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VOL. I. ills iHTJSSH I, piihlislied, every Saturday morning, in Macon, (la. on the follotv- CONDITIONS : If paid strictly in advance - - 92 50 per annum If not so paid • • - - 300 “ “ |*<al NdverUseinonts will be made to conform to the followim; pro ton* of the Statute: — Siht of Laivl and Negroes, by Executors, Administrator* and Guaril are required by law to he advertised in a public gazette, sixty ‘jjn previous to the day of sale. These sales must be held on the first Tuesday in the month.between hr hours of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the pvirt House in the county in which the property is situated. The sales of Personal Property must be advertised in like manner for ft days. yaticeto Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty d*rs. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary foj ;ve t sell hand and Negroes, must he published weekly for four Hienths. antic** r I.etter* of Administration must li” published thirty t'.cys neinn from Guardianship,/erty day*. Ruler (or foreclosure of mortgace, must l>e published monthly* for fnr month* —for establishing lost pA(>ers. for the full rp*re of three months —for compelling titles from Executors or Administrators where has tieen eivrn by the deceased, the full spree of three mouths. Professional and business Cxut>*. inserted, according to the follow is; scale: ford lines or less per annum - - $5 Os) in advance. “ fi lines “ “ * - - 7 on u u .. 10 “ “ “ - 810 0(1“ J-Jr” Transient Ndvertiwnipnts will becliwgtsl 81, per square of 12 ; or hrss. for the first and 50 cts. for each subsequent nsertion. —’ j Oil these tales there will lie a deduction of 211 percent, on scttleme.ut ! *tirn advertisements are continued :t months, without alteration. j-y- All Letters except those Containing remittances must lie pout\ 1 pniil r free. I p-.itmasters and others who will act Agents for the “Citiz-n’ | •ny retain 20 percent, for their trouble, on all eaxh subscriptions for srutWL or PUT. on Mulberry Street, East of the Floyd House and near the Market. .■ —l 1 .... -■!.!’ -■ ■i'JI'J.LLLULI'i. HJiS™S*s™l professional CnriiG.i KELLAM * BELL, Attorneys at Law ami Gnirr.il Lind Agents, Atlanta, TTill practice in DcKalb counties: and in thef*!*prrnteCourt at Decatur. —AA ill also visit any partot the mnmtry for the settlement of claims, fc. without suit. ;j r Bounty Land Ci.mms rHosr.ct tk.i> with despatch. Office on White Hall St., over Dr. Denny’s Drugstore. A. K. KIIXAK. M. A. BKI.L. S. & R. V. HALL, Al! or nr ijs at how , Huron, Georgia. PRACTICE in lli'oli. Crawford. Houston, I'pson. Monroe. Macon. ||.inly. Twiggs,Jones and Fik’- counties; and in the Supreme U..*rl at Ma-o:i, Herat or, Talhotton and Americus. VJTOrrwv: ovkr T. ot-i, Carhart N Co.’s Store. April t. 1850. lv Win. K. (1( GU A1 *LITN RKI i), Attorney & Counsellor at aw. MACON, QA. OFFISH XtfLKEARY XTff/.T, \KARLY OlTOiilTi: WASHINGTON HALL. JHareli Jl, I ~ I T j JOM M MILLENI * ATTORNEY AT LAW, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. ixv 28th. 1850. 14—ly __ *>ATT 123 BKiD, £>. ? M AND NOTARY PUBLIC —MACON, GEO. /Commission f.u of deeds. &c., for tite states of; V Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas, Tennessee,] Kentucky, Virginia. North Carolina, South Carolina, Fiori- : <i.Missouri, New York. Massachusetts. Connecticut. I’ann- j sylrsnia, Ohio. Indiana* Illinois, Arkansas. Maine, Ac. Impositions taken. Accounts probated, Deeds and Mort- ; pys* drawn, and all docmiieiits and instruments of writing t prepared and authenticated for use and record, in any of the there States. IL:siukace on Walnut street, near the African church. V.’ Public Ofsice adjoining Dr. M. S. Thomson's Botun- I ie Stor.—opposite linvri House. Macon, June 28, 1850 14—lv REMEMBER! l\ril.E\ in your extremity that Dr. VI. S. THOMSON is ! still in HfEacon. Georgia, and when written to, semis Kulieiiie by Mail toany part <d the country. Itontsive up -a hn;ie without consulting him. Jane 7, is:,if 11 —ts BOUNTY LANDS, TO OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS j RAij served in the jr ir of 1812 with flreat Britain, the . Indian tear* of 17'JH. and lSjti, and the tear with Mr.r e# nf 18-17-8. r PHE I'XDEIISICiNKI) Ins received from the proper De -1 |irtmenis, tlie u ‘cessti r\ papers to establish nil or any “1 the KUive claims, under the recent acts of Cotijtress. lie , * ill xlpii innke nut elaims under the Pension Act, as well as . *h atlicr* against the United States for Lost Horses, Bug- K*c, ete. iwtannatinn furnished gratis. Charges moderate. < mini. „f \\ id j wh, I le;r*. ifcc., tin r tie,nlnrl v a trended ito. ’ H 6t JO(ISPU A. WHITE. 2ALTI3GORS HOLLOW-WARE. \*ssirt#*,l Pots, Ox'rx*, ririiißßs, Skit-i-ETs, in store, ano i *• (a sal,. t, y HU \Y, CARII ART & CO. i 11. 2fi—tf ■—.