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VOL. 2. @5)3 ;jp4).?.V' , ss Pumpkin Pics. BY A VERMONTER. Let some folks boast of spicy mince, Care not a fig for such do I; Or largely talk of sweetened quince, Fine as the luscious grapes of Llntz : Plums doubly dipped in Syrian dye— I deem them tasteless all as flints, Compared with one good pumpkin pie. I know our pumpkins do not claim The honored growth of foreign soil; They never felt the torrid flame, And surely they are not to blame, Though reared not, by the bondsmen toil, In climes where man to burden tame, 111 paid consents to tug and broil. Talk not of vineyards breaking down, And fields that droop with oil and wine ; “Where burning suns with ripeness crowu The sweets that man’s best manhood drown, By lying poets sworn divine. I rather have than all—don’t frown— The product of my pumpkin vine. See, on yon melon-covered height, My chosen fruit, like globes of gold, Lies ripening in the sunbeam's light; Ah, ’tis a stomach-staying sight. And soon, to house them from the cold, Shall farmers with strong hands unite, Boy laborers and freemen bold. And then the girls who make our pies, Bless them ! all other maids outshine ; Their raven locks and hazel eyes, And cheeks whose over-changing dyes The lily and the rose combine, Make mad the hearts that lose the prize Os all this loveliness divine. Vermont! thou art a glorious state, Though small in acres and in skies ; But ’tis not length that makes one great, Nor breadth that gives a nation size. Thy mountains and thy mountain air Have reared , noble race of men, And women, fairest of the fair, Their 1 A>rs and their love to share. Where shall we see thy like again ? 1 love thee all, which most I shan’t advise, Thy mountains, maidens or thy pumpkin pics. Pavilion N. Y. Letter from’Judge,John Belton O’Aieall. Springfield, July, 1,1851. Gentlemen : I regret that I cannot meet you and my many other friends of Greenville of the 4th inst. Mj engagements prevent the possi bility’ or my auemiauce. er, of them, I think propriety forbids my ad dressing the people on the political question now agitating and seriously dividing them. A Judge, liko any other citizen, has the right to think as ho pleases on political questions, and also to express his opinions thereupon in any way he pleases. But a painful experience, aris ing out of our nullification troubles, satisfies me that a Judge best consults his duty, as a public officer, by r not entering into the arena of a pub lic discussion. You are, however, entitled as friends and (I may’ very well say) as neighbors to know rny opinions. lam a native-born Carolinian. I have paid less tribute to the other States than almost any other man. 1 have been raised and educated amid slave institutions. I am the owner of slaves, and, in common with the other citizens of the State, have a deep interest in every thing connected with the State. I shall rejoice in her prosperity, honor, and success,and 1 shall weep bitterly over her adversity, disgrace, and disap pointment. I believe now South Carolina was never more prosperous and happy’ than she is at present. If she could have quiet .and peace, in five years her population and resources would he doubled. This State of peace, happiness and hope is, I fear, not only to be jeoparded, but absolutely ruined, by separate State secession , which I un derstand those high in authority declare to be a “fixed fact.” To you, and I presume to the State at large, my opinions are not entirely un known. It may be, and I doubt not will be, declared by many to be of very little conse quence whether they be known or unknown; still those who desire to know them have the right to be informed correctly. I have always believed the proposed action of the State to secede from the Union to be the result of one of the strongest delusions which has ever taken possession of the public mind. There i& an old and practical illustration of an absurdity familiar to every one —that of cutting off one's nose to spite the face. Is not separate State secession carrying out that very’ thing ? AVhat beyond it can result from it ? We are out of the Union! What then ? South Car olina is a nation ! She must have anew con stitution. Who can tell what are to be its provisions ? She is to have a national govern ment! Her Governor must become the great head of a nation, with his long train of secreta ries! She must build a palace for her ruler; she must have her army and navy; she must have a postal arrangement of her own; she must have treaties with the United States and all other countries, and ambassadors to each and all! Imagine the expense, and then ask for what has all this been incurred ? You will be told it was to secure your freedom and preserve your property. I ask how will this be accom plished ? What particle of freedom will you have then which you have not now ? I confess lam not able to discover it. It is true the leg islation which, by the admission of California, excluded us from the right of occupying it, and with slaves, w T as unkind, unjust. But by going out of the Union do we remedy that ? Cer tainly not. We lose all interest in California and all the other States and Territories of the U nion. We are aliens to them all ! How does it secure property ? Slaves are “hat is meant. Secede, and how stands Slave ry • South Carolina has her slaves perpetually within her bosom ; they may increase until tlieir labor is profitless! What can be done ? Not one can be sold out of the State. Not one can be carried out of it. The constitution of the United States forbids that. Instead of then having the guarantees of the constitution cf the United States to protect this P'operty, you have the very men who have |jeen goading us on to this