Had your only fear been, that the “Fugitive slave bill” will not be repeated before your dissolution takes j dace, that might have been avoided by being fully satisfied that it will not. Let it no longer dis ease your mind or prolong your miseries. It will probably be your fate to depart hence in inglorious peace, for there is too much steel iu a sword, and too much metal in a gnu, fur you to die by-UtheT. Yours with the highest respect and regard BALDWIN. Capitoline Hill, ) Nov. 2, 1850. ) LETTER from CLEAVELASD O. Cleaveland, Ohio, October 25, 1850. Mr. Editor: —l have perused your paper for some months past with some degree of interest. This interest has been greatly increased of late in view of the peculiar state of the country growing out of the agitation of that all absorbing question of slavery. Not in this country especially, Mr Edi tor, which boasts so much of the liberty of the press, of the right guarantied, under the constitution, to every individual to print and publish what he may think proper, being accountable for the same, did I expect to see any attempt made, by menace or by force, to abridge said liberty. Much less did 1 ex pect to hear of an attempt made to intimidate or as sault an Editor for upholding and sustaining the in tegrity of the Union which has been and should continue to be the pride and glory of the country. You can judge then of my surprise upon reading the account you gave of the proceedings of the mob recently assembled in Macon. Why sir, I could scarcely believe the evidences of my senses that any individual should be so insane and fanatical as to suspect, much less to charge a pro-slavery paper, and such a pa]>er too as tlie “Georgia Citizen,” with being inimical to Southern interests. Why sir, just such a paper as you publish, in the North, would be denounced from end of the country to the other as advocating sentiments which abolitionists would consider subversive of all that they hold dear and valuable. Advocating such views it could not exist a day depending upon this class for support. It is here almost certain death to an editor, politically and pecuniarily, to support even the great measures of the compromise. The late fugitive slave law es pecially is denounced as wicked and damnable and will be resisted by the ultras North at all and every hazard. 1 doubt very much if any individual from this section who voted for the law will ever be re turned to Congress. Not a man from Ohio, save one, of this class, has as yet received even a nomina tion. You can judge of the feeling in the North upon this subject from the manner in which Cass and Webster have been denounced. They are anathe matized for betraying the interests of the North in advocating the great measures of the last Congress intended for the pacification of the country; and you on the other band, it seems, are anathematized for sustaining the same measures, which are consid ered by the ultras of your section as inimical to the interests of the South. Can inconsistency go far tlier than this ? It was thus in Congress upon the passage of these measures. The extremes met. The Abolitionists of the North united with the “Fire-eaters,” as you have termed them, of the South, in opposition to any and every measure that looked to the peace of the country —to the salvation of the Republic. It was indeed a singular sight to see the northern ab olitionist and southern ullraist, unite in the work of, demolition—walking up arm in arm, and laying their sacrilegious hands upon that temple of free dom rendered doubly sacred by the blood ot a noble and gallant ancestry. This, of itself, should be suf ficient to satisfy every reasonable man that those pa triots and statesmen who sought to adjust, in a spir it of compromise, those great measures which con vulsed the country from oue extremity to the other, were infiuenced by the purest of motives and the most exalted patriotism. Asa friend to the Union, lam glad to perceive that you properly appreciate their services in behalf of our common country. Persevere in the support of the cause you have thus far so ably defended, and the result cannot be doubtful. Your exertions, and those of your coadjutors, must be crowned with complete success which those of your enemies must eventuate in utter dismay and infamy. That was a noble sentiment of a gallant Senator from my native State, (Kentucky) uttered in reply to the Senator from South Carolina during*he penden cy of these questions. Mr. Butler said that “the Southern delegation had been deliberating, in cau cus, ujion the measures which should be taken forth© : honor and safety of the South.” Mr. Clay respond ed that “he had no doubt of it; and that while they were thus deliberating, others were deliberating al so, not particularly for the North nor for the South —the East nor for the West —but for the hoaor and safety of the whole country —for the honor and safe ty of the Union.” KENTUCKY. LETTER from COLEIBIS. CoLUMBirs, November 4, 1&50. Dear Sir —ln compliance with my promise in my hist, I shall give you an account of the Union j Meeting, held at Temperance Hall, in this city, on last Saturday, the 2d inst. That magnificent and spacious Ilall was tilled to overflowing, by the La dies, and Unionists and Disunionists. The lion. Alex. 11. Stephens addressed the as semblage with truthful words and extraordinary ability, notwithstanding the frequent interruptions ot a tew unmannerly and disorderly Salamanders. | Conviction followed his argument, and many con victed