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dustrious practical farmer does not stand in need of any such prompters, to enable bitn to understand his interests, nor does he stand in need of such politicians to protect his interests. He desires men to represent him who will support the Constitution of the couutry, not destroy it.—He is unwilling to move one step towards the violation of that sacred instrument, which, so far as he is concerned, has afforded him satisfactory protection. If ever the period shall arrive, when the government of this coun try shall be eon\erted into an instrument of op pression too greivous to be borne, the indus trious yeomanry will first try to reform if through the ballot box ; if that fails, then they will shoulder their muskets as did their fathers before them, and not resort to this deceptive doc trine of nullification for redress. From the time the American people declared themselves to be free and independent, they seem to have enjoyed fixe, peculiar favor of Heaven. All good men will therefore, in the language of the father of his country, indignantly frown upon those who dare attempt a dissolution ot that Luion, which has elevated us a nation, and. which has caused the name American citizens to.be a safe passport in every clime. To the Y olutiteer corps of Cavalry, through whose polite invitation l make this address, permit me now to say a few words. The profession of arms, has always been con sidered honorable in every nation. The brave and gallant soldier is an honor to his country in time of peace, its protection in time of var. To defend their country with success, it is in dispensably necessary that both officeis and pri vate soldiers should understand all those mili tary tactics incident to their profession. Im provement should be the common object of all. Officers commanding Volunteer companies, should indulge a just pride in the enforcement of their orders, the private soldier in obeying them. Before the soldier can command, with credit to himself, he must learn to obey. Order is not only necessary for the successful opera tion of the Government and existence of nations, but it is equally so for the preservation of every civil or military association. The brave and accomplished soldier not only commands the universal admiration of man, but of lovely wo man too. Who would not be a brave and ac complished soldier to win the smiles of lovtdy woman? Whose mild, virtuous and patriotic heart permits none but the brave to enter there. May your arms always be wielded in support of that cause for which your forefathers labored with a zeal and confidence that never wavered, but never in favor of the enemies of the Union -of our common country, let them be foreign or domestic. Questions for Candidates. Near one hundred of tbe most influential and respectable men of Elbert county have address ed the following questions to the gentlemen who have declared themselves candidates for the Legislature. The questions are clear and to the point, and should be put to every candi date who presents himself to the people for their suffrages. Elbert County, Ga. July 4, 1851. To Benjamin Thornton, Jr., Henry R. Dead - wyler, Samuel D. Blackwell and Benjamin C. Houston, and to all others who may be come candidates for the Legislature in Elbert county during the present year: Gentlemen The undersigned, legal voters of Elbert county, believing that the safety and peace of the Union are now threatened and t*n dagered by the efforts of the ultra men at the North and South, and believing that under such circumstances it is our right and solemn duty to know fully and dearly the positions and views of those Yvho seek to represent us in the next Legislature; we, therefore respectfully re quest each one of you to give us through the columns of the Chronicle A Sentinel, as early as possible, plain answers to the following ques tions : Ist. I)o you approve the report and the five resolutions appended thereto, adopted by the Georgia Convention, in December last ? Was that report and those resolutions tiie proper action, in your judgment, that Georgia ought to have takeu ia the premises ? 2d. The Convention assembled at Milledge ville on the 28th day of May last, commonly called the Southern Rights Convention, held the following language: “ By the acts of the late Congress known as the compromise measures, the Southern States, being a majority in federal numbers, have been deprived by high-hand, of all their interests in the territories acquired from Mexico, have been degraded from their condition of equality in the Union, have been forced to surrender territory unquestionably and legitimately their own, to the use and enjoymentof the hireling States,” Do you believe this language to be true ? 3d. If you say that this language is true, what measures, in your judgment should Geor gia and the other Southern States to adopt, to redress such grievances ? 4th. The Convention assembled at Nashville last year, commonly called the Nashville Con vention, ot which Charles J. McDonald was President, passed the following resolutions : “ Resolved, That in our view of these aggres sions (meaning the compromise measures of the last Congress) and those threatened and im pending, we earnestly recommend to the slave holding States to meet in s congress or conven tion to be held at such time and place as the States desiring to be represented may designate, to be composed of double the number of their Senators and Representatives in Congress of the United States, entrusted with full power to de liberate and act, with the view and intention of arresting further aggression, and, if possible, of restoring'the constitutional rights of the South, and if not, provide for their future safety and independence.” Do you approve this resolution ? and do you approve, advise, or sanction the course herein recommended to the slaveholding States. sth. Which of the two parties now organized in Georgia, that called the Constitutional Union Party, or that sometimes called the Southern Rights Party, do you consider yourselves con nected with, and with which will you act if elected ? 