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1 Carrcniionifriirr. LETTER FBO)I ALBANY. Albany, July2Stli, 1851. Dear Sir: —Tho lion. Howell Cobb was in our L |)]nce last Tuesday, and there was a very large crowd tout. I have been waiting the ‘Patriot’s’ account of it, H:fcut not having had time, he has postponed it until his jnext issue, thinking perhaps that he can make out a lolerably plausible case by that time. You are usually Isc barefaced, Colonel we would like to have a good speci men—one that would do credit to the land of your nativity, Yankecdom. Mr. Cobb informed us of one [ thing, Colonel, which was really news, that you were stript of your • Northern swndling clothes’ Don t deny it Colonel, because he said so. If you do we will fidoubt it. But excuse this digression, Colonel. Mr fjCobb made a speech an hour long, which was truly ■defence against the unjust assertions which have been feast upon him by such pretty sheets as the ‘Thunder bolt of Northern freedom.’ lie is certainly a giant in mind and not a Liliputian in body. He spoke an hour, and according to previous arrangement, Col. Tift. Sos the‘Albany Patriot,’ all tho way from the North. followed him, but he did not reply—not he. He had [freplied to such men as General \Y. and Colonel P. (two of his Northern and such like brethren in time past, and he had thought it was nothing to reply to a speech ? He had a speech indeed to reply to. But he arose notwithstanding to hear himself talk, and I “Oh sacred truth ! thy triumph ceased awhile, Well horse it did, for T. was on the stile. ’’ He looked like a fellow‘sent for and could'nt come.’ ‘T could plaster over all’ (he said) ‘and make these fol lows believe me, but this man Cobb is such a sharp fel low he will tear down the plastering when he gets up to reply, but I'll tell ‘em so fast that lie cant notioe but few having only a half hour, and besides I'll make a few personal allusions, so here goes.’ It was the only time I ever saw- the Colonel tired of telling the ‘ critters lie asked about every five min utes how much time be had left. He accused Mr. Cobb of being an abolitionist and a traitor to the South, which Mr. Cobb replied to in a style that the Colonel will not forget soon, lie is a nice man, to charge a native Georgian of being an abolitionist and traitor to bis country. I would ask this self-constituted champion and .protector of Southern rights, a few’ questions? How long have you been among us—and how long do you tarry ? * Are you not worth thirty or forty thousand dollars, and do you own more than 5 or 6 negroes ? ; You pretend to advocate non-intercourse and why do you send your children to the Northern Schools? You have had the audacity to accuse a native Georgian of being a traitor to liis State, and you can’t object to giving us some light on the subject, and particularly as J you were nominated by the Fire-Eaters a few days ago for the House of Representatives from Baker, and very much against your will'. Now whoisthe man to be trusted by us. one born and educated among us, or one born and educated among our enemies, as you call your Northern rela ions and brethren. One who preaches and writes of non-intercourse, and still patronizes Northern Schools? Your professions are Southern, but your practice, ball! , Do you know that Mr. Seward of the North, whom { you profess to hate so much, ever lived in Georgia and got his start in the world by teaching the ‘young idea how to shoot’ here in tills State. If you have any Norlhern ex-pedagogues in your place, please remind them that this is a part of Mr. Seward’s memory. ] Stranger things than this bave happened in the United ■ States, Colonel, and the weakness of poor human nature -{if nothing else ) will warrant me in the assertion that stranger still may come to pass. Where is my old personal friend D. C. C. of the ‘Federal Ruin ?’— Give him my respects and tell him we want him to |-eomc down and take charge of a paper w'ith the fol lowing motto, ‘ The truth only when it is forced upon us, to he or not to lie, that is _ the question.’ Some Intimate acquaintance of his lias suggested that the tlbore motto was compatible with the old fellers nature, education and practice. I don't know, but if so it will all suit. BAKER. For i/tc Georgia Citizen. 1 niou and Disunion. It has been doubted, repeatedly, whether a republic 1 could be framed, with sufficient skill and wisdom, to | give it that durability, which characterises governments • of a different formation. The principal difficulty in main taining the former seems to be in keeping on a prop | er balance between consolidation on the one hand, and ‘ a consequent tendency to despotism ; and on the other, ultra loeal influences requiring a species of freedom in ! consistent with any government at all. thus begetting n spirit of evil import, destructive of the common , Union, the PALLADIUM of man’s best interest, so ■aptly illustrated in the farewell address of the father <*f bis country, —the IMMORTAL WASHING TON. “ Time hath, a wallet at his back, Wherein he puts alms for oblivion, A great sired monster of ingratitude; Thoic scraps are good deeds past: which devoured As fast as they arc made, forgot as soon As done : to have done is to hang quite out Os fashion.”—Siiakspeare. I lam not sure that we are not approaching just such a.crisis in our political system as the Greeks 432 years 1 before Christ, and 3572 years after Adam. We need ( not fear the increase in number of Slaves, if indeed it were passible to confine them to the area of coun- I try already prescribed for them by some. For in the f very dawn of Athens, when her territory was not 1 much larger than three of our largest counties, her popu- I lalion consisted of 20,000 free citizens, and 60,000 • slaves. This was about 800 years before Christ, and ’ never did country flourish as did this chivalric and no i hie republic for four or five centuries. It was not the I number of their slaves, that caused the destruction of j the Republic of Greece about a century afterwards, t On the contrary it was jealousy, pride and ambition, 1 engendering civil strife, among themselves, which six • hundred years after the foundation of republicanism ultimately engulphed them in the whirl-pool of destruc tion. There were sixteen States of Greece and tliir ! teen Islands, all of which were subdued by internal dis sention, exciting the awful spectacle of a confederacy sinking exhausted from its own luxury and vices into . the vortex and dark repose of DESPOTISM. Such is unfortunately the fate and tendency of federated governments more especially when they have grown a j little rich, and the hearts of many are corrupt and cal • lous. Ours is the last experiment of self government by the people, and if we fail, what despondency will | weigh down the hearts cf .all the friends of frec- I dom in the earth ! . They will reproach us with their j doom, -as th-y descend into a dark and hopeless night I of despotism, and our shame shall be recorded on the annals of the world, as an ungrateful republic, which | has cast from her, the richest boon of heaven. Then ; it will be said of vs as of Rome, that ‘the mighty has j eommited suicide.’ One hundred and thirty-three years j before Christ, the internal quarrels of Rome commenc ■•ed, and in the short space of 96 years, Pharsalia, Phil | jam and Actium inscribed on her tomb, the ‘Mighty M istress of the World is fallen.’ When I contemplate the above which every school ; hoy, much less American citizen should have by heart, f with the history of other republics connected .with that of our own, I am filled with desire and yearning that • our government may stand the test of time. And | though we have the advantages of the beacon light of i others to guide us safe into port, I sometimes tremble •’ when 1 hear the reckless cry of secession, and discover i the very same spirit and awful delusion among mv coun- I trymen that fomented and set on fire civil commotion a I century before their final .down fall. For rest well as | sured, that the laws of government (t mean the na i tural laws) and human nature in all ages are the same, j nnd unless we change our course and cultivate a love for our brethren in every part of this beloved country, discouraging geographical distinctions with hate of different sections on account of their supposed opposition to our own selfish and local interest, the worst is to be FEARED. I ith much pain, too, I discover there are dema- Ml’ogneß, wining to ride into power on the destruction of K| l! ' !r countr ib :!s it was in days of old. An.l that a! HL'’ “ ko should otherwise stand deservedly high, .wise 1 has occupied the chief seat at meeting, held for the purpose of promoting civil discord ; and warring against whaf the better half of their brethren , (nay I might j say two thirds of them,) think and know, to be consti tutional and right, should be set up and voted for by many for the highest office of State is something that will make another wrinkle in the face of time. llow insulting too, that the friends of such candidate, should have tho assurance to beard the supporters of constitutional law and order, as submissionists, because they are orderly citizens, submiting to the laws of their country, at the same time that their candidate for Gov ernor the Lion and Champion of the Cofin Regiment at Macon and Nashville Convention, says in his letter of acceptance,‘we must submit or acquiesce’ as I un derstand him, ‘we have been grossly insulted, and wronged by Congress, in the admission of California. and the abolition of the Slave trade in the District of Columbia and other kindred measures,’ and not inter fere with the decision of the PtOPLE of Georgia in the last Georgia Convention on the subject of the so called Compromise. As he seems so willing now, to abide the decision of the majority of the dear little sovereigns, if elected, might we not easily infer that the State or the mind of the majority had changed, by putting in office a man of his known secession prin eiples, and we thereby be juggled into the Disunion ranks? Although lam a personal frieud of McDonald, 1 shall not risk him, this time. 1 cannot go for a se cession Lilian man, or one who is not certain to concur heartily in the settlement of the so called compromise, and who has never been ready to sacrifice or even in cur the risk of giving up the only safeguard of South ern rights, the protection afforded by the Federal Con stitution. lor it would be suicide in the extreme in the South to think of strengthening the cause of slave ry by dissolving tlie L nion, temporarily, or permanent ly. It has been well said, that ‘a withdrawal at the present crisis, from the L nion by the slaveholding States, would beget revolution and perhaps, the im mediate abolition of slavery,’ Whereas, if we cling to it as the only hope of securing our rights against the encroachment of our enemies, (if indeed in our blind zeal we are not our own worst foes,) and of re gaining our lost rights (if an}- thing has been lost by tbe compromise incompatible with the common in terest of all the State) there is a chance by gaining time to husband our resources and accumulate wealth and strength, to perpetuate the institution for many centu ries, and perhaps forever, if God should not see lit that we get tired of it and do all that is ever done towards its abolition. It is saal that the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, is the entering wedge to free the slaves in the States. It is wonderful that persons here in Georgia, make so much a do about it, when irotn the slave hollers in the District of Columbia you hear not a word of complaint. And we must recollect too , that the African slave trade was abolished num bers of years ago, and the government has not thought ot freeing the slaves in the States yet. Besides that abolition of the slave trade that wc hear so much talk about is nothing but what Georgia did a few years ago in abolishing the slave trade by speculation—and prohibiting the;, being brought into the State only by persons bringing them for their own domestic use.— The same law precisely passed Congress for the Dis trict ol Columbia, and be it borne in mind that the District of Columbia is dependent on Congress, and her own representation in Congress with her own ad vice and consent for the regulation of all her domestic concerns, and other laws for the public good. If she chooses through her Legislateur (Congress) to Jo what we think we have a right to do by our own Legislature, how dare we complain. It has been said lliat it will be with us as it was with one of the West India Islands, the subject of abolition will be talked of and the first thing we know the General Government will free tlie blacks among us, striking us like a clap of thunder on a bright sun shiny day. Our government proposes no such power as the government that set the West India slaves free, it was done by a government possessing full power to perfect such an end, as the act of liberation amply proved. It has been objected that there is as much cause of complaint now against our government as there was against the British government before the declaration of independence in 1776, that it was the principle our fathers complained of and not the injury they sustained. In the celebrated declaration of in depende r e, there are no less tiian seventeen charges of the most common and heinous nature set up against the mother government; and among the rest are the following: lie, (the government) has plundered our Seas, ravaged our coast, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transport ing large armies to complete the work of death and desolation among us. Denying us the right of trial by Jury. Taxing us without representation and against our consent, Ve. Let us be on our guard,that whilst we are so vigilant on deck, we do not spring a leak in the bottom of tho Ship of Slate more dangerous than some of those dangers that may prove to be ima ginary ; and we be then suddenly overwhelmed from a quarter and unguarded point to which little attention has been paid. I for one shall not cast my vote for a helmsman at this crisis, who from the tendency of his conduct heretofore, has created doubts, by his connec tion with the Nashville Convention or any other Con vention, that lie