■a . .. . ‘ ‘ ‘(Tijf IWt's fmm, I KzmL - Lalior,^ 11 rite camp has had its day of s<tng; The sword, the bayonet, the plume, Have crowded out of rhyme too long The plough, the anvil and the loom! U. not upon our tented fields ire Freedom’s heroes bred alone; H of the work-shop yields •dfelieroes true than War has known 1 drives the bolt, who shapes the steel, *'%, with a heart as valir nt, smite, -V lie who sees a foeman reel ht blood before his blow of might! she skill that conquers space and time, That graces life, that lightens toil, •'day spring from courage more sublime R Rian that, which makes a realm its spoil. Ld Labor, then, look up and see, 1 I’m craft no pith of honor lacks; Ihe soldier's rifle yet shall be Lss honored that the wood man’s axe! D‘t Art his own appointment prize, Nor deem that gold or outward height f an compensate the work that lies la tastes that breed their own delight. And may the time draw nearer still hen men this sacred truth 6liall heed, and hat from the thought and from the will Must all that raises man proceed! I hough Pride should hold our calling low, ■ hor us shall Duty makq it g< >od ! And we from truth to truth shall go HU life and deatjj arc understood. The following lines were published several years ago in the Southern Literary Messenger: Woman. Not thine! not thine! is the glittering crest, The glance ot the snow-white plume— And the badge that gleams from the warrior’s breast, A star ’mid the battle’s gloom. Nor is thy place amid the host M here the war steed champs the rein, Where waving plumes are like sea-foam tost, And the turf wears a gory stain. Not there—not there is thy glorious dower, But a holier meed is thine— Where the proud have fallen in triumph's hour, And the red blood flowed like wine, To wipe the dew from the clammy brow, To pillow the drooping head. To cool the parched lip’s fevered glow, And to smooth down the lowly bed. Not thine—not thine —is the toW’ring height, Where ambition rears her throne— The timid dove wings not her flight Where the eagle soars alone! Butin the hall and in the bower, And ’round the humblest hearth, Man feels the charm, and owns the power, That fetters him to earth! political. Judge IVisbct’s Letter. Maccx, Ga., Get. 17, 1850. Gentlemen :—I am in receipt of your favor of the 14th instant, inviting - me to a Mass Meeting of “the friends of the Union,” to be held at Kingston on the Sth of next month. Since 1 have had the honor of a seat on the Su preme Court Bench, 1 have attended no political meeting of any kind, believing it my duty to stand wholly aloof, from the party contests of the State, j Andi intend to pursue the same course so long as > l am entrusted with the administration of the laws. The question soon to be settled in our State, is how ever, no mere party question. It rises above party, fur it involves the integrity of the Union. In a con test which will vitally affect the cause of free gov ernment throughout the world —Christianity, civili zation, education and the domestic security, andper ! sonal happiness of every citizen, I hold it the privi lege—nay the imperious duty of every man to en gage promptly, frankly and fearlessly. 1 should not therefore hesitate to accept your in vitation, and mingle “my counsels with those of my fellow-eitizeus at Kingston, if official engagements (would permit. Rut they will not, for during the week in which the mass meeting is to be held, the Supreme Court holds its Fall session at Milledge j ville. 1 find it difficult, gentlemen, to realize the fort that there are in Georgia, at tins’ moment, men of influent!;! 1 , character and political position, and presses of extensive circulation, “whose serious pur pose it is to dissolve the Union.” It is notwith standing true. Two years, indeed one A ear ago, I would have scouted sueh an imputation as a vile slander upon our great growing State. However melancholy the truth, yet no sensible person can now fail to recognise it. That leading men, in a sister State, have for years, deliberately contemplated the dismemberment of the confederacy, I have long be lieved. Those persons can now claim, and justly too, in a project so inglorious, the earnest co-opera tion of gentlemen of high standing in Georgia, and some four or five of her presses. Georgia has been invoked to follow Carolina in her crusade against reason, common sense and the Union, but a few of her sons are listening to her invocation, and enlisting under her banner. A banner, without, the stars and stripes. That will I never do, until Southern wrongs become far more aggravated than they now are. 1 am as intensely a Georgian as any man in Geor gia. lam also the citizen of the wisest, most be iij<r|)—most efficient government, that has ever yet been organized amongst men. I na tive State and I also love the paternal protecting power of the Union. So long as I enjoy the rights which 1 at this moment possess as a Georgian, I shail honor and adhere to the Union. Ibis disaffec tion to the Union is unfortunately not confined to this State and South Carolina. It pervades to some extent other Southern States. But lam sure that lam not mistaken when I say,that it is limited to ambitious and reckless leaders, ‘l’he people are not prepared for disunion* or for any measure which looks to such a result. They are not prepared to break down a government endeared to them by the memories of the revolution, and necessary to them, on account of the numberless “blessings which it guarantees.’’ Warned by the ominous signs which have been recently exhibited of popular disappro | val, the agitators arc now shrinking from the issue ] w hich they have labored for months to make, of L nion or disunion ; and with tamed and subdued zeal they tell us that they are now for constitutional resistance, and prospective measures of relief, ihey are not to be trusted. This is a ruse to get the pow er in the convention; and then to precipitate the State upon some revolutionary action. Allow me to say, gentlemen, that right here lies the danger. There is danger that the people may be deceived by these pretences. They are not to be judged by their present avowals, but by their past actions and decla rations, and by the open oft repeated assertions ot their organs. At the mass meeting in this city, one of the orators, less violent than others, ventured to praise the protecting power of our country’s flag a broad, when he was interrupted with shouts of dis union—disunion ! Secession has been, by their chief speakers and by the press openly and repeatedly avowed. What are we to believe ; why we are to believe that they intended and do yet intend either at once or at some early day to attempt the organization of a Southern confederacy. There is no safety for the people, but to vote only for men pledged against any measure, which diirectly or remotely looks to a severance. Another of the arts of delusion, is the promulgation of the idea, that secession will not result in collision but may be, indeed will be, peaceful. In my judg ment, such a thing is utterly out ot the question. Wheresoever and whensoever, the laws of t.ie L nion are obstructed, then and there will the government attempt their enforcement. When that is attempt ed, the seceeding State will be left the alternative o going back into the Union or of fighting. Ihe for mer will brand her with ignominy, the latter will subject her to the perils of a contest, no matter who are her allies, in which the odds will be fearfully a gaiusther, and out of which even if she comes vic torious, she will be in a condition infinitely worse than she now occupies. At no time within the last “JitbcpenhctU in alt tilings—Neutral iu Notlpttg.” MACON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 1(5, 1850. fifteen years have the indications at Washington and at the North, in my opinion, been so favorable to Southern institutions as at this moment. The North ern mind is more favorably disposed towards us than it has been. Ido not speak of the abolition ists proper. We have nothing to hope from that relatively small and rabid crew. I speak of the people of the North at large- An ti-slavery as a political element has lost ground with in the last nine months. Congress has repudiated the W ilinot proviso and left slavery untouched in the District of Columbia, arranged the Texan ques tion upon terms which her own representatives ac cepted and passed the most stringent law for the re covery of fugitive slaves, which the genius of the South could devise. The action of Congress upon the whole is a southern triumph. What is the com plaint ? Two causes of complaint are alleged. One founded on the fact that California is admitted, with a constitution of her own making, excluding slavery; and the other founded on the conjecture that the rendition bill will not be enforced. As to the for mer, California had the constitutional right to frame her constitution as suited her. The power of Con gress over it, is limited to the right to see to it, that it is a republican constitution. She came in accord ing to the usage of the government. She can change her constitution, when her intererest demands it, and change it she will, so as to admit slavery, if slave labor proves profitable there. Suppose she does not, are we to revolutionize the government and take the horrors of an inevitable civil war in or der to force slavery on the shores of the Pacific at the point of the bayonet? The question may be put to every voter of Georgia, wherein are you to he | benefited by all this ? As to the latter, how much reason, justice or magnanimity is there in procuring the passage of a law to suit ourselves, and then to | turn round and denounce it before it is tested, upon | the ground