mad act of secession, $ addling with that which did not concern t iem, reaching out a hand from every point a| ound your defenceless borders to snatch a s from the owner. This, say our Irieuds, will be cause of war ? Be it so. Is war, civil war , a blessing or a curse ? I am old-fashioned enough to believe that the constitution of the United States, the product of the great meu who were tried in the crucible of the revolution, is the best safeguard of free dom and property which we can ever obtain. I still believe that there is a virtue and patriot ism enough in the great body of the American people, in the executive and judicial officers of the United States, and even in Congress not on ly not to violate it to our prejudice, but also to maintain and enforce it to oar benefit. The notion that South Carolina, in free trade, is to become the emporium of the world, and that a tide of wealth is to roll from our seaboard to the mountains, is about as visionary as the notion of the professor who declared that he I had located under the mountain in the moon many pleasant acres for his future residence. The ports of Carolina will be closed by her own act of secession. Hie trade which once visited Charleston will be found at Savannah or Wil mington. What will then be the fate of South Carolina ? She will be poor indeed ! I object to the secession movement, because I believe it is the very thing sought by the aboli tionists. They wish to divide slave owners from the glorious stars and stripes of’76. Is the Palmetto State to be forced to such an act of folly by the fanatics who have set themselves up as the high law parly ? Let them know they, not us, must quit the protection of the flag of liberty. It will be said, as it has been, judges are un fit to be the leaders of revolution. It perhaps is true that they are not rash enough to suit the policy of some ; but I hope they have learned in the discharge of their duties the importance of the maxim “ audi alteram par tem’" 1 before they decide; and when they do decide, to be sure they are right. For one, 1 can most conscientiously declare that I have never been able to find the possibility of an ad vantage in separate State secession; but, on the contrary, it seems to me to be the certain ruin of the State and people, whom, I may be al lowed to sav, 1 have alone served , and to whom my affection is as securely bound as that of any other mau. With much respect, 1 am your fellow-citizen. JOHN BELTON O’NEALL. From the Southern Recorder. Old Documents are Dangerous Things. Charles J. McDonald believes that the odious tariff of 1828 was constitutional and beuefleial to the South. In the year IS3O, Mr. McDonald in a debate in the Legislature “ contended for the constitu tionality of the Tariff of 1828, and declared that it had produced no injury to the Southern States, and that on the contrary it had been a yteert bvHCjit >0 thorn nrul tr. tho if hi Jo. coun try UP’ [See Southern Recorder, Dec. 18, 1830.] Howell Cobb believes that the tariff of 1830 was unconstitutional, and so far from doing the South any good, did it a great deal of harm. Charles J. McDonald believes that the States have got no sovereignty, but what the Supreme Court of the U. States will allow them!!! In the year IS3O, Mr. McDonald said in debate in the Legislature “that the Supreme Court of the United States is the POWER, having AU THORITY to determine on the SOVEREIGN TY of the States!!!” • [See Southern Recorder of same date.] Mr. Cobb regards this doctrine as political heresy. Chales J. McDonald said in 1830, that a sov ereign State could commit treason and rebel lion!!! and now he is urging the people to commit treason and rebellion !! Hear what Mr. Beall of Twiggs said as testi mony against Mr. McDonald and which he did not deny. “ Will the gentleman out of his abundant learning, his extensive research into the princi ples of international law, inform us from what author he is able to deduce the doctrine, that a *• Sovereign State can commit either reason or rebellion.” “The gentleman must reduce Car olina to the condition of a Province and es tablish an unlimited Supremacy for the Gener al Government before he can apply the doctrine lie has contended for on this occasion.’’ Now, when Charles J. McDonald is trying to induce the people to destroy the Union and form anew State over which he may rule as King Charles the first! hear how he changes his tone — In his letter of acceptance, he says : “ The right of a State, in virtue of its inde pendence and sovereignty, to secede from the Union, whenever the people thereof, in their sovereign capacity, shall determine Such a step to be necessary to effect their safety and happi ness, flows necessarily from the nature of our governmental organization.” Messrs. Editors, I will let the Disunion can didate rest a spell; when he shall have answer ed these vile heresies satisfactorily to the peo ple, I will present a few more of his odious sins. CHARLEY, J. ‘‘Txie Stuff an Ultraist is Made of. — The Greenville (S. C.) Patriot, thus drives a long nail into the body of secessionisin, as it ex ists iii the Palmetto Kingdom. The hit will tell in many other sections we know of. It is one that finds a proper mark in almost every place where secessionism has votaries. “ ‘We said, too, that the largest slaveholders in our country had not been the most prominent in this agitation. It looks bad to see a little fellow, who does not own a slave in the world, making such a fuss about not being allowed, by the general government, to involve the country in a revolution and war because this right has been denied him by the people of California themselves. At the same time, his neighbor, who has hundreds of negroes, does not feel that his property is injured or his rights or his honor affected by the action of California.’ ’’ We have noticed the same thing in our coun try as that mentioned above in that able Union paper, the Greenville Patriot. There are many who are inclined to make “a fuss, generally,” for the benefit of slaveholders, who do not own a slave themselves. This is exceedingly gen erous iu those “little fellow.” and ought to re ceive its due reward. Indeed the most sensitive men on the subject of Southern Rights, appears, to be those who have never owned slaves and probably never will own them! Witness the purely disinterested conduct of the Quaker ed itor of the Southern Press, the chief guardian of our rights, who never owned a negro in his life, and who boasted that “he was as much op posed to slavery as the most enthusiastic aboli tionist of tho day,” He is not a whit behind the “ IMi'fmiktt in till tilings —Mnitml in untying.” MACON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 9, 1851. Simon pure trio in Mississippi, who were chosen j by the Governor, out of all the State, to repre sent the interest of slaveholders in the second Nashville Convention, and who never owned a ne yes, we believe the three did own one negro between them, but he was not worth much, being subject to fits. These three gen tlemen, (for very worthy gentlemen they are,) were the representatives of the slaveholders of Mississippi—the chosen and confident friends of the Governor. A wonderful appropriate dele gation ! They complained that their rights had been trampled upon, and that the government should be revolutionized in revenge. Now, we have read of men devoting themselves to their country, but this excels any thing we ever read. It out-Curtiuses Curtius, all hollow.—Missis sijtpi “ Citizen ’ The Banner of Disunion. “For our own part we are for secession —for resistance, open, unqualified ‘resistance. ‘The argument being exhausted we must stand to our arms.’ ’ — Macon , (Ga.) Telegraph. ‘We abandon the Union as an engine of in- Lmous oppression. We are for secession, < pen, unqalified, naked secession. llence foith we are for war upon the government ; it has existed but for our ruin, and to the extent of our ability to destroy it, it shall exist no long er.’ — Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel. ‘ It will then, there can be no alternative, de termine upon resistance. * * It may be that the Convention will decide upon separate action by the State, in other words, immediate secession.’ —Milledgeville (Ga.) Federal Union. ‘ Our own first choice will be for secession, and our votes and efforts will be steadily given to effect that end. * * * We go then for secession—quietly, if let alone, forcibly if made necessary. * * * The only effectual remedy the case admits of, is for the Southern States immediately to get out of a Government, that has not only failed to protect their property but has become tire agressive 10b ber of it.— Columbus (Ga.) Times. ‘The deed is done that must inevitably re sult in a dissolution of the Union at no distant day.’— Jackson Mississippian. ‘The deed is done ! —The equality of the Union is destroyed ! * * * * SLAVERY AND THE UNION CANNOT LONG CON TINUE TO EXIST TOGETHER. The can non of Northern Abolitionism and Southern Submission have responded to each other, and now the alternative is presented to us of resist ance or submission. AVe declare for the former, and never will w r e bow at the footstool of North ern power. ‘ We re-commenced State secession ; it is a constitutional, peaceful and safe remedy. * * * AVe see but two ways—secession or sub mission. * * * Let our legislature at oiico iccall our Senators and Itep resen tut Ives, ;uid call a State Convention, and let the issue be presented fairly to the people—secession or submission.’ —Natchez (Miss.) Free Trader. ‘AA r c will vote for secession ; get a majority to vote w ith us, and then we will see who whll fight.’ —Natchez Free Trader. 4 We must and will secede from this Union. Either we must submit to disgrace, and soon to Abolition, with all its horrors, or we must prevent it. There is but one way to prevent it, and that is by secession.— Woodville {Miss.) Republican. ‘ I am not appalled by the cry of disunion.’ ‘There are things more terrible to me than the phantom of disunion.’ ‘lf the demands here set forth be denied, and that denial manifested by any act of the General Government, we ought forthwith to dissolve all political connection with the Northern States.’— lion. A. G. Brown, 4 Resolved , If we have to choose between submission to these acts, [the compromise acts] and secession, we prefer the latter. — R. Barton. 4 lf we cannot obtain concessions in Califor nia South of 30. 30., and amendments to the Constitution, I do not hesitate to express it my decided opinion, that prompt and peaceable se cession is the only remedy for the aggrieved States.—Quitman. Great States Becoming Small Ones. There is great truth in the following remarks, which we extract from Sir lienry Bulwer’s elo quent speech at Capon Springs : ‘ 1 do not, however, agree with some preced ing speakers, that it is altogether unnatural or uncommon to find in yreat Southern States men who speak with indifference of the possi bility of those yreat Slates becoming small ones, [Sensation.] There are such men in my own country, and I am not astonished at it. If you want to know the value of health you must not expect to ascertain it from inquiry of the strong and robust. It is the invalid who will tell it to you; and thus it is with nations. If you wish to learn the value of national power and national greatness, you must ask the question of the Pole , the Venetian , the Genoese—of thepco pic who, owing to their divisions and their weak ness, have lost