6th. Are you opposed to all further agitation of the slavery question, provided the compro mise measures of the last Congress are fairlv carried out and enforced i Ttli. Are you satisfied with, and are vou w illing to abide by the Union as it is ? Y’ery respectfully, your fellow-citizens. A Pointed Reply. An old fashioned Jackson Democrat, in the Natchez Fourier, thus respond* to the taunts of some hi -former friends who charged him with having changed; “ I have been repeatedly tajmttxl of late, by one in two of nay old democratic friends, (as tliev say A, s.'iou having feliea from the good old fetch of tip y. Now, Sir, lam a man of few w in T ANARUS, j- , i Leing a working-man. Iff lia* fr changed, thctD-r ei faithful friends throughout whole country liar, changed. lasi sure tha£,'f am Senator Cas. on the Union ran with the ‘YVashingt n Union,’ our paper on the watch-tower ot freedom ; larfn wiifi Senator Y\ T . R. King of Ala. with Howell Qtfob of Georgia, and with the majority of de mocvfft* in every State of tills Republic. It is tru that a few have branched off from the Democracy, in this and other States, calling tltcmselws Southern Rights men, but their seceding lias not made m< change. If they are attempting to engraft anew shoot upon the old democratic tree, my resisting their efforts does not make me less a democrat. Their attempt to read me out of the party, because I will not consent to add to its creed, a doctrine which Andrew Jackson repudiated and crushed, is but ridiculous. YYbo made the isms of South Carolina a text book of Dernocra A ‘ Certainly nunc of the fathers of that faith, noi any of the National Conventions which have proclaim ed its opinions. I ant, where I have ever been, for the Union of these Stfltcs, and bitterly opposed to anything like secession or nullification. A JACKSON DEMOCRAT. From the Savannah Republican. Hon. Howell (obb. Below will be found the comments of the Washington Union on the letter of acceptance of Mr. Cobb. The present editor of the Union is a Tennesseean, a slaveholder, and an old fashioned democrat, and the bosom friend o? Gen. Jackson. The question for every demo crat in Georgia to ask himself is, whether he will heed the advice of such a paper, or follow the suggestions of the Charleston Mercury and its secession echoes in this State? From the Washington Union. Hon. Mr. Cobb, of Georgia. —Our readers will find in this day’s Union the admirable letter written by this gentleman to the committee which communicated to him his nomination, by the Constitutional Union party of Georgia, as a candidate for the chief Magistracy of that State. This letter is written with much deliberation, and contains not a sentiment which conflicts with the doctrines of the democratic party, as they have been illustrated by its most able and venerated disciples from the period of Jefferson to this day, In respect to the Compromise, the position of Mr. Cobb is that of the Convention otGeorgiain 1850, when it was decided that ac quiescence in that measure of peace was the duty ot all good citizens, and that resistance could not be justified unless it became'appa rent that the factionistsof tbe northern portion ot the Union would succeed in rendering the fugitive slave law inoperative. On this plht* form of justice, duty, and patriotism the de mocracy in Pennsylvania and in all the north ern and northwestern States is being rallied as in days of Jefferson and Jackson, and tbe pros pect becomes every day brighter and brighter, that the rights of the South will be not only vindicated, but placed beyond the reach of dan ger in the future. Shall such a prospect be clouded by a useless agitation, growing out of differences of opinion about the abstract right of secession? Will the South itself take the lead in this agitation, and thus strengthen the hands of those faetionists against whom she is anxious to array the sound action of those communities that acknowledge the authority of Washington, Jefferson, Madi son, and Jackson ? It is to he lamented that ultra men in the South, founding their appeals to the people on a misapprehension of the state of feeling in oth er portions of the Union, take for granted that the fugitive slave law will be repealed, and pick up the arms of menace without waiting for the assurances of friendship and support, which are numerous and satisfactory. It was not thus that Mr. Jefferson reasoned when he said that if every infraction of a compact is to be regard ed as a dissolution of it, none could be formed which would last a year. The advice of that lather of democracy was patience, forbearance, and moderation, giving time for those under delusion to see the cousequences of their ac tion. But even if it be granted that the fears enter tained by some of the leaders of the South are just—if it be assumed that the fugitive slave law will be repealed—is it not better for the South to reserve her menaces until that day of evil is upon us? Thrice armed will she be, if the solemn hour ever arrives w hen she announ ces her determination to leave a confederacy which will not treat her as an equal, if she can say —See with what fidelity icc have performed our portion of those compacts which made us one people—see how scrupulously roe have ab stained from all disregard of that joint authori ty which toe are now about to dissolve forever — see with what reverence for the work of onr fath ers we have struggled against its abuse, until the wrongs rehich justified them in separating from Great Britain invite us to imitate their conduct, and set up a government for ourselves, whatever may be the castor sacrifice. It is in this spirit Mr. Cobb stands on the Georgia platform, ready “to resist icith all the means which a favoring Providence may place at her disposal,” if the faetionists of the North should persevere in their aggressions, and ren der invalid that provision of the constitution which guaranties to the owners of fugitive slaves their right to a summary recovery of them. Georgia and South Carolina. —We pub lish some extracts in to day’s paper to show that the salvation or the Union is dependent upon the approaching elections in the Southern States. If the self-styled Southern Rights par ty prevail even in a single State, it is clear that South Carolina will secede from the confedera cy. The election of McDonald in Georgia; or the triumph of his party in the Legislature of the State, would be THE FUNERAL KNELL OF THE AMERICAN UNION. South Car olina, now in a state of suspense and only await ing the co-operation of a single State, not only in her scheme of seceding from the Union for alledged grievances under the compromise, but in maintaining her right by the force of arms to secede at pleasure, will at once apply the torch that shall hurl the Union into fragments. McDonald and his friends in Georgia tell her “ you have a right to secede at pleasure, and if the general government attempt to “ restrain you, we will arrest it by force of arms.” Wheth er they succeed or notin getting possession of the government of Georgia, they are every where promising assistance iu the way of money and volunteer troops in case the government should attempt to coerce her. Citizens of Georgia! We repeat it, and urge upon you the solemn admonition, that upon the issue of the approaching elections depends the question whether South Carolina will attempt to secede from the L r nion that if she does,with a dominant party in this State maintaining her right to do so under existing circumstances, and threaten ing to sustain her by force in tbe exercise of that right, the Union will either be dissolved by the abdication of all authority by the general government, or the most bloody civil war re corded in history. Think seriously of these things, and begin to rally to the rescue of the imperiled Uuion. Tolicy of the Agitators. —We repeat, we have not denounced the democratic party in Tennessee as traitors and disunionists. We have said, and repeat it, the misguided policy of such agitators as the American and A. V. Brown favors the schemes of “traitors and dis unionists,” whether so intended or not. Why should we not say this? YVe have the testimo ny ot the editor of the American, within less MLan a year past, that the Clay compromise se res the rights of the South, “as far as Con - j- can constitutionally secure them.’’ For up. id entical rvason we defended and advocated v your yomisc from the beginning. When we now provisions characterized by the •>”- thor of xlusVame sentmieivW*a cMat and a fraud upou we south, what is this but an in sidious attempt renew agitation to unloose against all the feamfl elements of sectional con tention—though he cleclmes in the very next breath that he is for abiding in good faith, these provisions. *Tt is not in human nature to qui etly and contentedly endure what we honestly believe to be a cheat and a fraud imposed upon us by a stronger power —unless our Quixotic fox-fire-eaters have a patent for “base” and craven submission” lar excelling any thing of the kind ever yet recorded in the history of treemen. To stigmatize the compromise as a “ cheat ’’ which we may endure but cannot ap prove, and yet to say that it secures our rights “as far as Congress can constitutionally secure them,” is really paying a very poor compliment to the constitution which our republican fathers framed for us ; and he who expresses such opin ions, whether he confess to purposes ol‘ agita tion or not, so far as he infuses a conviction of their correctness into the minds of his followers infuses among them the rankest elements of disunion agitation ! For imposing such inflammatory and stultify ing heresies as these we are characterized as obnoxious to denunciation without measure or decency—as the “ally of abolitionists” d;e. <fcc. People of Tennessee, four-fifths of you —conser- vative men of all parties, who approvingly sus tain the compromise—are equally implicated with us in this wholesale, incendiary calumny and detraction. They complain and lament that the South is not united. Do they expect such violent and inflammatory criminations to drive you and us, an overwhelming majority, into the support of them and their candidates, and the terrible heresies and stultifying incon sistencies they represent. Supposing them to be sane and reasonable men, who weigh their words and actions, the conclusion is irresistible that they desire agitation and are reckless of its conseq uences . —Nashvilie Whig. Daniel Webster sent this toast to Spring field, to he read, at the celnbration of the Fourth of July there:— “The Union! God in his mercy grant, that no apocalyptic writer may see the Common wealth of Massachusetts fall from that Firma ment.” CfinwpimktiT. LETTER FROM MADISON. Madison, Ga. July 17th, 1851. Dear Citizen :—Among the numerous effusions of your spicy correspondents, in various portions of the country, I do not remember to have noticed any from tliia growing, _and delightful town. I therefore take the liberty, unsolicited, of sending yon a brief sketch of the scenes transpiring here—which, if it should meet your approval, may not be my last. It is vacation time with our Colleges at present, and the absence of the usual array of grace and beauty front their midst, renders the “classic shades of AcaJernus” monotonous indeed. But a brief period will elapse, and we shall again be greeted by the familiar faces so recently with us ; faces all the more lovely and cheer ful from the relaxation which vacation will have im parted them. A few will not return. They have drank their last draught at these fountains of knowl edge, and gone forth to grace other spheres, and min gle in other scenes. God bless the alumni of our Col leges! God bless the Juniors and Sophomores and alt who conte hither to be educated. The scorching heat, and the protracted drought have rendered the prospects of our fanners gloomy indeed ; and at this season, the avenue* of trade are usually quiet. These causes, with the absence of “the jewels” above alluded to, conspire to render our town unusually dull at present. Notivithstanding, the indications of pros perity and of progress are visible on every hand. Num erous private residences are going up, and the proprie tor of our hotel is enlarging that establishment, in such a manner as to render it, when complete, one of the finest hotels is the State. Our factory is just commenc ing operations—and all our mechanics arc full of bus iness ; which is one of the best evidences of a town’s prosperity. But with all its attractions —there arc influences op erating seriously to the detriment of the social charms of our community. To these influences I regret to re fer, identified as they are with our most influential and respectable citizens. But a respect -for common mor ality and good order, seems to demand a free expression of the truth. YY'e have a numerous class, many of whom are “good and accepted members” of our moral and religious in stitutions—who manifest an utter disregard for the principles they profess to cherish, by engaging in those vefy vices which their Unets prohibit. Jjoring fashion more than religion, they revel in the Pollies es the for mer, shielded by the disguise of the latter. Not con- < tent with the reproach they bring upon themselves, they bring disgrace and ruin upon the young and un wary, luring them by their example into the very vices which they would teach them, by prating precept, to shun. They give parties where the bewitching wine flows freely, and teach their daughters, with their sweetest smiles to beguile e’en those who have resolved to look no more upon it. Even Ministers of the gospel have dared to trifle with the souls they are laboring to reclaim, by placing before their guests at their own fes tive board, one of the devil's most wily and most potent emissaries. Others there are, but little less guilty, who have been elevated as guardians of the public morality; whose names even as I write, arc appended to a long array of resolutions, posted in the street corners—prohibiting gaming. These men, evade the law against “gaming with cards' 1 as they have framed it, and prostitute the more innocent amusement, back gammon, to their pur pose. Some of these men are too frequently seen among the common loungers at our stores and groceries, engaged in the intellectual and innocent amusement, at five dollar a game. And if they fall out and fight about the throwing of a die, or the making of a point, it is not considered a disturbance of the peace, and they are not lodged with runaway negroes, and other black characters, in the calaboose, because, forsooth, they