that it cannot be enforced! If a nulli ! ty, why were the whole Southern delegation so merely childish as to vote for it! Were they dupes or did they get up an impracticable law, just to cre ate a cause for disunion—neither I am sure. Our course as reasonable men is to give it a trial. If it is resisted and rendered nugatory, then will be the time, to resort to measures of redress. I believe that however it may be impeded at some points, it will be enforced. It has been already, whenever attempted ; my o pinion is, that the present Administration will lend to its enforcement, all the legitimate powers of the government. I feel as much indignation at Southern wrongs as most men, but 1 trust notwithstanding, that my common sense ; my sense of what is just, my regard to religion, humanity and liberty, above all my re gard to my own happiness and that of my children ; will be spared me. If I were not benevolent e nougli to be an union man I still would be too sel fish to be a disunionist. 1 will not wantonly throw away iny blessings. No people ever were, in the _\vhole range of human hUtorv,■ iiVoTe'blessoti of God 2 than we are. Shall we peril what we arc and what we possess for the remote and contingent good of disunion ’ A conflict with the Union, would visit the country with devastation, for three generations to come. If our disunion friends succeed —say that without bloodshed a Southern confederacy were organized. Would our condition be then improved ? Would our slave institutions be more secure ? But I for bear. You perceive gentlemen, that I do not pre tend to argue these propositions. My object is only in the briefest space, to express opinions. 1 have but one more remark to make. When Georgia deliberately, through the clearly ascertained voice of her people, takes her final stand, I shall ad here to her fortunes, be they what they may. At this time, in my humble view of the matter, a dis union movement, would be equivalent to a causeless destruction of the richest and most numerous bless ings, with which Providence has ever yet crowned a people. Respectfully vour friend. ” ’ E. A. NISBET. Messrs. Milxek, Johnson, and Word, Cassville, Georgia. Llxinstoii Barbecue. Correspondence of the Louisville Journal. Lexington, Oct. 17th, 1850. The great barbecue, just over, was attended by an immense concourse. It was truly a glorious Union meeting. Whigs, Democrats, Locofeeos —all sects in party and religion, cordially united in honor of mail, and those who co-operated with him in com promising and adjusting our national difficulties. — The rain, which continued the whole day, greatly marred the pleasure and beauty of the scene, and doubtless prevented thousands from participating ; but the arrangements were carried out without the least diminution of enthusiasm. Gen. Metcalfe, as President of the meeting, open ed the ball in an appropriate speech. The resolu tions which I send you, were next read by M. G. Johnson, Esq., and unanimously adopted. The toasts (also enclosed) were then read and heartily cheered. The one in reference to Mr. Clav, was preceded by a speech from John Breckenridge, Esq. exceedingly complimentary to Mr. C., but in the best taste, and delivered in admirable style. His part of the play could not well have been better exe cuted. Mr. Clay’s response was not elaborate, but em braced the topics of a large national speech and a history of the measures adopted by* Congress. The pattering of the rain prevented a large portion of the crowd from hearing, but his voice is still clear and strong and musical, and if he had not complain ed of being wearied and in bad health, nobody could have perceived any change in his person or manner for ten years past, lie was erect, and his delivery was animated and nervous, as in his ear lier days. Mr. Morehead followed, and delivered an inter esting speech. I have not time to speak of the festive board. — It was sumptous and rich to an extent unknown in any other section of the Union. resolutions. Resolved Ist , That this meeeting desires to ex press its profound gratitude to Almighty God for His protecting care over our beloved country amid the dangers that encompassed it, and its conviction that His providence has arrested the dissolution of the Union. 2d. Thet the bills of adjustment reported to the Senate by the Committee of Thirteen, and after wards separately adopted by Congress—taken to gether as a system of measures for the settlement of the whole question of slavery, and based as they are on the principles of strict non-intervention by the general Government —meet the almost unanimous approval of the people. 3d. Tliat to the plan of settlement reported by that committee, and the debate consequent thereon, is the country chiefly indebted, under Providence, for the peaceful and honorable adjustment of this distracting question. 