a national existence ; or you must direct your inquiry to the people of those small States in Europe or America , which still exist, but while they enjoy the name of independence , are alternately under the dictatorship of do mestic factions or foreign force. [Applause.] Honor, then, to the man who collects from the aggregate wisdom of a great community a suf ficient moral power to assuage local passions, and keep within appropriate limits, party dis contents. [Applause.] Sir Henry Bulwer has made many happy hits in his various festival orations in this coun try, but never hit the nail more plumplv on the head than in the above sentiments. The ](re sent generation has never known any thing but national health and strength, and hence it is that some among us talk with flippant tongue of the fatal malady of Disunion. Let them look at Poland, Venice and Genoa, and see the insignificance and obscurity which must follow division. Secession is Submission.— . Judge Upshur, of Virginia, in 1833, while discussiing the ques tion of Nullification and Secession, used this language. “In one way, indeed the evil may be arrested by secession : the usurped power may be rendered nugatory, by withdrawing from its reach all the objects upon which it can exercise itself. lean scarcely imagine, howev er, that this tame and submissive idea was en tertained by the statesmen of I<9B. It ap pears, to my humble understanding thafraeces sion, so far from being a form of resistance to a usurped power, is precisely the reverse: it is neither more or less than running aioay from the oppressor , and so far Irom “ arresting the progress of the evil, it encourages and invites the evil, by removing all restraint from the wrong door. In this view, therefore, it is not within the resolutions of 1798.” From the Providence Herald. AVords to be PoNDERED.-The Massachusetts Democratic Address contains a passage which condenses a truth, which Democrats every where may profitably reflect upon. 4 The country has reached the point of tran sition, where sectionalism, if persevered in, becomes disunion.’ By heartily, thoroughly, and on all occasions supporting the Coirq. roruise of ’SO including the most important part <a it to the South, the ‘fugitive slave law,’ ’jvitho.jft actual or mental re servation, or equivocation,.we shall discharge our duty to the national Democracy. And all who hesitate are resolving for themselves anoth er question, whether they shall abandon the Democratic party, or not. The idea that there are two kinds of members of that party —one who are for preserving it and fulfilling its obli gations—and another kind for fulfilling them as far as they please, and for stirring the fugitive question, and negroism, when they please—is the greatest of delusions. Every Rhode Island Democrat must be for or against bis party on this question of nationality aud of maintaining the Compromise of ’SO. If against it, he aban dons it and will be abandoned by it—ls Demo crats were about to sit to-morrow in Convention at Baltimore, would they adopt specifically the Compromise acts ’SO as part of their platform, or would they not? No mau will hesitate to say that they would. How then can any man professing to belong to that party hesitate one moment in shutting the door against the ’fugi tive’ agitation ? How can he lend the slighest countenance to the agitators, by admitting for a moment that this is an open question, one side of which is as Democratic as the other ? The Democrats will have a mojority in the next Congress. Does any man doubt that ? Is it not as sure that the Compromise acts will be sus tained, and that the agitation of them will be voted down? AA 7 hy then encourage tlie sligh est movements of factionists, who can accom plish only one thing —the renewed defeat of the Democracy, until we shall be oliged to add one other thing, the dissolution of the Union ? Any Democrat who is for stirring the ‘fugitive’law will not find himself at home much longer in the Democratic party. They who are not for, are against us, and must in the nature of things find their home at last in the bosom of Disun ion, to which all the lost tilings of Democracy tend- Absenteeism—A Capital Rebuke. AVhilo we cannot agree with the ‘ Southern Standard,’ of Charleston, in its political views, we can and do subscribe most heartily to such sentime. its as are cc I *in tfty. following ar ticle. The ‘Absenteeism®!!’ which it complains is not confined to South Mrolina. And it seems to be a prevailing the learned doc tors of the Secession school. While they hold forth most lustily upon all occasions against the abominable ‘Yankees,’ they rush in crowds to A’ankee springs, patronize Yankee tradesmen, send their sons to A’ankee schools—in a word, at the very moment they preach secession and resistance,they hurry to A ankeedom, and volun tarily place the ‘sinews of war’ in A’ankee hands. But to the Standard : ‘ One of the greatest curses that can be in flicted on any country is the perodical emigra tion of a largo body of its wealthy citizens. To this cause more, than any other, is to be at tributed the distress and poverty of unhappy Ireland. A large portion of her soil is owned by wealthy proprietors, who spend most of their time abroad, drawing the hard earnings of peasantry, to be spent in enriching the people of other lands. This cause operates to a very great extent at the South. At the approach of every Summer, our people swarm in flocks to Northern cities and Northern watering places: the Southern stream of travel, like the Nile, en riching the whole country which it overflows. The tax paid by Southern travelers annually at the North, we will venture to say, exceeds the whole amount exacted from the South by the much-abused tariff, If