are the Fathers of the Town! God help us! with such fathers, what may be expected of the children ? And yet, ours is a “ moral community.” YYe are accustomed to boast of our purity—our refinement, and our religion. Y\ r e point with pride to our church es rearing their spires towards the pure heavens, and seem to feel that with such sacred tokens of our good ness, we arc safe. Verily, with all its attractive fea tures, there is something rotten in MADISON. For the Georgia Citizen. Reply to Southron’s No. 1. BY ONE OF THE MECHANICS OF GEORGIA. My Good Sir :—Your comments in tho “Georgia Telegraph,” upon the principles entertained by the Mechanics of Georgia, in relation to Mechanical etn plovjnents in the Penitentiary, are more wordy in style than cogent in argument. If we have defeated the end for which we aim, we know not where tho inspiration of prophecy came from, that enabled you to look deeper into the furrows of the mill stone than those who are engaged in pecking them. I pass over your long dis sertation upon the morality of teaching to felons the Mechanic Arts. ) You say: —“Do you \the. Mechanics] know of any reason why in this Republican country, you should have exclusive privileges ?” No sir, we do not. YY r e have never assumed to have any. YY e deny that we have, in any way, or at any time, urged any such stupid pre tensions. But sir, to use your own language, “let us re verse the picture, and work on the other side—hear both parts.” Can you, with all your plausible fairness, tell us, what reason there is, in this Republican country, for tfie Meeh.anics to have EXCLUSIVE DEGIIAD A riOX ? What other professional calling has shared with the Mechanics the odium of Penitentiary opera tions ? YY’o don’t care how you share the degradation, so long as you share it even. The Mechanics think and know that they have I tad their full share. “ Our government was formed for all and not for particular Eight or ten yeau ,*he principal keeper of Penitentiary, in his report to the Legislature, urged up on that body the necessity and propriety of abolishing Mechanical employments in that institution. He con tended that it had been expensive to the State, and was degrading to the worthy calling of worthy men in our Commonwealth. The Legislature, looking forward to tho change, (See A. A. Dec. 23, 1843,) directed the Judges in passing sentence upon culprits, for such pe riod of time as they are authorized by the present code of this State, to hard labor in the Penitentiary of this State, “or at such other place or places as the Gov ernor of the State may thereafter direct .” The Mechanics of the State have waited for the re alization of their hopes, with a faith and fortitude wor thy of mnrtyrs. Nearly forty years have elapsed since the establishment of that Institution, and they have been so many years of degradation and insult to the Me chanics of Georgia. YVe know that there ia a public sympathy in favor of the Mechanics, which co-operating with their own efforts, must accomplish their wishes. YY e notice tokens on every hand which encourage us to renewed efforts, and concentration of our influence and }>ower —not to acquire “ exclusive privileges,’’ but to profess and enjoy equal rights, privileges and immunities. Are not the callings of the Mechanics of the State as much entitled to the favorable regard of our laws as any other class of citizens ? Do they receive it? Are house burners and counterfeiters, horse thieves and mail robbers, and all other villians. who violate our laws and are sentenced to punishments, suitable pro fessional associates for the Mechanics of Georgia ? Ihe laws of the land, now* particularly proclaim this fact. Can it be disputed ? The culprit is sentenced to “hard labor in the penitentiatry.” Let ns go there and se c what the “hard labor 1 ’ is—making carts, wheelbarrows, road, Jersey and other wagons, window sash, door and window braces, chairs and tables, boots and shoes, coats, pantaloons and other clothing, har ness, tin ware, painting, gilding, blacksmith’s work, repairing of all kinds, &e. &c. Now we see what “hard labor’’ means—it means that the culprit is sen tenced to learn and practice a mechanical trade ! The penalty then, stripped of its flimsy legal disguise, is, to learn a mechanical trade ! In the Report of the Finance Committee of tho State, dated, Feb. 22, 1851, I notice the following—Read it over, and ponder well upon its views, for not one of the Finance Committee are Mechanics., “ The idea which many indulge, th mvict in the Penitentiary, should be taught a ■ v g lanic trade, whilst performing his sentence, is, we ’ u, a mistaken one. There is no claim, abstractedly, on the part of the convict, to such an act of benificeiiee. To attempt to carry it out, neec-ssadly subjects the institution to an increased expense —andl if carried out, successfully, can produce NO OTII Elf RES li LT than that of pil ling the principal Meclfupic pursuits with men who have been degraded by ignominious punishment. — YVe think such a consequence should be avoided by legislative prevention.’’ Every position which the Mechanics of Georgia hare ever taken in relation to Mechanical employments in the Penitentiary, is substantially embraced in the above extract. In conclusion, IJo not know who the writer of “Southron’’ is, neither do I desire to, but I do know who he is not. lie is not the best advocate for the principles he attempts toadvanee—he has not had much intelligent experience and reflection on the subject upon which he treats—ho is not well caparisoned in capitf. YY hen youthful or mediocre writers assail the views * of the Mechanics, they deceive themselves. It is no childs’ play business to trip up a Mechanic. They do not deal in rhetorical flourishes, polished periods, or scraps of poetry, but come down with ar. avalanche of facts—stubborn and unyielding facts —and it takes men of mind, experience and extensive practical ability, to suc cessfully oppose them. “Southron,” is not of this class of men. If I can find a grain of argument in the next number of “Southron' 1 (I will suppose ho means by this South ern,) I will winnow it out from its chaffy attachments, and give it attention. OLD HAND SA\\\ ✓ , For the Georgia Citizen. / Reply to Southron’s No. 2. BY ONE OF TIIE MECHANICS OF GEORGIA. My Kind Sir : The gratuitous assumption in your first number that Mechanics ask for “ exclusive privileges ’ was not more fallacious and unfounded than the proposition you impute to the Mechanics in the commencement of your No. 2. You say, that said proposition reads thus: Negroes shall not be taught the Mechanical arts, but their labor shall be confined to agricultural em ployments.’’ Now sir, all the answer which this false statement deserves, is to show that your premises are wrong and, of course, any conclusion drawn therefrom, must be er roneous. Ihe Meclianiys’ Convention passed tho fol lowing Resolution; \ i “Resolved, ‘ of t/is body the ’ druclion of , lB of Repairing, done at “p>f great ‘Til.. . D. ‘.