4th. That to the authors of service like these there can be no reward like that derived from the con sciousness of good deeds and the contemplation of the happiness of a great people preserved by their exertions, yet it well becomes us publicly to express to them the deep and abiding sense of gratitude with which their services were regarded, and to as sure them of the affectionate remembrance in which their names will ever be held by this people. That a severance of these States could never have been effected without a civil war, attended by a sacrifice of life and property unparalleled in the history of nations, and resulting in the prostration of industry—in the disregard of law, in the misery of Americans as people, and their extinction as a na tion. Gth. That this meeting, composed of every party and sect in polities and religion, entertain the warm est affection for the Union and the Constitution as they are ; and that as Kentuckians, lovers of our country we feel an honest pride in the declaration that “under the auspices of Heaven and the precepts of Washington, Kentucky will be the last to give up the Union’.’ TOASTS. 1. The Union : It must be preserved. 2. Millard Fillmore, President of the U. States : He faced the perils which threatened the Union as became his position and the magnitude of the dan gers, with moderation, patriotism and firmness. 3. Kentucky: Geographically in the heart of the Union. While that heart beats it will never falter in its devotion to the Union, the country, aud the constitution. 4. Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts —Ilis noble conduct in the Senate well illustrates his devotion to the motto, “ Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable.” 5. Henry S. Foote, of Mississippi: The ardent ad vocate of Southern institutions: his heart is still large enough to embrace tbc whole Union. 6. Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York: A fear less statesman, who looks to the constitution and to reason, not to passion for his guide. 7. Lewis Cass: Trammeled by legislative in structions, he stood upon the floor of the Senate, a fettered giant, but keeping his eye with a patriot’s courage upou the eternal principles of justice and the constitution, and arming himself with truth and reason, he dissolved the fetters that bound him to a section, and gave himself to the country. 8. Henry Clay: Kentucky, with one heart and one voice, places Henry Clay where, during the late session of Congress, lie had placed himself, high a ibove the platform of party, and on this lofty emi- Wqivi; shy him feiwthe-jnP'suration o. J; i y g ages. The priceless hon or is tent y, but of his country* for his sj\ rit- M ‘ t lAA AA£, his lofty patriotism and no ble co,V r L ... , * ,oe of our beloved Union, the last liopfi 1 liverefl in V Riwl of mankind. Nobly has he won thonofro —long maybe wear it. 9. The Kentucky delegation in the present Con gress: in their united support of the measures of compromise, they showed themselves faithful repre sentatives of the will of their constituency. 10. The friends of the Union in Congress, of whatever section or party. Kopiy of IVIr. Cass to tho Clay Festival. Detroit, October 12, 1850. Gentlemen: I have received you invitation to at tend the festival to be held at Lexington, on the 17th instant, in commemoration of the adjustment of the questions which have recently agitated our country, and in honor of Mr. Clay and of the other public men who have aided in this great work of compro mise. It will be out of my power to be with you upon that occasion ; but I am not the less obliged to you for this token of your remembrance, as one who rejoices with heartfelt joy in the hope that the ac tion of Congress will ere long, if not now, be accepta ble, not to any peculiar section of the country, but to the whole country, and that it will restore that harmony and good feeling without which this Union could never have been established, and without which it cannot he preserved. I should have been happy to join you in the man ifestations of regard for your distinguished fellow citizen, Mr. Clay, whose former and whose recent service in the cause of his country commend him to the respect and to the gratitude of his countrymen. I witnessed his exertions during the past session with feelings of admiration ; exertions dictated by the highest patriotism, and displaying talents and energy worthy of the best days of his power, and which will ever place his name on the roll of public benefactors. We have passed through a fearful crisis; indeed, we are yet passing through it; for there are ele ments of trouble in operation, both in the North and in the South, which, if not wisely dealt with by man and mercifully overruled by Providence may yet rend asunder this Confederacy, leaving its fragments no one can tell where, but all can tell that they