this vast amount was spent at home, what a great change would be effected in this appearance of our Southern country. Fine hotels would grace our inland hill tops —the busy stream of travel would en rich our railroad and stage lines. The farmer would find a ready market for his products at his own door—our country villages would be built up and tilled with storekeepers, jewelers, milliners, and all the other accessaries neces* sary to supply the wants of fashion. Our sea islands, with their noble beaches and refresh ing sea breezes, would be covered with fine ho tels, filled with gay visitants, giving life and ani mation to wliat are now almost as deserted as the deserts of Arabia. Sullivan’s Island would rival New Port, and Charleston storekeepers and fancy dealers have the benefit a fine Sum mer business. ‘There is no excuse for this absenteeism. Our mountain air is as cool and salubrious as the most favored Northern climes—Old Ocean wafts her breezes as gently on Sullivan’s Island as at Newport, Rockaway, or long Branch. It is one of the follies of our people to think that they must seek enjoyment abroad. A Northern editor remarks, with justice, that as long as Southern travelers fill their hotels and watering places, they have no fears of the Union—that Sarato ga, Newport, Niagara, and numerous other re sorts, too great attractions for even the most zealous advocate of Southern Rights to resist. Another great cause of complaint we have to make is, that so many send their children to Northern Seminaries and Colleges for their edu cation. I3ut, say these gentlemen, the system of education at the North is so much better than ours ; their Colleges are more richly endowed, and are enabled to command a higher order of talent in their Professorships. Granted. But why is this ? Those mean, money-loving Yan kees we despise so much, look upon education as the main foundation of character, and you can scarcely take up a paper but you read of some munificent bequest or donation for edu cational purposes. Let the money spent at the North for education be spent at home— let Southern chivalry vie with Yankee meanness in liberally endowing schools and colleges and the necessity will not long exist of sending our chil dren to Northern Seminaries, to be taught that their fathers and mothers are men stealers and, not fit to hold communion with civilized people. ‘ Some may think we use harsh language — that we hit hard at many of our citizens who practice regularly what we find fault with. We intend to do so. We intend to aet our seal of reprobation on those who, whilst they preach hostility to the North, practice the worst kind of treason to the South, by giving aid and comfort to our enemies.’ From the Florenee (Ala.) Gazette. Tlie Xasliville Convention a treasonable Meeting. That the Convention that assembled at Nash ville in June 1850 was a convention gotten up by the enemies of the Federal Government and the American Union, is a sentiment that has impressed itself upon a large portion of the citizens of the Southern part of this Confederacy. And that the ulterior object of the prime work ers in that movement was a dissolution of the Union of States composing and making the American Government, we have for some time firmly believed although lacking, those clear developments and explicit avowals that would lead to establish the fact beyond all refutation and denial. But the subject was relieved of all ambiguity, by Gen. Foote, in his great speech delivered at Eastport Miss, on the 17th of last month. It is hardly necessary to say that Gen. Foote was a devoted personal friend of Air. Calhoun up to the time of Mr. Calhoun’s death and also a staunch supporter of Air. Calhoun’s course until the design of the Nashville Convention was avowed. Gen. Foote says that previous to the assembling of the first Nashville Conven tion, Mr. Calhoun and himself were in the habit of holding frequent conversations about the posture of public affairs, and the alarming as pect the slavery question was then assuming. Air. Foote contending in those conversations, that some plan should be started and adopted, by which the rights of the South should be se cured, the Northern section of the Union satis fied, aud the slavery agitation quieted. But Air. Calhoun in one of those conventions, boldly told him, that the day for settlement had passed, that we had nothing to expect from the north but continued aggression; that the only hope for the South was a separate government and in fact that the Nashville Convention had been called for the express and only purpose, of unit ing the Southern States in such counsels and action as would produce an immediate dissolu tion of the Union. And Mr. Calhoun to prove himself and friends, were not waiting for con tingencies to happen but that disunion was a foregone conclusion and fixed fact, he stated to Gen. Foote that he then had in his pocket pre pared and writen out a Constitution for a Southern Confederacy. Is it not monstrous, is it not horrible to con template such unhallowed ambition, such in fatuation, such treachery as was here evinced ? To see one the great intellects of the country and age, in the unholy pursuit of office and high place, call into existence conventions, set on foot plans, bring into play appliances, that were intended to shiver in a moment,into splin ters and dust, that governmental edifice that George AVashington aud his glorious associates, reared for the protection and happiness of their posterity, forever ? But although Air. Calhoun had a movement in operation, that he thought, would surely and quickly bring about disunion, he was still afraid to jeopardise his character for statesman ship and patriotism, and forfeit what national fame he had, by