would precipitately involve us in diffi culty. Therefore I think Charles McDonald be lie otherwise ever so good, is not the man, who is entitled to the suffrages of the people, at a time so critical as the present one. May Heaven direct us in the choice of those we ele vate to places ot influence and trust at this eventful period in the affairs of our Nation ; when perhaps the destiny of one ot the mightiest republics that ever ex isted, depends mainly upon the course we pursue at this inportant stage of American history. AVhile the monarchy and foes of liberty in other countries are se cretly rejoicingat the prospect, as they imagine, of the fulfillment of their frequent prediction that we will tall by the suicidal hand of sectional strife, internal commotion and faction among ourselves, —the good good and wise of our friends, every where, arc looking on and trembling with deep solicitude, in doubt of til issue of our fate. If with a careful, prayerful spirit, filled with grati tude to the dispenser of all good for many rich bless ings we now enjoy, we investigate the grand political questions before ns which immediately concern our selves and posterity; putting the seal of disapprobation upon all violent disorganizes atid hasty denouncers of the acts of the assembled wisdom of the country, all may yet be well. It, on the contrary, we suffer our selves led off by sectional feeling, geographical parties, and by restless aspirants to office, the base and design ing, who are ever ready to take advantage of disaffec tion and discord, fomenting the foibles of the people with the view of elevating themselves to power, God for our wickedness, may give us up to total blindness and t!ie damnation of all the horrors of internal com motion, anarchy and civil war, as a prelude to our final destruction. Whereas it we look for guidance and sup port above to the Supreme Intelligence, (who rears up and throws down empires and nations at his pleasure ; who guided our fathers in the dark hours of the Re volution ;) in every tiling that we do politically or otherwise, struggling at every point with the foe to liberty, in whatever shape he appears, and thoroughly educating all our sons and daughters in the soundest maxims of virtue and true Americanism, then in deed, we will be free and happy,and centuries to come and perhaps never ending futurity will witness the cry fi um the faithful sentinels on the wateb-tower of our free and glorious America, ALL’S WELL : all's well. and through our influence the whole wot Id becomes one mighty republic, and from one end to the other of its vast domain be reverberated that the secret of self government is found! W. M. S. Fort Early, Dooly Cos. July 3, 1851. For the Georgia Citizen. The Riffht of a State to Secede. “A 81-ESSING ON THE MAN THAT FIST INVENTED SECES SION.’’ This question has elicited considerable discussion, and it is very possible that a vast quantity of ink as well as wind will yet be expended ia its examination. 1 believe that a State has the fight to secede from the Union—that a County or District has the right to se cede from a State—that a ward of a city or Magis trates’ beat has the right to secede from a city, Countv or District ; and that an individual has a right to se cede from a A\ ard or County, i believe that a bus-1 baud has a right to secede from his wife, and the wife to secede from the husband—in a few words, I believe in tlie right of secession in its most contracted as well as most extended sense. This, this is liberty—this is the principle of Secession. As the Districts or Counties are to the State, sol regard a State towards the Union. The Counties arc represented.in the State Legislature by Senators and Representatives, the States are similarly represented in Congress. The counties elect a Governor: the States elect a President. The States are supported by taxes levied and collected in the several counties—-the l nion is supported by taxes, levied upon the foreign imports of the several States. It would be a tedious effort, and consume too much time and room, to show in how many particulars, the relations of the counties to the States, are similar to those of the States to the Union. The same principle is beautifully exemplified in the limitations of our Mag istrates’ beats, or in the wards of our cities. I look upon these things, ns the pervading spirit of the Re public, as the conduits through which the stream of se cession, like arterial blood, sustains the existence of the country, which it acknowledges tho freedom and inde pendence of its several parts. Destroy or deny the l ight of a county to secede from the State, or a ward from a city, and all that was achieved in the seven years war in the Revolution, is but an empty bauble —there is no real independence—-it is the shadow of freedom, but the substance of despotism, that is left as our inheri tance. “I would rather be a t-o-a-d and feed upon the noxious vapours of a dungeon, than such a Freeman. Nay, more, he who denies to me the right to make tny house and lot an independent Republic, —to de clare myself absolved from all allegiance or obligations to the governments of a eity, of the State of Georgia, or the United States, is an enemy to the sovereignty, and the rights of the people of this country. “ All men are created equal,” and whenever any power of gov ernment becomes destructive of life, liberty, and tlie pursuit of happiness, it is the right of the peo ple, and equally tho right of one person ns of one mil lion, to alter or abolish it, and to institute anew gov ernment. It is true, that the isolated action of a single individual and his family, might be attended with some disadvantages, but if eight or a dozen neighbors, com posing a square in a city, were to co-operate and form a Republic, they would be invincible. The little Re public of San Marino, amid the convulsions of Europe, looked down from her lofty home in the Appenines, and often entertained fears for her national safety, but has remained secure in her independence. llow differ ent is it here ? We deny tlie right of any power to enforce upon us obedience so laws which we declare to be null and void in their operation. Ours is a govern ment which derives its ‘‘just powers from the consent of the governed.’’ No force can bo employed here to execute laws where the consent < f any citizen is with held. The very idea of force being employed carries with it all the principles of a despotism. The States are the parties to the compact of the l nion—the counties are the compact to the State—the Magistrates’ Districts are parties to tho compact of the counties—tho wards are the parties to the compact of the city—and the people individually are the parties to the compact of wards, Districts and counties. 