will he memorable proofs in after times, as similar exam ples of national folly have been in times that prece ded us, how easily human blessings, the highest in deed after the religion of God, are sacrificed to hu man passion, as well by communities as by individ uals. Whilst rejoicing with you and every lover of his country, East, West, North and South, that we arc thus far safe, permit me to remark that our busi ness is with the present and the future, and not with the past; or with the past only as far as we can de duce from it useful lessons of experience. We can only hope to heal our internal dissensions by bonds of kindness and conciliation : by a strict determina tion to adhere to the provisions and to the true ob jects of the constitution —that law which is high enough for any American citizen in the regulation of his rights and duties; and by a spirit of mutual regard ready to conclude as well as to demand when sectional questions arise with no common um pire but the patriotism of the country. Fortunately in the recent adjustment, no triumph has been attain ed, no pride of character has been wounded, and this is as true a cause of rejoicing as the adjustment it self ; and whenever we come together to interchange congratulations upon the result, if we do so in that enlarged spirit of patriotism which looks to each as well as all, thanking the God of our fathers, and our own God, that we are yet one country, one people, one Government, we may look forward, with the blessings of Providence, to a most glorious career than any recorded in the long annals of history. I am, gentlemen, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, LEWIS CASS. Letters from Senators Dickinson ami Web ster, To the yew York Union Committee. Binghamptox, Oct. 29th, 1850. My Dear Sir —A most painful domestic affliction causes me to decline your kind invitation to attend a “ Union Meeting” of the citizens of New York, at Castle-Garden, to-morrow evening; but I approve its patriotic purposes and sympathise warmly with its movement. I thank you for the complimentary manner in which you are pleased to allude to mv humble ef forts in the Senate, and assure you, thatl long since determined to stand or fall, “survive or perish, live or die,” with those who would maintain the integrity of the Union and uphold the genial spirit of our country’s Constitution. Yours, D. S. DICKINSON. To F. S. Latiirop, Esq., • Chairman Committee, &c. Franklin, N. 11,, Oct. 28th, 1850. Gentlemen—Nothing in the world but regard for the state of my health prevents me from accept ing at once your invitation, and assuring you of mv presence at the “ Union Meeting,” at Castle Gar den, on Wednesday evening next. I rejoice to know that such a meeting is called; I rejoice to know that it will be attended by thousands of intelligent men, lovers of their country, party men doubtless, but abject slaves to no party, and who will not suf fer either party clamor or party discipline to dry up within them all the fountains of love and attachment to the Constitution of their country. The voice of such a meeting will be heard and respected ; it will rebuke disobedience to the laws, actual or threaten ed ; it will tend to check the progress of mad fanat icism ; it will call men who are honest, but who have been strongly misled, back to their duty, and it will give countenance and courage to the faithful friends of Union throughout the land. When the commercial interests of the Great Me tropolis speaks, with united hearts and voices, ex pressing its conviction of the presence of the great danger, and its determined purpose to meet that danger, to combat with it and overcome it, the ex ample is likely to arouse good men everywhere;and when the country shall be roused, the country will be safe. 1 concur, gentlemen, in all the political princi ples contained in the Resolutions, a copy of which has been sent to me; and I stand pledged to support those principles, publicly and privately, now and always, to the full extent of my influence, and by the execution of every faculty which 1 pos sess. The eminent men whom you mention, and with whoso names you have done me the honor to associate mine, are well worthy of the praise which you bestow upon them. I shall never forget, and I trust the country will never forget, the patriotism, tho uiauiLm^^i^Ue acourageu-manifested by them, in an hour of difficulty and peril. , The peace measures of the last session are, the Texan Boundary Act, the Act for establishing the two Territorial Governments of New Mexico and Utah, the Act for the Abolition of the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia, and the Fugitive Slave Law. This last measure, gentlemen, is not such a measure as I had prepared before I left the Senate, and which, I should have supported, if I had re mained in the Senate. But it received the proper