proclaiming in the Senate of the U. S. lie merely contended for an amend ment to the Constitution; things entirely im practicable, and as he well knew if persisted in, would result in nothing else than a dissolution of the Union; but his propositions bore the likeness of plausibility if not of fairness, and furnished that assistance that they intended to afford in deluding the country with his pretend ed love of the Union until the Nashville Con vention should have performed the task assigned it. And here the good genius or guardian spirit of Air. Calhoun, seems to have interposed, and saved his name from that everlasting infamy, that would have surrounded it, had he been permitted to have consummated his conceptions and plans that would have eventuated in an irreparable disruption of the American States. At this critical hour of his reputation, ho was called to his final resting place with the dead, and when those turbulent spirits, that ho had called, assembled at Nashville, the Evocator himself was not there, the master spirit had gone, the leader that was to counsel, direct, give strength, cohesion, and unity to their move ments, had passed from the scene of action. Hence the fiery confusion that marked the do liberations of the Nashville Convention; for though a majority of that Convention, showed plainly enough, their hatred to the Union, still they were unable to devise a scheme, that would unite the Southern States in producing the dis solution they desired; they wanted the power and prestige of Mr. Calhoun's name. Understand us not, as saying, that all that attended the Nashville Convention, were ac quainted with the object for which it was con vened; on the contrary it is presumed that few of the delegates, besides those from South Car olina had been let into the secret, for we knew that many of them went there in good faith, anxious to co-operate with others, in bringing to bear some system of action, by which the anti slavery agitation could be quelled, but never dreaming that the Union was to be broken into pieces. And whenever the end was clearly perceived for which the disunionists were strug gling, those that had come up with fealty to the government, protested against their course and refused to march any longer with them. We couhU-anie Gen. Pillow, Coleman, Nicholson, Sharkey .and others that repudiated the convention whenever its designs were evident. But we do say this, that Mr. Calhoun's friends, in the Nashville Convention, evidenced their intention so plainly and boldly, as to leave no man any room to doubt: and that he who after such intention was clearly seen, justifies the proceedings of the Convention, if not cognizant of Mr. Calhoun's designs, he shows by that justification, that he has the same end in view, and is equally culpable with Mr. Rhettand Mr. Calhoun. And we hope the people of Alabama will not forget, this year,that the Nashville Con vention was a treasonable meeting, and that any man that will defend and endorse it, it matters not what may have been his partisan connections or his social moral, intellectual or professional position in life, —that man is unsafe to entrust with office of any kind or description, Handsome Toast.— The following is a toast given by Col. A. A, Adams, at the 4th of July celebration at Warren, Ohio: Uncle seam. The gentleman whose birthday we now celebrate; with a family of 30 millions of handsome girls and boys, and land enough to give them each a farm, and have plenty left for his grandchildren, Important Admission.—The New Aoi k Tribune, that since ihe passage of the Fugitive Slave Law, has most bitterly assailed that measure, and endeavored to rouse the cry ot repeal in regard to it, thus formally proclaims in its issue of Monday iast, the utter hopeless ness of its warfare, and retires from the tie lei. “We look in vain for the probability of a repeal or modification of the Fugitive Slave Law. That law we suppose is destined to re main on the Statute book. AVe could wish it were otherwise. We could wish to have it modified in many particulars, especially try the introduction of a jury trial among its provisions. But there is not the least indication that such a change will be made. The next Congress will not make it. There is no where a great party demanding it. Public sentiment regards it with comparative indifference. ‘There is no such overwhelming popular movement in favor of repealing or changing this law as there was at the north in 1848and “49 against the extension of Slavery. How then can the law be touched?” A Noble Sentiment.—That true and Up right Whig, General Vinton, if the Whigs are regardful of their principles and duty, and loyal to the Constitution, will be of a verity elected Governer of Ohio. At a late gathering of the people in Zanesville, lie concluded a speech replete with high toned and patriotic appeals, with the following noble sentiment: “While we must exact from all others a faithful observance of the requirements of the Constitution, we must ourselves be equally ready and willing to respect all the rights that are secured to them by that instrument. It is ouly by the observance of this rule, on all sides and in all parts of the country, that we can hope to get on and preserve our national ex istence.” An Accurate Calculation. —Upon look ing over an old file of papers recently, we found the following, which appeared soon offer the return of the census of 1840 : “The editor of the Cincinnati Chronicle has been examining the six retuins of the census taken at intervals of ten years each, since that adoption of the constitution. The investiga tions show some curious facts: “1. The population of the United States increased exactly 34 per cent, each ten years, which doubles it every 21 