Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

UNION NOMINATION, FOR GOVERNOR, HON. HOWELL COBB, OF CLARKE. UNION CONGRESSIONAL CANDIDATES FIRST DISTRICT. CHARLES H. HOPKINS, OF M’IXTOSH. SECOND DISTRICT. JAMES JOHNSON, OF MUSCOGEE. THIRD DISTRICT. ABSALOM H. CHAPPELL, OF 8188. FOURTH DISTICT. CHARLES MURPHY, OF DE KALB. FIFTH DISTRICT. E. AV. CHASTAIN, OF GILMER. SIXTH DISTRICT JUNIUS HILLYER, OF AV ALTON. SEVENTH DISTRICT HON. A. H. STEPHENS, OF TALLIAFERRO. EIGHTH DISTRICT. ROBERT TOOMBS, OF AVILKES. FOR THE STATE SENATE, 2GTH DISTRICT, MONROE AND 8188, DR. SYVANUS W. BURNEY. The Banner of Union. The fourth resolution of the Georgia convention of December, 1830, reads as follows : “Fourthly, That the State of Georgia, in the judg ment of this convention, will and ought to resist, even (as a last resort) to a disruption of every tie which binds her to this Union, any action of Congress, upon the au’ajeot of slavery in the District of Columbia, or in places subject to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompat ible with the safety, the domestic tranquility, the rights and the honor of the slaveholding States, or any act suppressing the slave trade between slaveholding States, or any refusal to admit as a State any territory hereaf ter applying, because of the existence of slavery there in ; or any act prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the terrirories of Utah and Aew Mexico ; or any act repealing or materially modifying the laws now in force for the recovery of fugitive slaves.” “ Should, however, the time ever arrive when the conditions of her remaining in the confederacy are deg radation and inequality, I shall be prepared with her “to resist, with all the means which a favoring Provi dence may place at her disposal,” even ‘“(as a last re sort,) to a disruption of every tio which binds her to the Union,” any and every power which seeks to put upon her such debasing terms. Nor am I particular by what name this resistance may be characterized—whether secession, revolution, or any thing else—for no one can for a moment doubt, that should this fearful collision come, the issue w ill be decided only by the arbitrament of the sword. Where constitutions end, revolutions be gin.”—Howell Cobb. The Banner of Disunion. “For our own part we arc for secession — for resistance, open, unqualified ‘resistance.’ ‘The argument being exhausted we must stand to our arms.’ ’ — Macon , (Ga.) Telegraph. ‘We abandon the Union as an engine of in famous oppression. We are for, secession, rpen, unqalified, naked secession. llcnce foith we are for war upon the government; it has existed but for our ruin, and to the extent of our ability to destroy it, it shall exist no long er.’— Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel. 4 It will then, there can be no alternative, de tc-imine upon resistance. * * It may be that the Convention will decide upon separate action by the State, in other words, immediate secession.’ — M'dledgcvilla (Ga.) Federal Union. ‘ Our own first choice will bo for secession, and our votes and efforts will be steadily given to effect that end. * * * We go then for secession-- quietly, if let alone, forcibly if made necessary. * * * The only effectual remedy the case admits of, is for the Southern States immediately to get out of a Government, that has not only failed to protect their proptrtxj but has become the agressive 10b ber of it.— Columbus (Ga.) Times. •‘The deed is done that must inevitably re sult in a dissolution of the Union at no distant day.’— Jackson Mississippian. ‘The deed is done!-- The equality of the Union is destroyed ! * * * * SLAV ER\ AND THE UNION CANNOT LONG CON TINUE TO EXIST TOGETHER. The can non of Northern Abolitionism and Southern Submission hare responded to each other, and now the alternative is presented to us of resist ance orsubmission. We declare for the former, and never will we bow at the footstool of North ern power. ‘We recommend State secession; it is a constitutional, peaceful and safe remedy. * * * We see but two ways—secession or sub mission. * * * Let our legislature at once recall our Senators and Representatives, and call a State Convention, and let the issue be presented fairly to the people— secession or submission.’ —Natchez (Miss.) Free Trader. 4 We will vein for secession ; get a majority to vote with us, and then we will see who will tight.'—Natchez Free Trader. 1. Secession. —The rightful remedy. 2’ Disunion, with or without Co-operation— The only remedy for an insulted Stale against Federal Tyranny. 3. “Loyalty to the Union, is treason t.. Liberty.’’ 4. Separate Secession—Our right and our remedy—Co-operation but the inevitable consequence. 