\s dicial to ns ci S\TlipS. suits, and is believed to be inftxpu...., injurious to all classes of the community.” This was the whole action of the Convention on the subject of Negro Mechanics, except the argument in the l reamble adverse to the policy of educating slaves in this way. Nowhere can you discern any disposition, as you have alledgod, to confine the slave to agricultural pursuits or to drive them out of other servile employ ments. From the whole tone of your remarks on this point, the intent is palpable on your part, to excite a prejudice in the minds of agriculturalists and other cit izens against Mechanics, in order to build up your charge of abolition against the latter. But such du plicity of motive and false statement of fact shall not serve your purpose. r i he Mechanics have no objection to the employment of slaves in any servile pursuit, either of the field, the Stable or the household. They never have objected to slaveholders employing them on their farms and about their houses, in any capacity, even that of ordinary mechanical work, necessary about their habitations. Yea more, there are few who will object to the policy of Mechanics or those following Mechan ical pursuits, having slaves trained to aid them in their own business. 1 will tell you, however, what the Mechanics do ob ject to. It is to the policy of such gold-mine nabobs as yourself, who live in splendid mansions, and occupy an elevated position in society, the result of a fortunate matrimonial or other speculation , and not of their own honest labor, buying up negroes to have them instruct ted in the Mechanics Arts, for the purpose of extra gam to their owners, without regard to tho welfare of a useful class of citizens who have not inherited a for tune ! That is the objection Mechanics have, and which they are likely to have, till your policy is aban doned. \ our artful effort, then, to prejudice the laboring agriculturalists and the Landlords and denizens of towns and cities, against the Mechanics’ movement, will fail of its object. A majority of that class of tbe community arc with us, and even many of the wealthy and intelligent planters who own many slaves are op posed to the practise you advocate of elevating Negroes above their servile position, as more dangerous to the institution than any thing else ! In truth, the only way to make slavery permanent, is to keep slaves where the God of nature designed them to be, in an inferior position to the white race—the “-hewers of wood, and drawers of water’ ior thelr-Miperiors. This is so self evident a proposition, that “the wayfaring man, though a fool need not err therein.” And it is a proposition, too, which the Legislature of Georgia seems to have en tertained, for years. YY'hy, else, have laws been pass- cd, prohibiting the teaching of negroes to read and write ? YY by prohibit their employment in the busi ness of printing? In this particular, just such men as you have taken away “privileges” which you claim for yourself! It is made illegal for a printer to instruct his slave to set type and assist him in his business, but it is “a horse of another color’’ when you and such as you, desire to get S3OO a year for the hire of your Mechan ic slave! On your theory, this is unwise legislation against the profession of the printer, and I hope sir, you will, in your endeavors to elevate the African race over the white, gave the printer a chance to aid you in your work of enlightenment, on the principle that ifa lit tle elevation is good, little more is better! In conclusion it may be well to say, that tin id ujon attribute to Mechanics, that *Lvj midu to Tfansfer the •degradation arising from their association with negro Mechanics, to the agricultural and other classes, is not fairly stated, or pertinently set forth. The degrada tion does not consist in working with negroes who are owned by the operative in either agricultural or me chanical pursuits. ’Tis no degradation for a planter or his sons to work in the fields with his slave, because the latter is not thereby placed on an equality with white men. lie is still a slave and subject to his mas ter’s control and discipline, and his labor goes to enrich his owner, and his childreu. Not so however, witlt the white Mechanic who is compelled to associate with the negro as an equal in every way—even in wages , which, though sufficient to keep the slave in the com forts of fife and give a good profit to his owner, are not sufficient for tbo white man who has a position to sustain and perhaps a wife and child to clothe, protect and ed cate ! Y our policy, however, if carried out, would militate against the interest of every white laboring man in the community. You do not now employ white laborers in your cotton fields, and you are seeking in every way to make it impractible for a poor white man to live in Georgia,either as a laborer or as a Mechanic! This you are doing by pushing the negro into every calling which now engages the attention of these classes. And when, sir, you have accomplished your object, what will be the aspect of the case in its final results ! I will tell yon, sir. A ou will have a few thousand slaveholders in the State to manage your hundreds of thousands of slaves, and among the latter you will have thousands, of quickened intellect, who will be ready at any time to turn the tables upon you, and skill enough to lead his fellows to such a direful consummation ! Then, when you call upon the stout arm of the free white Mechanic and free white agricultural laborer—there will be no answer to your cries, for there will be none of that class in the State to answer! In vain, my kind sir, do you then talk upon this topic and try to make false issues before the people. It is a subject too intricate for your scalpel to dissect, in a proper manner. Your own anatomical construction is too attenuated, and your vision too far above the plelnan Mechanic to understand his position or appre ciate his motives. Yet you are not, sir, without a precedent to show the evil tendency of your doctrines. You know of one instance, at least, where a negro brother-craftsman of yours flourished a while back in Bibb, with great celat. lie practised medicine in white as well as colored families. Doctor Perry was an ed ucated slave, or, what you would have all to lx?, an el evated individual, whose master had a right to have him instructed in the Doctor’s calling or any other handicraft, for the pur|Ke of increasing the gains of his owner. YVell, as soon as Dr. Perry got sufficient ly acquainted with Drugs, he commenced experiments with subtle poisons on the bodies of his patients, and fatally succeeded in one ease, that of his own master, when he decamped, on a swift horse, to the YY’est, where for aught I know, he is still engaged in scienti fic