tire-eaters left the building with repentant hearts. It was understood before the meeting, that the Salamander party, e. the disunionists, would at tempt, as they did, to break up the meeting, be cause the L nioii committee of arrangements would not allow them to meet them, (the Unionists) in de bate. Various reasons impelled the committee, I suppose, to dissent, and I know I breathe the senti ments of hundreds, when I say that it was perfectly right to put a check on such unblushing treasou as the Salamanders wished to emit from their lips. \\ believer the speaker was interrupted he gave such repartees to the imprudent interrogators, as to bring forth the applause of all true hearts. His ex positions ot all the great measures passed by the last Congress were plain enough for auv one, who had the tceling of an honest Southron, to under stand. Extracts from his different speeches were circulated by the understrappers of the Salamander party, but their desired and intended effect was of no avail, when the speaker explained their real mean ing to those who professed to believe these extracts meant what they did not treat of. Mr. Stephens said he was now willing to act up on all lie had said in the halls of Congress or out of them, if the causes spoken of in his speeches had transpired. “ That Federal gun had never been tired,” said he, and had it tired, we would have had cause for dissolution. It is impossible for me even to give you an out line of his masterly effort; but it is enough to say,, that it threw the ranks of the Salamander* into ut ter disorder; and won for him the highest respect of all the except the disappointed organizers. Suc cess to him ! May he ever upbear “the bauner oft freedom,” and surely his works will meet with ade quate rewards of honor from highminded and up right freemen. The lion. Robert Toombs next addressed the meeting, and it was done in his own peculiar elo quent manner. He fully acquitted himself from tho charges that the Lord John Clique have laid at his door, and told them truths, which, if adopted by them, would give us a respite from continued agita tion. The cause that those distinguished statesmen are vindicating wjll, beyond doubt, succeed. It is a cause of freedom and equality and happiness, ana it needs no prophetic eye to see how the contest will terminate. It will result in a final defeat of the dis unionists. \\ hat better form of government could these quixotic disunionists give us i Could they make a better code of laws for the protection of our slavo interests than Congress lias given us 1 Could they cause the States South of Mason’s and Dixon’s lino to make greater progress in commerce, agrieulturo and manufactures, than they are now making ? Could they trust Great Britain to lie the protector of a Southern republic without fearing she would, extend her dominion over it, and rule it with a scep tre ? They may say they could do all this if all the South could unite. Yet, thank Heaven! the majority of a free South ern people are not disposed to tear down a govern ment that has, since its foundation until the present day, been the cynosure of every country on the globe. On Saturday night last the “Bombastes Furiosoes” held a meeting to counteract, I suppose, the effect that reason and truth had upon some of their con sciences on the same day, when Stephens aud. Toombs spoke a little too loud for some of them. The Union party in this section are in the highest spirits ; but I warn them not to sleep upon their posts or trust their country to their opposers, or else they will be shorn of their strength as Sampson was shorn of his, by the effeminate Delilah. “ What is allowed to those boys who pound tho floor with clubs at every Salamander meeting ?” is. a question often asked. Can you tell us, if any of your correspondents hereabouts have given you the information ? Messrs. Toombs and Stephens have accepted the disunionists’challenge, and will meet them in debate at this place this day week. There will, no doubt,, be much bravado exhibited by the Salamanders, but it will do no harm to our cause in this section. Cotton is coming in freely, and has advanced somewhat above the rates mentioned in my last. 1 )ry-Goods Merchants have received “their fall stocks and are making good sales. Groceries are high, yet people must live cost what they may. On Saturday last N. M’G. Robinson was elected. City Marshall by a large majority over Clias. Ken dall, his opponent. COLUMBUS. LETTER from GRIFFII, Griffin, Ga. Nov. 4, ISSO. Dear Doctor : —lf I was fully satisfied that all the people of Georgia understood the precise position of parties, and that they all knew that the admission of California as a State, was the only cause for the call of the pending Convention, (which I consider an antitype of the Hartford Convention,). I should not trouble you with anything more in the way of polities. Bnt I conceive this to be an important and dangerous crisis in the history of our country, one in which every indi vidual should feel a deep interest. When our country is in vaded by bad men, who seek to destroy our happiness and prosperity, as a great nation, we should simultaneously rise up and support the Union against such evil-designing dema gogues, at all hazards, and to the ** last extremity.” That there are such characters, none dare deny. Then let the people of Georgia remember that the admis sion of California was no aggression— was no violation of the Constitution. If it was, let our ‘‘fire-eating” friends point NO. 33,