1 know that we are all swallowed up in tlie territory of tlie L uited States; but apart from that there is tio such thing as the United States, nor the State of Georgia. These are artificial creations, and imaginary lines divide them. If the territory of a ward, beat, county or a State, is strictly to be represented in a county, Legisla ture or Congress, there it should be by some of the soil —if its people are to be represented, then it should be done by 6ome of its citizens or inhabitants. In ibis view, vve are all resolved down into sovereigns, or in dependent integrals of a stupendous aggregation of free men. As long as we all consent to be governed by general laws, we are expected to conform to them. Some opponents to secession and friends to tyranny may say, that this government is not strong enough. “ 1 believe this, on the contrary, the strongest govern ment on earth. I believe it the only one, where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of law, and would meet invasion of tlie public order as his own personal concern.” Jefferson thought so, and 1 coneur. The right ofa State to secede from the Union, or a county from a State, or a ward from a city, is graphi cally announced and sustained by the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. Upon any infraction of a com pact or contract of association, the parties have the right to judge for themselves. Tha people are the source of all power, and who shall deny to the people that right, to institute new forms of government ? What can be more truly republican than tho glorious spectacle of a galaxy of sovereign Republics in Geor gia 1 If only each county forms ail independent gov ernment, wo can then have nearly one hundred, and equal to three times the number of States at present in the Union. No difficulties can grow out of such gov ernments ; for we can form treaties of commerce and friendship, and trade and live harmoniously. Evil dis posed persons will not remain among us. Wo will have a political millenitim, and can gratify the ambition of all our people to be Legislators, Judges, Congress men, Presidents, Foreign Ambassadors and Consuls, and every other aspiration of their hearts, in the way of official distinction and importance. These are a few of the advantages of the right of se cession—an ? the principle should never be yielded. If the State of South Carolina refuses to break the link, or Georgia ignobly succumbs, then “single handed ami alone, 1 will put the ball in motion,” and dissolve all connection with the city, county, State or national Government. My house shall be mycasile, and I will be Monarch of all I survey. The noble Bayard of the South, noticing that I have unfurled his flag, liSercs siion the remedy'’ will rush to my support, if ever a ministerial gun shall flash near the confines of my Re public. I wifi call upon the Southern Rights cohorts in Georgia, upon the chivalry of South Carolina, upon the high toned Alabamians, upon the gallant Quitman is Mississippi: and particularly upon my ardent friends in Scricen. But, I fear no interference with my na tionality, this is not a government of force ! I know that there are some new minor points in this question which are embarrassing to every honest and intelligent mind. Perhaps it would be strange if it were otherwise. Among these, the idea of sovereignty ap pears to be the most perplexing. What is it? Strip it of its garnishments, and let it appear in its naked, “un housed and free condition” before us. It is intangible, not to be seen, and is nothing, without an army and na vy—ergo, if it the army and navy. Well, what con stitutes the army and navy ? The people-—their sover eignty, in fact, is with the people. The individual States claim i t—-tlie United States claim it—and as there appears to be a wrangle about rights, I put in my claim before the distribution of the asserts of sovereignty takes place. Every individual can do the same. 1 want nil of my share or more, and I want it in a parcel to itself. If the Revolution has to be fought over again, let the music strike up, and “all the pomp and circum stances of glorious war” come thivkly studded with misery, want, shattered limbs and brainless skulls; weeping widows, and fatherless orphans. Let them come; aye, multiplied by all the horrors f bloodv scenes in other times, ten thousand fold, let them come. “ A day, an hour, of virtuous liberty, (and personal or individual sovereignty) is worth a whole eternity of bondage,” by the denial of the right of State secession, county secession or individual secession. Parts consti tute the whole. If my right is denied as an individual, with what kind of plausibility can 1 be called upon to sustain the rights of a ward, county or State ? “He that dallies is a dastard : he that doubts is damned’’ on a question of this character. There can be no compro mise ; no “best that we can get” will do formes “54, 40, or fight,’’ is, and will continue to be my motto. It is regarded as due to those with whom I have boon so long associated, that my opinions on this important question should he freely and unreservedly expressed. I shall be prepared logo into separate nationality, at as early a day after tlie election of my friend McDonald, and the meeting of the Southern Congress, as maybe compatible with my safety and happiness. In view of the important change, this may be regarded as a prelimi nary proclamation of my intentions, ZEKE HOMESPUN. P. S. Should the above views meet with co opera tion, I shall be pleased to receive letters to that effect. In no case will communications be received, however, unless the postage is paid, as I am rather better supplied. at tliis time, with chivalry, than funds. 7 IT I For the Georgia Citizen . “Our Southern Rights Association.’’ Dr. Andrews l feel like a penitent sinner, and must make “ a clean breast of it: Some year ago, I was rather ardent in my devotions to the cause of Southern Rights and co-operated with a few others in organizing an Association. It was rather an up-hill business to gather a crowd, but we hired martial music to make a noise, and drum up the friends of the South. \\ e managed to collect about a dozen, and but oue or two slaveholders honored us with their presence. We called another meeting, to elect officers, and hear the report of the Committee or. by-laws, Ac. Four persons were there—meeting was postponed. Another meet ing was called, and the drums engaged,—but it was a dead failure—not a soul went! I contributed to pay for music, candles, Ac., to sustain the rights, honor and institutions of the South, and could not get up “ one association.” The tiling fizzled out. Now if any per son enquires about the Southern Rights Association of —— county, we feel like wishing him “ down be low.” Last fall I voted for a Southern Rights man for the Convention—the action of the Convention met my approbation, and I have washed my hands of all connexion with Southern Rights Associations, and have got upon the Georgia Platform, and will vote for Cobh and the Union, if 1 live to get to tlie polls, ill October ; and I am personally acquainted with many others who intend to do the same. Disunion or Secession weak ened me in the Southern Rights faith very much, and it was some time before I was convicted that such was the policy of the party. So I split my ticket at tlie elec tion in November, and was determined to be half right at least—but now, lain determined to be “all right’’ and will go alone for Cobb and the Union , as the best means of promoting and securing Southern Rights. ONE OF THE