years. ‘The law is so uniform and permanent, that when applied to the population of 1790, and brought down to the present time, it produces nearly the very same result as shown by the census of 1940. Aud thus we may tell with great accuracy what will be the census of 1850. It will be nearly 23 millions.” ‘That was a close shot, was it not? The consus ot 1850 shows 23,267,499. — R.Rcp. 44 A Failure.” —The,Greenville, S C. Patri ot, thus happily replies to the report of the se cession papers, that the late anti-secession de monstration at Greenville was a failure : Everybody, except a few secessionists, was pleased and delighted with the celebration. And yet “it was alia failure!” Well, well, if this be a failure, as the Irishman said, we should like to know what you would call suc cess. Once afore a time, as the story goes, a gen tleman carried a young Irishman with him, to see a very handsome,modest and wealthy young lady, and said to him, now is your time to make a fortune and get a wife. In order to give an opportunity, the gentleman withdrew fora lew minutes, and on his return he found the parties silent and both seated where he had left them! After they left the house, he upbraided his Irish friend for his bashtulues and timidity in not saying something to the young lady. “ And what do you call something 7” said Paddy. “I kissed her twice and hugged her three times, and I thought that would do for the beginning of a courtship !’’ So think the people of Greenville—that four thousand persons, a preamble and a string of resolutions unanimously adopted, an able speech of two hours, attentively listened to; prayers, Washington’s Farewell Address, twenty-two letters from the distinguished men of” Carolina, a handsome barbecue, patriotic toasts, and the encouraging smiles of five hun dred ladies, will do very well for‘the beginning’ of an anti-secession movement in South Caro lina. From the Savannah Republican. “The Right to Grumble.” Among the most amusing items of political news (for it is really new) which we have lately noticed, we tind in the following article, from the Albany (Ga.) Patriot, a McDonald organ: “ VVe are not disunionists. We want noth ing but our rights, and we want these in the Union, and under the Constitution. We want an honest man for Governor—one who has not become corrupted by Federal office, and who is not suspected of a coalition with our enemies. We want the privilege of grumbling token we have been cheated out of our rights , and we de sire to let our enemies know that there must be an end to their aggressions and encroach ments upon our rights.” It will be seen, that the editor has introduced anew issue into the present canvass, and has appended to his bill of rights, the sacred and inestimable right of grumbling. Wo suppose the editor has lately been reading the Constitu tion, and finding there no right of secession or revolution mentioned, he has determined to place his party at least on one Constitutional ground, and, therefore, he falls back upon that clause of the Constitution which prohibits the abridgement of the freedom of speech. It is certainly clear, that the people have a Consti tutional right to grumble, and from the noise and confusion that are kept up by this Daily, we never should have dreamt that they did nbtenjoy the largest liberty in this respect, if the Patriot had not complained of it. We se cond the motion of our cotemporary. We go in for the right to grumble. A sick man finds re lief from groans—why should not the oppress ed and downtrodden find relief from grumb ling ? Coming to their Senses.— The New York Journal of Commerce says that the New School Presbyterian General Assembly, which recently assembled at Utica, New York, refused to take any action in regard to the fugitive slave law. A resolution pronouncing the re quirements and provisions of said law, “entirely oppos ed to the impulses of humanity, to the principles of jus tice, and to the precept of the Bible,” was rejected, with only three dissenting voices. Svhpatbt. —The Savannah Georgian says there is scarcely a man living to whom the South owes a heav ier debt of obligation than to El wood Fisher, tht tejtior editor of the Southern Press. It is a great pity that the editor of the Georgian, atul all of like kidney, do not : belong to Fisher, soul and gizzard, find have not a country to inhabit,where the names of Washington and i his compatriots were as odious as they desire. Elwood Fisher, an abolitionist of the meanest kind—one who has sweltered in his woolen through the dog days mere ly because cotton is grtnvn by negroes, lias become a great favorite with some folks. And why is he now en titled to the obligations of the South ? For liis ser vices as editor of the Southern Press. And what has that paper steadily advocated since its establishment ? I A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. It is there fore entitled to the gratitude of the Georgian, of Mr. McDonald,and the abolitionists of the north. —Atlanta Republican. Cnrrrcponltfnrc. LETTERS FROM THE NORTH-NO. 19. New Haven, July 25, 1851. Dear Doctor : —1 have seen the Greek Slave. She is not an Epic nor a Lyrical Poem—but a sculptured hymn to the glory of God. If you ask me what she looks like, I can only say, she looks like the Incarnation of the Divine Dove. When old Sebastian Frank was asked wbo'God was, he answered— l God is an unutter able sigh breathed from the depths of the soul’ A world of spiritual meaning lies hidden in the undercur rent of this beautiful saying—for this Statuejmight well be called an embodiment of the pathetic sigh of the soul of genius. She looks as serenely contemplative as the mother of Christ after the reception of the salu tation of the Augel—or as Eve did when she