sanction of the two Houses of Congress and of the President of the United States. It is the law of the land, and as such is to be respected and obeyed by all good citizens. I have heard no one whose opin ion is worth regarding, deny its constitutionality, and those who counsel violent resistance to it, coun sel that, which, if it take place is sure to lead to bloodshed, and to the commission of capital offen ces. It remains to be seen how far the deluded and deiuders will go on, in this career of faction, folly, and crime. There were honest and well meaning members of Congress, who did not see their way clear to support these great and leading measures of tho last session. You are quite right in saying that the motives of these gentlemen ought not to be impeached. But the measures have been adopted, they have beconfe laws, constitutionally and legally binding upon us all, and no man is likely to oppose them. No man is at liberty to set up, Or affect to set up, his own conscience as above the law, in a matter which respects the rights of others , and the obliga tions, civil, social, and political, due to others from him. Such a pretence saps the foundation of all government, and is of itself a perfect absurdity: and while all are bound to yield obedience to the laws, wise and well disposed citizens will forbear from re newing past agitation, and rekindling the flames of useless and dangerous controversy. If we would continue one people, we must acqui esce in the will of the majority, constitutional)’ ex pressed ; and he who does not mean to do that, means to disturb the public peace, and to do what he can to overturn the government. Gentlemen, I am led to the adoption of your last resolution, in an especial and emphatical manner, by every dictate of my understanding, and I embrace it with a full purpose of heart and mind. Its senti ment is mv sentiment. “With you, I declare that I “range myself under the banners of that party whose principles and practice are most calculated to uphold the Constitution, and to perpetuate our glo rious Union.” Gentlemen, I am here to recruit my health, en feebled as it lias been, by ten months of excessive labor and indescribable anxiety. The air of these my native hills renews my strength and my spirits. I feel its invigorating influences, while 1 am writing these few lines; and I shall return shortly to my post, to discharge its duties as well as I can, and re solved, in all events, that so far as depends on me, our Union shall passthrough this fiery trial, with out the smell of smoke upon its garments. I am, Gentlemen, with very sincere regard, Your obliged fellow citizen, And obedient servant, DANIEL WEBSTER. An Executive Anecdote. The following anecdote is told in a letter from the Washington correspondent ot I uesday s Richmond Enquirer. It confers credit on the President, and it gives us pleasure to transfer it to our columns : “A distinguished gentleman from the West—an ex-senator—called on Mr. Fillmore, and after ex changing the usual courtesies, was asked by the President how the fugitive slave bill was received in the West. The reply was, that the law, although unpopular in his State, would doubtless be enforced. The remark was playfully made that, as the Presi dent was sworn to * preserve, and defend the consti tution and laws,’ he (the ex-senator) presumed Mr Fillmore would execute this law. *To the very let- ter, sir,’was the instant reply of the President—‘to the very letter, sir, whatsoever may be the conse quences.’ This reply was worthy the palmiest day* ot 4 0!<1 Hickory ’ himself.” Another Anecdote. It gives us pleasure to state another anecdote - bout the President, for which we vouch, as we had’ it from two gentlemen from the West, with whom the President had just been in conversation yester day morning. They were applying to him for the appointment of a gentleman as attorney for the Uni ted States in one of the western States. After dis cussing the qualification of the candidate, Mr. Fill more remarked that there was anther thing which; he deemed indispensable, lie said he was deter mined to execute faithfully the fugitive slave law, and would appoint no man to office, who might be called upon to assist in the administration of that law, who would not zealously co-operate in its exe cution. On another occasion, we understand from good au thority, that the I’resident declared the law should be executed at every hazard even at the risk of blood. This is the spirit alone in which the Union can be preserved.