VOTERS. THE GEOimiAICITIZEN. L. F. W. ANDREWS, EDITOR. MACON, CEO. AUG. 2, 1851. UNION NOMINATION, FOR GOVERNOR, HON. IIOWELL COBB, OF CLARKE. UNION CONGRESSIONAL CANDIDATES. FIRST DISTRICT. CHARLES 11. HOPKINS, OF m’iNTOSII. SECOND DISTRICT. JAMES JOHNSON, OF MUSCOGEE. TIHRD DISTRICT. ABSALOM H. CHAPPELL, OF Dili 13. FOURTH DISTICT. CHARLES MURPHY, OF DE KALB. FIFTH DISTRICT. E. W. CHASTAIN, OF GILMER. SIXTH DISTRICT JUNIUS HILLYER, OF WALTON. EIGHTH DISTRICT. ROBERT TOOMBS, OF WILKES. Mr. €happelj’s Ajhm j/Ufeents. Hon. A. IT. Third District as follows viz f Knoxville, “ Tuesday,MU’ Aug- sth. Irwinton, “ Aug. 9tb. Zebalon, “ Thursday, Aug. 21st. Thomaston, “ Thursday, Aug. 28tli. Talbotton, ‘‘ Saturday, Aug. 30th. Forsyth, “ Thursday, Sept. 4th. Jackson, “ Tuesday, Sept. 16th. The appointments left for Jasper, Jones and Twiggs be will made hereafter. Col. Chappell will also hold him self ready to attend at any place in the District, at which arrangements may be made for him to address the peo ple, not conflicting with the above appointments. To (’o respondents. Letter No. 2 from Madison, next week. IJjf” Letter from the North, No. 10. Do. Do. Anonymous communications not admissible. CJF” The suggestions of a correspondent, from Griffin, will betaken into consideration. Pay up —Quite a large number of our subscribers in town and country are in arrears to this office. We hope that during the present dull season they will re member to “do justly” to the Printer. A Largo licet.- -Mr. William Collins has sent us a specimen of Beet., which is hard to beat. It weighs a fraction less than 4 pounds. A Whole Hoff Secessionist. We invite attention to the communication of “Zeko Homespun” in to-days paper. He is one of the ultras of the age, who does not stop one quarter of the way on the high-road to dissolution—but goes the whole figure for the “ abstract right’’ of secession, now so much contended for by tlie Filibusters. This right being admitted —not as a Constitutional provision, but as a revolutionary resume of natural right, “Zeke's” reasoning and conclusions a: e cogent and irresistible. Our Campaign Paper. We are now priming a very large edition of the Citizen, with which to supply campaign and regular subscribers, and respectfully solicit attention to the fact that tlie paper will not be exclusively political, (as cam paign papers usually are,) but will contain a variety of other matter of use to most readers, which oWglit to give us preference over smaller ephemeral publications. Asa medium of advertising, too, tile Citizen has now, with double the large circulation of last year, double the facilities of bringing business notices before the eye of the public. Add to this the well” known readable character of our sheet, and the independent position of the Editor, in the present canvass, which calls for no defence from charges of political inconsis tency, and no recall of of former denunciations of our political standard-bearers,—and the Constitutional Union party have every reason to induce them to fur ther our plans and aid us in our labors, by additional cash subscribers, advertising, &c. Small favors thank fully received and larger ones in proportion. To Mechanics. The Address delivered before the State Mechanics’ Convention, together with the proceedings of that body, have been issued in pamphlet form, and are now ready for delivery to subscribers. Brother Mechanics ! Help to distribute the documents, that the months of cavil lers may be stopped, and the truth have free circulation throughout the land. Warm Weather.— f or a week past, the weath er in this latitude has been rather fiery ill its tempera ture tor the comfort of man and beast, the thermome ter ranging from 96 to 100, in the shade, within doors, through the day and evening. On Wednesday eve ning we had a fine rain but it has had little effect in moderating the excessive heat. In fact every body is now in a “melting mood’’ and frozen water from Yan kee ponds is an indispensable luxury. Even the Fire Eatcis are crying out for more ice to cool their boilers and prevent a dissolution of their respective sovereign ties! Heigh ho! But it is. a sweltering, fizzing, soethintf time that is horrible to endure! Adjourned. —The Superior Court of Bibb ad journed on Wednesday last, without being able to dispose of half the business on the docket, though in arduous session several weeks. The cases of Ivy and Clifford have been arrested by appeal to the Supreme Court, and the prisoners remand ed to the County Jail. In the case of the State vs B. Winehill, on a charge of fraud, the jury could not agree, there being eleven to one in favor of acquittal. The accused is therefore compelled to remain till February, in prison, unless sooner released, by Bail. YV e look upon this case as peculiarly hard, in asrnuch as one Juror has had the power, not onlv to defeat the judgment of his eleven peers, but to effectu ally set aside the charge of the honorable Court itself, which was, we learn altogether in favor of the defendant. If such is the law and the right of the case, the Juror aforesaid ought to have the most incontrovertible reason for an obstinacy of opinion which is so despotic hi its exercise. Grand Jury Presentments. The presentments of the Ist pnnnel of the Grand Jury of Bibb county have caused no little sensation in this community, and elicited some discussion, which will probably redound to the public good. That there has been bad management of the Education Fund and great loss to the county thereby, seems to be generally conceded, and we think it high time that the Trustees of the Academy be called upon to make a showing. If the funds have been diverted from legitimate objects or any part thereof misappropriated, let the blame fall where it belongs—upon the guilty and not upon the innocent. Tile former Truste's owe it to themselves to give the public all the information they possess on the subject, so tint a proper judgment may be formed in the case, and a proper remedy applied. Os all wick ed betrayals of public trust, we look upon that which robs the poor of the privileges and blessings of education provided by the State, as the least excusable. If any such betrayal lias been committed, let the wrong-doer be exposed and punished. Second District. We 1 earn from a gentleman just upfrom Americas, that on Tuesday last, the Union Congressional Con vention for the second District, nominated JAMES JOHNSON, Esq. of Columbus, as their Standard Bearer, in the present canvass ! Col. M’Dougald, Gen. Eli Warren, E. R. Brown, Esq. and. Win. 11. Craw ford, Esq. bad each friends and supporters in Conven tion, but after comparing notes, and calculating the rela tive strength of these highly respectable gentlemen, Mr. Johnson was nominated by acclamation as the candidate of the Union party, for Congress, from that District. We understand that Mr. Johnson accepted the nom ination, though with great reluctance, and only on its being pressed upon him by the united voice of the Con vention and his friends. lie will take the field imme diately and keep it till the election. Catoosa Springs. Extract of a Letter to the Editor , Catoosa Springs, July 