5. Ex-Gov, McDonald —IIIS CAUSE, OUR CAUSE; SUCCES TO HIM AND ANN IHILATION TO HIS FOES. Mr. Rhbtt said, in his disunion speech a< Fort Moultrie:—“The prospects, however, are cheering. Georgia, Alabama and .Mississippi are coming. QUITMAN and McDONALD are blowing a bugle in the West which will hfe heard in the extremities of Yankeedotn. He did not dread the RESULT; the CAUSE was good, and nothfng would tempt the North to oppose it but internal divisions.” “A few days since, a negro girl belonging to a family 1 here from North Carolina eloped with a free negro of this place. The citizens at once assem bled and resolved to send officers in pursuit of the fugitive, which resolution was promptly executed, find this morning the girl was restored to her own er, and the paramour safely locked in prison to await the proper action in his case. This is but one of the many indications that have come within my pue atp oj aopsuf jo asuas aupjo aopa[AAOuj| the return of the right feeling here on sectional subjects.” From the (IV. O.) True Delta. The Cost of the Acquisition of Cuba to the Southern Stales. We think it can scarcely be denied, that there is at this morneit a most dangerous feeling abroad in the country in favor of measures and proceedings calculated to increase still more the territory of the Republic, without pausing to estimate the probable cost of tbeac* quisitions, the morality of the proceedings, or the dan gers of the permanence and stability of the Union, from a cause so disorganizing, perilous, and extraordinary. We yield to no man in our faith in republican institu tions, in our respect for their power, their grandeur, their goodness, and their expansibility ; but we do not wish to be understood that, because we so think aud so write, we are advocates of such an extention of our ter ritorial limits vs will inflict incalculable injury upon Slates within the Confederacy, destroy industry, at pres ent considered domestic, disturb the equilibrium now existing, or introduce new and distracting questions to divide the people, and peradventure to bleak up the Union. Whatever measures, then, which have to our mind this tendency shall receive no favor at our hands, no matter who may be their progenitors or the amount of local popularity they are able to command. We cannot be regard the annexation of Cuba as of this character, ami unless the advocates of that meas ure, fraught as it is, in its most favorable aspects, with grave drawbacks, can give some better argument for their designs and intentions upon it than the “manifest destiny” doctrine, we think it behooves every South ern man well to consider the matter in all its certain and possible consequences before he becomes committed toils support or lends himself to its promotion. We can scarcely imagine a question more calculated to mislead, to dazzle and deceive the Southern mind than the annexation of Cuba. Its capabilities can hard ly be exaggerated ; the number and richness of its ag ricultural products exceeded 5 its position for commerce surpassed. Sugar, tobacco; and coffee are the chief staple; mines of copper, lead, and eoal abound; the soil produces all the plants and fruits of the tropics in the greatest variety., abundance, and richness; while the waters of its coasts teem with fish, excellent in qual ity and vast in quantity. The revenues of the island are said to exceed twenty millions of dollars per annum, and its area to approach to nearly thirty-five millions of acres, a large portion of which has not yet been made subject to cultivation. The white population exceed, according to the census of 1846, four hundred thousand of both sexes ; the free colored reach to about one hundred and fifty thousand, and the slave to three hundred and thirty-three thou sand, of whom the maleare in proportion of almost two to one. Persons of good information and practical minds con sider that it is possible to employ one million additional slaves profitably in the cultivation of the soil of Cuba, and believe that the present exports of the island can be quadrupled thereby. From the opiuion we arc not inclined to dissent; and, assuming it to be correct, at least approximately, we think it worthy of the gravest consideration of every cotton and sugar planter in the South. It will be in the recollection of our readers, that, du ring the discussions of the Compromise in Congress, we earnestly and energetically advocated the admission of California, with or without slavery, as she might elect; expressing at tlie same time our fears that, should slave ry be adopted on the Pacific, it would be at an *arly day the means ol its extinction every where in the republic. The arguments we then used we do not remember to have seen disputed or denied, and we, now that the sub ject of Cuban annexation lias been forced upon the com munity, deem the occasion pertinent for their reproduc- tion. Had slavery been permitted in California, its imme diate effect would have been to drain large numbers of slaves from the frontier