investigations into the nature of arsenic and a corresponding practise l YY’ith this hint, Doctor “ Southron’’ I leave you, hoping that no white Brother Mechanic will ever trust his life in the hands of one, who is so deadly hostile to other interests of Mechanics, which to them are far dearer thay life ! / OLD HAND SAW. ; LETTERS FROM TIIE NORTH—NO. R K New Haven, July 11, 1851. Dear Doctor :—A fellow by tho name of William J. Young, who calls himself ‘An Industrial Con gressman,’ lias recently written an article for the New York Express, in which lie says that the South is des tined, sooner or later, to mix her blood with the Ne gro race, and that wherever there are two races, the one inferior to the other, the superior one will, by mix ing itself with that one, eventually become merged into it and lost. This is all Abolition Logic —the very kind of logic about which 1 wrote you some tiino ago; but, very unfortunately for this presumptuous Logician, cannot be found in Wliately. They premise with a lie, and, according to their own principles of reasoning, must conclude with the same. There is no such thing in History as this man pre tends to suggest in his letter. He cannot show, in either sacred or profane history, where a white race lists become extinct by merging itself, through amal gamation, into a black one. Why, this fellow must be the most arrrant goose that ever cackled nonesense to an offended world ! Where is his authority for this saying ? Where all the Abolitionist find their history —in the back of their heads ! O ’ what an Owl— not oncol’ Minerva’s birds, but a real horn-eyed, who , who—jfjoho arc you ? Tins is the truth of the whole matter. It was in tended by the Deity that the Negro and the Caucasian races should remain distinct. It was also intended that the relation between the two should be that of Master and Slave, far in whatever country this rela tion is subverted, there is a loss of balance between the distinctness of the perpetuity of the two race*. This;! is remarkably true here )at the North—the only thine ort ] For Rheumai this very relation’ of fitatU j Back, exists here just in as full force] i' J H 11 ‘of Hie power of transfer , as it docs uil.i. But as the climate and masterly coer cion (necessary to the life of the negro among whites) arc wanting, the race mttot, necessarily, in time, become extinct. Whenever man, that is, the Caucasian race , sub verts this relation of master and slave, as established by the Deity, lie does not elevate the negro, as lie vainly pre-supposes , but degrades his own dignity down to his level. This is the object of this Indus trial Congress, as it is called, about which this sublime pliilospher and squeamish humanitarian pretends to write. There can be no such thing as equality of associa*- tion between the negro and the whitemnn. This ref lation cannot be established- here at the North, any more than it can at th^South —for this very reason, namely, that God never intended it should be. If any such thing is ever commenced, here, the best way to test its modus operandi will be to make these phnr isaical humanitarians and hypocritical traitors the only associates, as they deserve to be, of the negro— thereby reversing that decree of God, very well known to man, namely, ‘That birds of a feather will flack together ’ —by the whole of them becoming pole cats in a lump. Whenever any set of men, under the name of In dustrial Congress, attempts to reverse this God established law of the two races, they-not only virtual ly, but actually disown their natures. The city of Albany not only disowns her own name, thereby assuming that it ought to be changed into that of negropolis, but, by* establishing the Industrial Con gress there, degrades, by disowning, her own white citizens. YY hat can this Miss Edwards, who arrogates to her self the right to degrade her female soul, think of the mission of a true woman ? YY'hy, this poor de luded creature is not only entirely ignorant of all the duties incumbent upon her, as a woman, but totally destitute of every female grace. The truth is, no woman could begin to think as she does, were she not lost totally lost-— to all that makes the nature of woman glorious. / If Miss Edivfirds would sit down by the side of the black skinned Mr. Bowers and inhale the native funki ness of his Ethiopian carcass, she would have no parti cular objections, (were he to urge his suit)---to lie down by the side of him out. of this aforesaid Bedlam of amalgamation-—for the woman who would first make'., living lie of her nature, would not hesitate, were suitable inducements offered, to do any other kind of lying. ~ - . In the first place, women have no business with white men in an Industrial Congress , lot alone with 1 Nig gers’ ns black as Erebus. Home is the place for the pure woman ; and none but one who lias lost all her womanhood, could be caught in an Industrial Con gress id any kind. I went last week to hear Mrs. Emma Gillingham Bostwiek, about whom I wrote you my last, sing in her second Concert, at Brewsters’ Hall in this city. I wrote you in my last, ami I now repeat it again in this letter, that there is not a lady in America her su perior in Iter peculiar line. Her first Song, ‘My home, my happy home,’ by Dodson, was rendered with great sweetness and tender pathos, although she was laboring under a severe cold -ts- *Ji.v time. The Violin Solo, Le tremolo, by De Benot, of Mr. Bristow, of New York, was nothing more nor less than a mcracobweb of sound woven to catch invisible flies. It reminded me of the ventum textilium of A pm lins. The Recitativo and Aria, ‘On mighty pens,’ from Hayden’s Creation, was beatifully rendered by Mrs. Bostwick. But the gem of the evening was the l Va- j riations Concertantcs'-—\ oice and violin—by Mrs. Bostwick and Mr. Bristow, from Pacini. This crystollino music sparkled and burnt into the soul with its serene vibrations, like the silver light nings of the evening Star through the ether of Heaven. The trilling of Mrs Bostwick was as tremulously clear as the golden pipings of a Lowland Werste. I went last night to hear Moses Gustave Krallman and his wife play and sing in a Concert hold at Brew ster’s Hall, iu this city. He is, beyond comparison, the greatest Violinist in America. I have never yet seen any man, with exception of Ole Bull—the Bul- Bul from Norway, who could do what he can on that king of all instruments. llow insignificant every in strument appears by the side of this Memnonian re velator—for no sound ever elicited from tbe renowned Memnon by the radiaut fingers of the dawn, could equal some soul-uplifting tones which he rained down upon our souls out of the sunny heaven of his long cherished and dearly-beloved violin. llow he made her laugh and cry ay the pathetic rc-citit.il of her own joys and sorrows, only be known to hint who knows all those beautiful treasures which lie hidden deep down within the crystalline sea of the soul. Then her screams of exultation how full of the divine madness of transport! At one time she was Cecilia drawing the Angels down from Heaven with the sweet strains of her voice*—at another, piling the thunder on thun der of pure passion up to the very gates of God. The grand Concerto , from Yieux Temps, was admir ably rendered. So was his triumphant variations on the well known Song called ‘Buffalo Gals.’ The Souvenir De Niagara, composed by himself, was equal, in many respects, to the best passages from Ole Bull’s Niagara. But the Gem of the evening was “The Carnival of Venice.’ This was a giand per- Ibrance Lea Serenade, composed by Shubert, and sung by Madame Krallman, was the best Sung of the evening. She is a beautiful singer, hut not equal to Mrs. Emma Gillingham Bostwick, whose crystalline voice sparkles, when she sings, like the fiery flashings of an Oriental Ruby. An Epistolarian, writing for the Boston Museum, thus discourses about the Daguerreotype Portrait of tbe late Edgar A. Poc : ‘For a number of yurs pre vious to Poe’s death, the Literati of New )Jb>rk tried their utmost to induce him to sit for his likWiess, &c.’ This lie says in a portrait be sa- v of Poe, at Samuel Masury’s, in Providence. But ‘ Pet me in form hffjf that the Litsfali of Gotham wffoU just as soon liUve looked upon the face of the very IVevil him self, as upon the Portrait of Edgar A. Pdß&They did not like th • man himself, and what did tlieJ J'ant with his Portrait i They not only did net but they absolutely him —not because he\ became ‘intoxicated,’ as Miss Walter, formerly of th t:\Boston Transcript, used to say ; but because he waSmtirely too smart for them. They had no idea ofjtseoing the New Odin, the glorious inventor of the .\&>dern Runes, so soon —in fact, not for the next three (, iou sarid years to come —so, his coming was like thefcre mature appearance of the Star in the East to the .\\igi —it completely ‘ nonplussed ’ them. Mas not the perfumes of Paradise poison to the Dives, and made them melancholy l Then ichat did they want with his Portrait ? This gentleman, who calls himself ‘ Quails,’ is entirely mistaken about the matter. Mr. Poe was never called upon by any Gothamite for his Portrait, If lie had been, lie could very easily have shown him one, taken by Plumb, which I saw in 1845, and which, no doubt, Mrs. Clemm, now basin her pos session. Then, how can Mr. ‘ Quails’ say that this one, in tbc gallery of Samuel Musury, at Providence is the only one of that ‘ eccentric genius T now in exist ence 1 But he is not more mistaken in his Portrait, than Ire is in the features and character of Mr. Poe. lie saps liisyfiead ‘resembled Shakspeare's What an idea! 1 K: says that his hair looks as though his fingers were the only comb that had been used for many days.’ Mr. Poe teas remarkable fur his neatness. He calls his ‘mouth small. 1 lie must have puckered it, then, while sitting for his Portrait, for Mr. Poo's mouth was not very small, lie calls his ‘eyes snappingly brilliant'and black as the Raven so graphically de scribed in his Poem.’ Oh ! tempura Oh J mores ! What do you tliink of this ? Mr. Poe’s eyes were of the neutral violet tint, rather inclining to hazel. His eyebrows did look rather ‘heavy’ when he scowled, and if one of them was drawn down at the outer end ; as he describes it, then Mr, Poe was either ‘intoxicat ed, 1 as Miss Walter says, or drunk , when the likeness was taken. lie did have a good forehead, it is true; but it did not resemble Shakspeare's, any more than it did Lord Brabham's. Viewing it directly in front, it looked hot'”" 8- “ 1 wide; but this magestic appear* i', * Jby the animal organs behind. ■ookss, well in a Portrait —-better, Yvdrrie any', tilJm it t!<tl in the living subject. But what] has this to do with his genius ? Just nothing at all for, if all the heads in N. York and Providence both were thrown into one, it would not make the head of Edgar a Poe. In the satirical retort of Paracelsus, lie had more knowledge in the sole of his foot, than than could be found in all their Universities. T. 11. C. IMPORTANT FROM CUBA! OPENING Os THE CUBAN REVOLUTION ! ! By the brig Luthern. arrived at New York from Nuevilas, letters have been received, from which the Sun derives the following interesting facts. I’he Sun saya the locality from which the news comes is the neighborhood of Coscorro, a village between Principe and the port of Nnevitas. Accounts arrived at Principe on the 28th June, states that a guerilla party of about fifty men, from Principe, under a resolute commander, had com menced operation. On the 25th of June, a detach ment of 110 men, consisting of fifty lancers ana sixty infantry, previously sent out from the gar rison at Principe, by General Leimery, had arrived at the village of Coscorro, in pursuit of the guer illa patriots. The latter were manoeuvring within short dip.since of the goverment troops, endeavoring to draw them into an ambush and destroy them. The next news expected is the capture of all the government troops. It is proper here to state that the Pinanuciamcn tool the people of Principe had not been given, but was expected to be made on the 4th of July! The patrriots already gathered in the mountains of Coscorro are receiving every assistance from the surrounding people, who send them provisions, money and men. and inform them o f all the move ments of the goverment. We await with anxiety fresh advices, and it is possible that the steamer from Havana, now due at this port, may bring us further new’s, though the scene of hostilities is 450 miles from the capital. The garrison to Principe consists of 2,400 men, under the command of Gen- Leimery. The troops are quartered iu the friars, there being no fortress, and the city being without walls, open in every direction. The troops would stand a poor chance ofsucess against the combined rising of the inhabitants. The excitement among the inhabi tants is universal and deep. The Spanish war steamer Pizarro arrived at this port yesterday afternoon, from Havana and is at anchor ofF the Battery. What may be the object of a second visit of this steamer to our port, within so short a time, can only be conjectured. It. is not improbable that she is on the look out for “filibus ters,” or to gather reports from the Spanish spies in this city. Baltimore, July 22—8 p. m. The Cherokee, arrived at New York last night, brings intelligence that GOO persons at Port an Prince had revolted against Lite Government, were attacked next day and repulsed the troops with tiie loss of 28 men. The insurgents had retreated to the mountains, where they were joined by large numbers of young men. Many persons, lietween Puerto Principe, and St- Jago, had declared against the Government. I he Rome (Ga.) Courier , of July 3, savs: “'ln some sections the seasons have been fev%| and the crops are more promising than they have/been for many years 5 while in other sections the weather lias been very dry, and the pro-peet is not so flattering. The YY heat crop, however, which has been haijvested, exceeds both in quantity and quality, that of np.y former year. Our account* of the growing “Cotton indicate m •erj tun yield, though there are many causalties to which it is yet subject, and any MtiiilCte us to the crop might be materially changed. terop in some places has been an entire and is generally short. * * In portions of Cherokee Georgia we have been blessed with occasion:! 