27, 1851. Catoosa Springs is the most delightful, and magnifi cent [dace in the Southern country. In fact it is not surpassed in the variety of waters, or its fine accommo dation, by Saratoga, or any other place in the United States. I wish more of our low country people w'ould emne up here. It would be more to their credit, and more to their interest, than to run off to the North, to spend their time and their money. Trouble at Atlanta. A correspondent writing from Atlanta, under date of the 31st ult. gives some details of the arrest in that city of the celebrated Fugitive Slave Henry Long, for robbing his master’s hotel of money Are. This fellow. Long, it will be remembered, was recovered in New York as a fugitive slave and taken to Richmond, Ya. and there sold under bonds by the purchaser to remove him from the limits of that State. lie was according ly brought to Atlanta and sold to Capt. Lloyd of the Washington Hall, who took him into his house as head waiter ! The result is, that the negro has robbed his master, besides being instrumental (on negro testimony) in get ting up several meetings of the ‘colored society’ with a view to insurrection ! Another negro, the cook of the Hotel is implicated with Long, and they have both been whipped and lodged in jail for further examina tion. A white man is also implicated. All this comes of opening wide the door, by the last Legislature, for the slave traffic from other States, by which all the vicious and abandoned negroes of the border slave States are transferred to the extreme South, to the great hazard of the public safety. We regret that we have not room for the interesting letter of our Correspondent in full, but the lateness of its reception forbids. Difficulties of Secession. If one sovereign State lias a right to secede at pleasure from the Union so has another. All the States, new or old, are co-equal sovereign ties. Accordingly, Florida, for which Uncle Sam gave five millions of dollars, Lousiana, for which lie gave fifteen millions, and California, New Mexico, <Fc., for which one hundred mil lions and more have been paid by the old gen tleman, may each and every one, to-morrow, secede from the confederacy, set up house on their own hook, and cheat the United States out of the whole amount ! Again, Louisiana may closo up the Mississippi River against all the Western States, and no one has a right to com plain of the rank injustice and robbery! Pshaw! What a silly thing is the boasted “ right of se cession” even if it were conceded on all hands. It is only an abstraction at best, which no sensi ble man would ever think of carrying into op eration, had he the power. It is the “shadow of a shade,” a little bit thinner than moonshine , and yet we hear as much howling over it by the secessionists of the day, as was ever heard from a blear-eyed hound in its observations of the pale-faced moon at midnight! Howell ( o!>b OK Houston. We pel'ct'ivy -t-he't ‘one Howell Cobb of Houston county is <wHh favor of the secession side of the ques tion _ “We do not know what was the occasion for his appearance at this time, before the public, hut think proper to notify the reader that Howell Cobh of Houston and the lion. Howell Cobh, of Clarke, are two very dif ferent men. The latter is the Constitutional Union candidate for Governor. The former is a compiler of Law Books, A'c. We make this statement, because we have understood that some persons below have fallen into the mistake of supposing our candidate for Gov ernor is “ Howell Cobh of Houston” whom they are unwilling to support for office! We say, “ let every tub stand on its own bottom. ’’ The Hon. Howell Cobb of Clarke county is the man whom the people will delight to honor—next October, and not his namesake of Houston, who is not a candidate for the executive sta tion. Fair at Atlanta. Our readers will remember that the Great Fair of the “Georgia Agricultural, Mechanical and Manufac tural Association” will be held at Atlanta, week after next, the 13th, 14th and 15th inst. Liberal pre miums have been offered, and every arrangement made fora brilliant exhibition. Secessionists for the Union.- -Those rabid disunion papers—the Republic and Constitutionalist, of Augusta, have united in loving embrace. They have gone for a consolidated government this time, and no mistake ! It reminds us of the “ Boa Constrictor,” swallowing the Moccasin “ sarpent”—only we don't know which is the “Boa” or which the little snake ! Tile Cuban Insurrection. —The accounts of the rising of the Cubans are so contradictory, that we are unable to give any reliable information on the subject to our readers. Rumors abound but authenticated facts are 1 few and far between.’ AV hen we get any news, except from Filibuster papers interested in get ting up another crusade against Cuba, we will publish it. Even the proclamati n found in to-day’s paper may or may not be a forgery.. We do not vouch for its authenticity, though it looks plausible enough. 7 The Case of Alberti and Price. Two persons were recently sentenced by an infa mous Judge Farsons of FJtiladelphia, one to a fine of S7OO and eight years imprisonment and the other to SIOOO fine and ten years imprisonment, on a charge of kidnapping a child belonging to a woman slave who had runaway from Maryland and was subsequently return ed to service through a civil process sued out before & Philadelphia Magistrate. Alberti was acting as Attorney in behalf of the owner of the fugitive slave, and, in every particular, in accordance with the law. He was charged with kid napping the woman's child, because the mother in sisted on taking her child with her and he assented thereto, after objecting in vain to her proposition. Price was employed by him in the execution of his trust. 1 his is the substance of the case as shown by the testimony. Alberti never touched the child to remove it. The woman’s master never laid claim to the child, born in a free State, and exercises no control over it. Al berti was actuated by motives of humanity alone, not to separate, forcibly, the mother from her child, in the delivery of the fugitive to her master. Nevertheless he and Price were convicted and by Judge Parsons sen tenced, ns above stated. And oh, what a sentence! Such abuse from a Judge to a criminal never was be fore heard. After tantalizing the defendants in the most malignant manner and as if he had sentenc ed them to instant death, he had the heartless effron tory to say that if he had erred in his sentence it was on the side of mercy ! Alberti is an old man and his ten years sentence the J udge evidently thought would out-measure the poor man’s lease on life! All this took place in Philadelphia and we hear of no voice being raised in that city of drab-colored Chris tianity, agaiust the tyranny and cruelty of such pro ceedings. Talk about the soundness of Buchanan and Dallas aiid other politicians of Pennsylvania, on the subject of'Southern Rights, after this, as much as you please, but for our part, we think that degraded and infamous Boston may now yield the palm of rascality to her sister Philadelphia, without demur or objection. Heaven’s withering curse, say we, upon all such hypo critical Sodoms, for nothing short of a lava of liquid damnation will suffice to purge them of their abomina ble wickedness. And now what remedy has the South, against Philudephia and her infamous Judge Parsons, in such a ease ? We have only one, and that is to withdraw all intercourse from her. Pass her by in all business transactions, quit trade with her—cease pat ronizing her institutions, her public Journals, and have nothing to do with her heartless politicians. In this way can we take sweet revenge far more successfully than by Secession or any other treasonable act against the Union. The Issues. Under this head, the Albany Patriot says that the question now before the people of Georgia is not Union and Disunion (that is insulting to the common sense of the people!) but ‘whether this is or is not a consoli dated government in which the States stand in the same relation to the General Government—that the Colonies did to Great Britain ?’ Tift further says that Georgia has already decided that she will abide by the Compromise measures, and that the Union shall not be dissolved on account thereof! The Baker disunionists must then have an issue amongst themselves which ‘all nations and the rest of mankind’ have not heard of. In these parts it is Con stitutional Union or Unconstitutional Secession , alias REVOLUTION—and nothing else! The idea of consolidation is a humbug—a snare to catch wood chucks, and a net to trap Owls. Let no wise man be caught by any such nonsense! I nfilirncss. —The Savannah News of the 29ih July, has nearly a column of twaddle about the me chanics’ Convention, all based upon the false assump tion, that the mechanics have sought the ‘ prohibition of slate labor, in the mechanic trades BY LAW!’ Now it is a fact which the ‘News’ ought to have known before it indulged in sueli comments, that the mechan ics’ Convention have neither sought nor intended to seek/hny Legislative action whatever upon the subject of sPye mechanics. They have ordered a memorial to tlije Legislature on the subject of making mechan ics Os the Penitentiary Convicts, but not a word can be found in the proceedings of that body which looks, even remotely, to Legislation as a remedy for the evil complained of, in reference to negro mechan ics. But the ‘News,’ not satisfied with this perver sion of the objects of the Convention, must need quote from the New York ‘Tiibune,’ some silly remarks concerning the movement, with the palpable view of fanning the prejudice which has already been falsely gotten up against the mechanics! Is this fair, friend ly, or honorable? Is it just to the mass of your own subscribers and supporters to charge them, without reason, with having‘moved in the matter of legal pro scription of tlie blaeks from mechanical employments, and to quote from an abolitionist print the false alle gation that they seek also to ‘throw degradation upon agriculture?’ Notwithstanding all your professions of love and friendship for the mechanics, Mr. News, it is apparent that you are either their worst enemy, or that a desire to be on the strong side of interest Are. has influenced your comments upon this subject. You are, moreover, without a pretext for agitating the matter, at the present time. The mechanics have not invited controversy on the point, and yet you belabor it—go out of your way to haul it into your columns, all the while deprecating any agitation of the question as ‘im politic!’ Arc. Verily, the mechanics of the State, in view of your disinterested depreciation of their mo tives and conduct, and your professions of friendship may well say,‘save us from our friends, and we will take care of our enemies.’ No Sir, we want no friendly advice from those not called on to give us counsel. If mechanics choose so to do, the evil of which they complain can be abated without appeal to legal enactment. All that is neces sary to be done, is for master mechanics to cease giv ing instruction to negroes, and the evil will necessarily die out of itself, in a few years. No legislative action is necessary. None such is wanted or contemplated by mechanics. Nor is there any disposition to discuss the question in newspapers, or to agitate it in the streets. All this has, however, been done by others. Loaf ing gentlemen around corners grow eloquent against the mechanic! Fillgarlic Doctors write homilies over the signatures of‘Southron’and ‘Salamander.’ in or der to get up an excitement! But it is ‘love’s labor lost.’ The honest mechanic is not thereby moved from his purpose—which is, if possible, to elevate and improve himself and liis class. He may be stigmatized as an Abolitionist for opposing that which is the very aim and efforts of fanatics, viz: the enlightening and elevation of the servile race. He may be denied the privileges of freedom of speech and of the press, but all will not convince him that it is right for him to be come the fellow of a funky negro, or his wife and daughters the equal and fit associates of a greasy wench of African descent ! Oxford folieffe.-- -Dr. Geo. F. Tierce has re signed the the Presidency of Emory Collge, at Oxford, and Prof. Alex. Means M. D. lias been elected to fill the vacancy. Tea Culture, &c We invite the attention of our readers to the adver tisement of Mr. Bonynge, in to-days s paper, concern ing the introduction of ths 1 ea plant, Mango, Date. Cof fee and various kinds of tropical fruits and vegetables, into tliis State. Open Bolls. —Air. Lawton has shown us an open boll of cotton, from the plantation of Mr. .J. W. Carlisle of Bibb county, who says that there is nearly a bale o< the same sort now matured in one of his fields. The “ first bale of the season” in this market, may there fore be anticipated, a week or ten days earlier than usual. We understand that the extreme drought, in many pa. ts, has materially advanced the opening of the bolls, though the quantity of the staple will, of course, be much curtailed. The Clarksville Union, of the 3th instant says : “From all parts of the country, we have the cheering news that the farmers anticipate full anti fair crops of corn and collon.” Col. Tift vs Howeii_Cobb. Reader, did you ever hear of the fable of the Gall’ nipper on the horn of the Elephant—of the fly on the oach wheel who helped to raise the dust on the ave nue, or of the bull-toad of the swamp setting up f or an organist ? If you hav’nt, you might have°sen an apt illustration of all such similes, at Albany, last week wlu n Tift, the organ-grnder of McDonald, undertook to discuss polities with Mr. Cobh ! One correspondent says that Tift was so frightened at Mr. Cobb’s accep tance of his challenge that his half hour was a very long time coming to a close. He probably thought that .Ilf Cobb would not meet him, (as he had declined meeting other unauthorized exponents of Mr. McDonald’s sen tiincnts,) and that he could, in this way, make a litfl, more capital for himself and party, by vociferating that Mr. Cobb shunned discussion! But, it was no g 0! Mr. Cobb recognized Col. T. as the organ-grinder and allowed him to talk, in his presence, for a half hour much to the amusement of the b’hoys assembled. The privilege thus