States, where their labor is less valuable and their profitable employment mi re preca rious. Virginia, Delaware, Maryland, Missouri, and Kentucky would have immediately felt the effects in a very sensible diminution of their servile population, if not to an extent that would incline thorn to a relinquish ment of the institution in perpetuity. The same effect, only on a much larger scale, must be experienced should the course of inevitable events, or the policy of our government, lead to the incorpora tion of the island of Cuba with these free States, and such an event is at this moment present to the minds of many, and not absolutely impossible, should the means of precipitating thousands of men on that portion of the Queen of Spain’s dominions be forthcoming, as it is vauntingly proclaimed. Should Spanish authority be successfully resisted and expelled from the island, its application for admission as a State or States follows as a matter of course ; and it equally follows as a matter of course either that her application be immediately successful, or she becomes an easy and a certain prey to anarchy, civil war, and not unprobably servile insurrection. As no American will ever consent to the transfer of the island to any other Power, so we are sure there is none who would not welcome her into the Union most gladly, father than that an end so deplorable should befall her. Taking it for granted that the island secures its inde pendence, is it the interest of the cotton States, is it the interest of Louisiana, to admit her into the Republic? Our planters are alone interested in the question. We are oftbe opinion that in such a contingency the nation al feeling will countenance the absorption: and, if so, our belief is that, in less than twenty-five years from that date slavery will cease to exist upon this conti nent. The immediate effect of the annexation will be to create an enormous demand for sugar plantations in Cuba, and a commensurate requisition for slave labor to meet the natural and unnatural speculation. The States we have already named will be tempted by high prices to part with their slave population for deportation, or to supply vacancies made by Southern emigration ; prices will be enormously augmented, agricultural pro duction will be immensely stimulated, and for a few years the people will be every where Cuba-mad. To estimate the enhanced cost of slaves at twenty five per ccut will, we think, not be deemed excessive; at which rate we need hardly say neither the cotton planter of Mississippi nor the sugar planter of Louisiana could afford to buy them, if the latter, in fact, could manage to stand up under the competition, while the temptation to the frontier States would be irresistible. We do not for one moment hesitate to declare our belief that, should Cuba be annexed, slavery will cease within five years thereafter to have more than nominal existence in Delaware, Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, Mmsourri and perhaps Tennessee. Five States certain, six States probably. In that case, what would become of the nine remaining slave States on the continent, or in what manner can they combine suc cessfully to resist the infernal machinations of the aboli tionists ? If at present we are eternally put to the wall, com pelled to temporize, expostulate, and compromise, to preserve ourselves from spoliation and outrage, what will become of us, deprived of these strong frontier States, wit!, their numerous, robust, and vaKant popu lation, who now stand as a rampart of fire between us and our vigilant and insidious enemy? We would re ceive, it is true, an insular increase to slavery of over three hundred thousand head; but would that com pensate us for the territorial, numerical strength of which w shall indubitably be deprived? Let our planters answer. As for ourselves, we dearie to attain slavery in the States of tho American Union where it now exists, and as they at present exists; and wo cannot understand the policy, the wisdom, or the safety of weakening its concentration, or lopping off its thief and most powerful supports. We do not at this time deem it necessary to examine the question which more immediately concerns our sugar interest, or to inquire whether with Cuba annex ed the profitable cultivation of the cane can proceed ; if, however, it will not he affected by that measure, it does appear to us most singular that our planting interest should have Insisted upon a tariff of a cent and a half per pound, equivalent to two cents to the consumer, if such protection was not deemed indispensable to their stability’. We daily hear large and intelligent planters declare that their estates do not yield six per cent, in terest upon the capital invested. If this bo so, aud we are not at liberty to question our authority, nothing is more certain than that competition with