1 bowers, and vegetation is in a growing condition ; but the rains have not been general, and some places even in our immediate vicinity are yet suffering from the drought.” The Greensboro’ Deacon, of the 21st ult.. after an nouncing abundant and refreshing rains says : Corn on the sandy land had suffered very much, in fact we do not recollect ever to have seen the Corn in this immediate vicinity look more unpromising than it did before that rain. Should wo get one or two more good rains befor the Ist of August, tolerably | fair crops may be made. In the biaek lands the Corn ! is generally very promising. Cotton is doing well, I though the weather for a few days nMtUu. cold for it.” ra;b e Proverb Illustrated.-—At Peoria Til 12rh ult., Rev. Mr. Pierce married Mr ’ H ’ 00 Seine to Miss Ellen Hurd. The bride Wt* EiSzziiss! a jtssx*” THE CrEOEGIA CITIZEf. L. F. W. ANDREWS, EDITOR MACON, GEO. JULV UNION NOMINATION^ FOR GOVERNOR, II(W. HOWELL COBB OF CLARKE. UNION CONGRESSIONAL CANDIDATE^ THIRD DISTRICT. ABSALOM H. CHAPPELL, OF 8188. FIRST DISTRICT. CHARLES 11. HOPKINS OF m’iXTOSH. FOURTH DISTICT. CHARLES MURPHY, OF DEKALB. FIFTH DISTRICT. E. W. CHASTAIN, OF GILMER. SIXTH DISTRICT JUNIUS HILLYER, OF WALTON. EIGHTH DISTRICT. ROBERT TOOMBS, OF WILKES. inion Senatorial ~~ Districts. Counties. Nominees. Gth. Montgomery and Appling, John Mcßae, 10th. Laurens and Wilkinson, James Rots, 16th. Harris and Troup, David Read, 17th. Houston and Pulaski, Hugh Lawson, 26th. Monroe and Bibb, S. \V. Burney, 32nd. Butts and Pike, N. B. Johnson, 40th. Cass and Paulding, Lewis Tumlin, 41st. Cherokee and Cobb, M. G. Slaughter, -11th. Lumpkin and Union, John Butt. To < orrespondfits. £s)'” ‘‘Zt ke Homespun” in ovr next. Report of the Y isiting Committee of Weslevaa Female College, unavoidably deferred. Also several communications. Editorials, News Items, scc. Mr. Chappell’s Appointments. lion. A. 11. CiiArrELL will address the voters of the Third District as follows viz; at Culloden, on Wednesday, July 30tb. Knoxville, “ Tuesday, Aug. s<lt. Irwinton, “ Saturday, Aug. lull.. Zebulmi, “ Thursday, Aug. 2lst. Thomas ton, “ Thursday, Aug. 28th., Talbotton, “ Saturday, Aug- 30th. Forsyth, “ Thursday*, Sept. 4th. Jackson, “ Tuesday, Sept. lGth. The appointments left for Japer, Jor.es and Twiggy be will made hereafter. Col. Chappell will also hold Kmi self ready to attend at any place in the District, at which, arrangements may be made for him to address the peo ple, not conflicting with the above appointments. L3F” Wc requested to state, that the lion. 1 lowed; Cobb will speak at Culloden, Monroe county, oa Wednesday the 30th ins*, Judge \J;mHT*B invite st fetiTioiTTo fins document w *on the Ist page of to-day’s paper. It will serve to show what were the opinions of the Union Republican Party of Georgia nineteen years ago. We are happy to add that there Is “ no variableness nor shadow of turning’’ it> the sentiments of the author on this subject, in that long period of time. As an enlightened Jurist and member of Georgia’s highest tribunal, he entertains the same opinions which he did in the earlier years of bis professional career. When such patriots speak, let time-servers, place-seekers and disturbers of the public peace hearken and be wise ! Macon Mechanics’ Society. At a regular Meeting of this Association on Satur-. day last, at the Library Room, the following personjk were elected officers for the present term : A. F. Sherwood, President. Atnos Renton, Ist. V. President. J.J. Harris, 2d. V. President. David Touccy, Recording Secretary and Librarian. L. F. W. Andrews, Corresponding Secretary. Augustus Conway, Treasurer. Library Committee. Dr. .T. W. Benson and the lion. J. 11.11. Washington, of the Honorary Mem bers, and Win. C. Wilson, J. J. Harris and Wny. Monds of the Regular Member*. State Fair.—Judge Garnet Andrews */ Wilkes, will deliver the Annual Address before the Ceatral| Southern Agricultural Association at its next meeting in this city. Rt. Rev. Bishop Elliott, will deliver u Address on the subject of Horticulture and Floricul ture. \0 BiI!.->-4n the case of the State tt Z. T. Con ner and W. W. Taylor, the Grand Jury, on Wednes day last, brought in a true Bill oft Indictment sgainvt Mr. Conner for breach of trust,y>r something of that sort —but failed to find a Mr. Taylor, who has thus been exhoncrated fronfall suspicion of fraud in the late transactions in whicltShe firm of Conner and Taylor were involved. When rftjg considered that H that an unrelenting creditor a bonduman could to indict Taylor was persevering^*prosecuted, it is IJgk ly satisfactory to the friends of alter, to know that hf has been honorably acquitted participation in dishonorable or criminal of his I*'* pafinrr, and is justly entitled to the rather than the censure of the public, on aceounSof that, to him, unfor-. tunate business connexion. 1 Sentenced.—J. w. ciiffoVb who xa, uwwipt4. last week, of :m attempt to simple larceny w*f sentenced to four years in the Peitß: tiarv. Allen (the slave) hasj/ccn sentenced to be whipped and branded, for thcjwmnieide of a fellow slave. s - Giy'i-'tiF.Asox.—“The Path Finder says that* womanAkcd credit in a store in that city, one day last week/on the ground that she hid never stolen an WP* brella nor cheated a printer J” And better credentials she could not have presented of her honesty of purpose or worthiness to receive cred it- Os course, the merchant trusted her. Alabama.—Mr. Shields has again declined being candidate for Governor on the Union 6idc in Alab* 01 '* and our friends seem at a loss what to do, at this lat® stage of the canvass, for someone wherewith to best Collier—the Janus faced incumbent, we will t** l * the liberty of calling their attention to one of their tingaiahed citizens w ho, we think, couUl win the for them, even at a short notice. ; A-” -That rn3D the Hon. Henry IF. Hilliard. Why not cad o F*j a , him in the emergency ? Patriot as he is, he ®urfc vvill feel bound to respond favorably, if prop cr - T vited. Will yon do It ?-~Stieklers for the abs . ;r rigAf of Slate Secession, hearken to our voice. admit this right in all its length and breadth, what you do about it? Will you exercise the right <*. you not ? Or is it not one of those points of 0 , • • *fc merit? i which once yielded, closes all discussion on its 1 - We pause for a reply. Shall we ever got it •’ ful.