granted, was, perhaps, well enough. j n this particular instance, but if the McDonald party w 'j*h Mr. Cobb to hold political discussions, let them trot out their standard-bearer himself, and we venture to *av that he can be accommodated. It cannot be expected’ however, that Mr. C. will meet every whipper-snapper 4th rate lawyer in the State, who may claim legcof controversy with hint, on the score of friendship for McDonald, who, all the while, is sitting away up yonder on a pair of dignity-stilts ! Besides the im pudence of the assumption, Mr. Cobb will do the coun try immense harm, by stopping to fight every windmill thit may stand in his path. The crop of “ everlasting great men” will thereby be marvellously increased much to the annoyance of a common sense* public, who’ have to endure the spectacle of a frog swelling itself into an ox, without any political cooper near by to prevent an explosive catastrophe ! The Savannah Republican thus appropiately refers to the assault of the renowned Colonel of the “Patriot” upon Mr, Cobb: “ Wu lta,n from the Albany Patriot that the editor of. that paper encountered Mr. Cobb in a public discussiotr at Newton and Albany. We know that the editor has a pretty high estimate of his powers, but w must be permitted to illustrate our idea of the encounter by the following anecdote : A certain animal, grazing by the wayside, discovered a steam engine making headway to wards him, when he hastily mounted the track lor a fight and boldly encountered the iron horse. Os course our animal was instantly crushed to death. An honest Scotchman, who was aboard the cars and bad witnessed the scene, after pausing a moment in silence said “Well, I think the poor fellow showed great bravery but d—u bad judgment.” Coy. McDonald—a Slanderer! Now don’t bristle up, ye Fire-Eating crew, and look daggers, because we use “ great plainness of speech'’ in the pr.sent instance, if never before. We mean to prove what we say, and convict C. J. McDonald of violating truth and “ bearing false witness against his neighbor ’! 11 is excellency has long been suspected of trickery in politics, but we could not have believed that he would have gone so far out of his serpentine and tortuous course, as to deliberately falsify facts and publish the same over his own signature, to the world ! But lie has done it—and nothing shorter! Now for the evi dence. Look at his late reply to the Dahlonega Committee. In that epistle, he charges, distinctly, that the friends of the Compromise measures believe in the doctrine that the lex loci or existing laws of New Mexico and other acquisitions over-ride the Con stitution and laws of the Union in these territories! So far from this being the fact, we never have heard of more than three or four individuals in Georgia who ever entertained such views. Mr. Stephens and Toomlis once entertained the doctrine, we believe, but even they have repudiated them as untenable. But to make so grave a charge and so false, upon the Union Party, is coming it a little too strong, Governor, to make it pal ateable to us. or creditable to you. You had better quit writing letters, as you evidently get deeper into the mire every plunge you make into your inkstand. We move that a Committee of Safety be appointed, who shall see to it that “ no more disclosures for the public eye,” be permitted to appear, from the standard bearer of the Fire Eaters, till after- the election. Oth erwise, the race will be no race at all. McDonald won't stump it before the people, and he should not bo allow ed to make such awkward flourishes as that noticed, on paper. If there is not a surveilance kept by his friend-:, lie will certainly commit a political felo-de-se, long before the ballot box gives him fits ! The Higher Law. —The General Congregation - alist Association of Connecticut, at their late meeting in Bridgeport, with but four or five dissenting votes, ex pressed their judgement on this question as follows : “Whereas, recent events have directed the attention of our fellow-citizens to the relation of divine to human law, and the duties of Christians in eases where con flicts arise between them—therefore, Resolved , 1. That to God as the Supreme Lawgiver, unconditional obedience is due ; and that no law con trary to Ilis will is binding upon us. 2. That human government is ordained of God, and is designed to be the expression of Ilis will, and there fore, as a general rule, binds the conscience of the citizen to obedience. 3. That, in those cases, where, through human ignoranc** or wickedness, the law of man conflicts with the law of God, the latter is to be obeyed: and that each ind ividual must decide for himself whether or not there is such a conflict, his own conscience being the supreme and final arbiter.” According to these principles, the Apostle Pant erred! sadly when he said that the “powers that be, arc ordained of God,’’ and as su*-h, should be obeyed. The Saviour of the world, too, spoke unwisely, when he commanded his disciples to “ render unto Ca-sar, the things that are Caesar's,’’ Are. As to the “ higher law” conscience of these puri tanical hypocrites, we have only this to remark, that the conscience of a Musselman teaches him that “ there is but one God, Allah, and Mahomet ishispn phot.” The conscience of the Pagan teaches him to immolate him self under the wheels of the idol Juggernaut, and his wife to burn herself upon the funeral pire of her deceased! husband ! And the conscience of a Yankee abolitionist will permit him to excite civil war among the people, to light the torch of an incendiary and lay waste the fairest temple of liberty ever erected, in one wide -spread conflagration and ruin ! fciueii is “ higher law” nonsense, when stripped of its hypocritical disguise and exposed to the gaze of a civilized and Christianized World! the crops. The Memphis (Ten.) Enquirer of the 19th instant, says: “The reports as to the Cotton crop contin ue to he more and more distressing. We saw a gentleman yesterday from De Soto county, Mississippi, who had ‘220 acres of Cotton, from which he does not anticipate realizing thirty bales. The Corn crop is for the most part hopelessly ruined; as is also Colton on the rid ges.’’ The Louisville Courier of the 19th, says: “Our telegraph dispatches from Clarksville and Nashville speak of the great drought pre vailing near those places, and which threatens great destruction to the Corn, Tobacco and Cotton crops. We hear complaints ot the drought from nearly every portion of Ken tucky.” The Nashville Banner of the 14th, says. “The long season of dry weather has been very injurious to the Corn crop in this country, which will be unusually short. The Cotton crop is in good condition and promises an abundant yield. We learn that in Cannon, and portions of Wilson and Rutherford, there have been rains recently', and the Corn crop vu heavy. In Giles'both the Corn and Cotton crops are represented as being promising. Crops in Arkansas. —Extract ofa letter to the editor of the Little Rock Democrat, m gard to the prospects of crops: “I'ayetville, July 7. —The farmers have raised tine crops ot wheat and oats, „ C looks fine. Health of the people good.