first discovered Adam. Shall I call her an embodiment of the graces ? This would not do, because she is not a compound of the purely Ideal. Shall I call her Venus ? This would not do—for she is not a crystal ization of the carnal joys. Shall I call her the spirit of the evening Star ? This would not do, because, although it should elevate her into the crystal spheres of the empyrean, it would, at the same time, be taking her out of the regions of humanity. Shall I call her the religion of love ? Now I stand close by the beautiful gate of the sa cred Adytum. As I stand before the Diamond Font, in the great temple of nature, let me baptize her in the name of Genius, as the bride of the New Jerusalem. I now crotvp her with a crown of glory, and with a ; diadem of beauty—for she is the beautiful Urania— the Queen of Heaven. But what shall i say of the man who made her f Shall I say that he lived near to nature ? Shall I say that he has entertained the Angels ?—that, in cuter talcing them, he has beard things that it is no\ lawful for man to utter?—that, in hearing these things, he has been carried up, as it were, iu a chariot of fire, op a whirlwind of glory, where his soul, entranced, heard, in the enjoyment of his ecstatic madness, the far-off i coming of the divine harmonies? Shall 1 say that he has heard the morning Stare, and all the Sons of God. shouting for joy 1 Yes—all this—say all this in call ing him a true poet. This is his name, and this is his right name. See how the rpy3l crown, that God plac ed upon his brow when ha created him, sparkles with the pure brilliants dug from the mines of Heaven! See how hie forehead radiant with divine thought, re flects back the heavenly glory! On his brow, grasp ing the bough of the immortal palm with her coral, feet, sits the brooding dove of peace. Nuina! tliou hast cohabited with thine Kgeria, and tills, the first-born of thy ‘dying into life,’ is what may be called the coming down of Heaven upou the earth. This —or the real Kingdom come. Has not this man touched the garments of Christ, and felt his spirit pass into him ? / What yfore shall I say of her 1 Why, this, that she is the marriage of earth and Heaven—the actual witli the idea} —the \ onus Pandemos with the Venus L rania—-and here stands before the admiring multi tude, like Christ before the bowed heads of the beau ful Angels receiving the crown of glory from bis father. She is a sculptured Comedy, representing the crystal communion of Venus and Psyche, whoso offspring is lyove. She was not brought here by the Mythological Graces, like the Venus of Cleomenes, but the three di vine children of devout religion—Faith hope and Charity. But what ought to be thought of the man who. would thus suffer death that he might pass into the. Halls of Valhalla, and there receive the golden Runes from the bouitiful hands of Odin? Isay, verily, that this is your only truly Divine Man. Here stands the rich embodiment of the balmiest sighs of his soul—the perfect revelation of his screnest love—the apocalypse of all his knowledge of beauty—and the sublimes; apotheosis of all his loftiest thoughts. Verily, there is uo King upon the earth but the true genius. There is no aristocracy but that of talent. Talk about your Cyolopean Monuments—the pyramids—what are they compared with this Marble Hymn sung to the gloryof God by one of God's chosen few ? In the esti mation of the Angels, they are no more than time to. eternity- or the terrestrial compared with the celestiai Su./7 Suppose the Stars were all thrown into one—woald they make the Sun ? No more than the natural world would make the celestial world. What made Jerusalem the glory of the world? Was it Jerusalem* Xo nor its being built upon Mount Zion—but beeause it contained the temple of the living God. So is this the Shekinah of Rearer?, beca'nse it stands here between the outstretched wings of the cherubim in the taberna cle of God—the holy of lioiies of the miiverse—the sweetest revelation are offered to the world of the in spiration of genius—and the completest inaudible Dox ology that ever spoke perpetual praise to God. Can you not hear the audible silent pleadings of those immoveable moving lips ? See you not the troublous moving of that milk-white sea of her breast, stormed into tempests of pathetic sorrow by tho inhumanity of man? Hear how the tender sighs well no out of that innocent heart that never knew guile ! Behold the unspeakable riches of the pleading pity cf that elo quent face! Are not her marble eyes a congelation of tears? How turned aside from the impudent gaze of the friends of Hell —the enemies of Heaven. Is the thunder dead in the abysmal fields ? Where sleep the lightnings of God, that they do not break from their adamantine lair in Heaven, and dash down their fiery upon the ignoble heads of those merciless cptKiiSerß of the beautiful harbinger of the reign of the new Imanuel upon the earth ? Here stands the Ultima Thule —the To Kalon —cf true genius. There is just enough of the antique ideality radiating from the body of the human to show that she is an Angel of the Sun. Here the great Poet has written his Tragi-Comedy with a diamond-pointed Stylus upon the body of marble. This representation of the sinless imageof God exposed, as merchandise, in a Turkish Bazaar, for sale, is a lofty theme, and worthy the admiration of the Angels in Heaven. Here stands the se rene apocalypse of the bright new Moon of love, chained, ready to be tarried uptoCplvary to die. While we gaze upon her—breathless with admiration —(for let me tell you that pure beauty awes the soul like death) weseern to see her trausngurated into an apotheosis of Christ—putting off the mortal to put. on tho Angel. This is the Greek Slave. T. 11. C. NO. 19.