— -Washington Union. The Stars and Stripes in Foreign Lands. We notice in our exchanges the following extract from a gentleman on board the U. S. frigate Con stitution, now in the Mediterranean: Stezzie, October 1, 1850. “We have just received on board the Flag Ship a party of Hungarians who recently arrived here. — They were officers in the Hungarian war of liberty, and were forcibly reduced by the Austrians to the ranks. They recently arrived at Tuscany, in the ranks of a large Austrian reinforcement, (20,000,)* and took the first opportunity of escaping here, where they arrived after great hardships; and as they could not get out of the country in any other way, this government would have been obliged to give them up to the Austrians. They appealed to the Commodore, and are now safe under the stars and stripes.'’ No true friend of his country can read this para graph without feeling a thrill of pride at his heart. However much the revolutionists may deride our’ time honored Union, there is a magic power in its flag for the protection of the exile, wherever it floats, whether on the land or on the sea. It is a sign of refuge for the oppressed. Beneath its ample folds the struggling Hungarian, the fair-haired German, the open hearted son of Erin, the sturdy Scotch man, the gay Frenchman, the Italian, the Spaniard —all may be sure of finding protection. It is an emblem of Union and Liberty and Strength wher ever it waves; and the wretch who would causeless ly strike, it to the earth, is an enemy to bis nice, to his country, and to his God. That flag was made by Men. It was the work of Washington, of Franklin, , Hancock, the elder Adams, Jefferson, Carroll, Rog er Sherman and Hall. It was baptized in the best blood of the revolution. It floated over Washing ton and Lafayette, over Greene and I’ulaski, over Jackson and Jasper. It was at Bunkerhill and? Yorktown, at Trenton and Savannah—the same flag; that was given to the breeze at Buena Vista and that streamed from the capital of the Aztecs. It was under this flag that the gallant Hungarians sou ihi refuge ; and is a sure protection to the exile and the oppressed of all nations. It is the vine and tig tree for the world, beneath which all men may enjoy religion and liberty unmolested. Yet, we regret to say, there are restless spirits in the land, who would erase these “stripes” and blot out these “stars”. They would tear down the tem ple of liberty, which was erected upon the bones and cemented with the blood of our forefathers. Shalt the friends of the Union and of the South stand idly by as the witnesses es this destruction? Hoes our honor or our rights require the destruction of the Government ? The patriot ashes that repose upon Mount Vernon the cause of civil and religious liber ty, and the suffering of the poor and the oppressed of other lands, cry aloud against the monstrous act. Blood B*ii.es.—A subscriber of ours, residing in Talla dega and namod Biles, lias given us a specimen of his politios by “seceding” from our list of subscribers. lie says we are not “Southern” enough. Well, we are sorry to lose friend ’ Biles, because he and we have been Whigs together, bat we’d rather be covered all over with liis namesakes—as big as those wherewithal the Lord smote the jiatriarcli—than go like him for the dissolution of the Union, whereof our friend Hugh Crawford said, the other uight, in his speech at’ Tuskegee,it was like ‘"The Old Ship of Zion''— “It lias carried many thousands And ’twill take as many more. Oil Glory” fcc.— Chambers Tribune: The Company of Woman. —lie cannot be an un happy man who lias the love and smiles of a wo man to accompany him in every department of life.. The world may look dark and cheerless without— enemies may gather in his path—but when he re turns to the fireside and feels the tender love of woman, he forgets his cares and troubles, and is a comparatively happy man. lie is but half prepar ed for the journey of life, who takes not with him,, to soothe and comfort him, that friend w ho will for sake him in no emergency—will divide his sorrows —increase his joys—lift the veil from his heart, and throw sunshine amid the darkest scenes. No; that man cannot be miserable, who has such a compan ion, be he ever so poor, despised and trodden upon by the world. —Exchange Paper. Think of this, ye rusty old Bachelors about town. —brush uj>! Deal Justly. One of our religious exchanges has the following’ strong remarks on this subject. They drive the nail’ on the head and clinch it: “Men may sophisticate as they please, they never can make it right for them not to pay their debts.. There is sin in this neglect as cHaf and as deserving church discipline, as in stealing or false swearing,. He who violates his promise to pay, or w ithholds the payment of a debt, when it is in his power to meet his engagements, ought to be made to feel that in the sight of an honest man he is a swindler. Religion may be a comfortable cloak under which to hide, but if religion does not make a man deal justly, it is not worth having.” jCS?” “TV hat are the chief ends of man ? ” ask ed a teacher of one of his pupils. “Head and lieet,” was the prompt reply. The teacher fainted. NO. 34.