undutiedCuba sugars us out of the question—simply an impossibility. We do not, however, wish to narrow the question down and make it depend for its success upon what may be profitable to this or that State, but rather what is most eligible for ibe entire South, and the permanence of the institution of slavery. We are aware that very different views from these wo express are entertained in States having perhaps more to fear from Virginia and other slave States becoming free than Louisiana, and we are at this time impelled by this consideration mainly, to bring up the subject, so as to elicit their views upon it. It may be the able editors of the South Carolina and Georgia press can put this matter in very different light, can show that no sucli result as that we fear can possibly occur, and that the annexation of Cuba will, instead of weakening or breaking up the slave States greatly add to their strength and perpetuate their pow er. The i lea of Cuban nationality is too ridiculous to dis cuss. The material for a nation does not exist: and the population of the island—that is, those of native birth—are sunk in sloth, indolence and ignorance. By the census returns of the island we find shat, in a popu lation of half a million, only one in sixty-three of chil dren go to school. Which is pretty conclusive as to character of the adults, and, putting out of view their language and other disabilities, offers no great encour agement to admit them to the rights, privileges, and immunities of American citizens. Os the character of the disorders now said to exist upon the island, the streugth of the malcontents, their organization, resources, and ability, we think it unnec essary to speak, having advised and warned many per sons in vain; but, before taking leave of the subject for to-day, we cannot but express a hope that no evil will befall those who, led away “by unprincipled speculators or broken down and desperate men, have adventured blindly, rashly, and unadvisedly into an undertaking as full of peril as it is sure to be barren of profit, honor or distinction - From Copway's American Indian. CUBA. The Act of Annexation of Texas to these Uni ted States kindled a fire, with the two faggots of slavery and anti-slavery, Avhich, we fear, is des tined to burn until the vitality of either brand is utterly consumed, and with it the now-wide founded and glorious Temple of Liberty. Or, like the ruins of a literal conflagration, we shall be found dismembered, smothered, self-consum ing mounds of seared and useless treasure. We would view this subject from frozen neu tral ground —from the peak of Chimborazo we would view it, would give the just opinion—the one that may be fresh an hundred years—the right— and that shall last forever. Who Avere these men we read are shot? W hat their purpose ? Was their doom a just or a tyrant stroke I And who was absent at the bu rial ? Who Avere they ? they Avere men—bone of our bone, flesh of our flesh—truant brothers ! Veal they tore away the silken bands of rela tionship that made us one—discarded the ban ner of their oAvn house, and cried themselves manraders on the open sea 1 The tears we shed are those which flow when Death’s news comes of the unworthy loved. What their purpose? Ask the politicians ! Ask the men avlio talk you dumb of liberty, but know not the great word’s meaning. Doth Liberty carry unwelcome war where peaceful men reside ? Pollute not the honored name of Lafayette in this connection. He gave his aid to meu who knew their rights, and were striv ing to maintain them ; who had a flag, nor was it false nor foreign ! ’Twas their own—sancti fied by their oavu blood on their own soil, by their own firesides. And Greece, too, has not outlived calumny. Who can compare the Grecian struggles with this outrageous cause—except the blear-eyed politicians ? Was liberty their aim ? To raise the fallen did they go ? No ! Station, name, plunder, gold,—these were there objects ! what true man denies it ? Their doom was not a tyrant stroke, as wise men yet interpret; all death, from man to man, is tyrant doom, no matter whence the sen tence. All nations’ law makers, alive and dead, have written their doom was just. And now avlio was absent at the burial! Say, Messrs. Editors of the Sun ! who was absent at the burial? We answer—all those skulking knaves, destitute of soul, who dare not meet a foe, but by the assassin-knife, and teach the gallant, unwary, young to use it. And for what ? For gold! Base cash ! In your ill-fathered eyes and brainless heads a plat of land in Cuba outweighs the blood of all the nation. Say, sir! Do not you or your corroded-hearted father own land in Cuba? And Avould you not spill the blood of all your friends to raise its price ? And you, too, the Herald Editor, what do you understand by liberty ! Anything more than the liberty of an unlicensed pen ? or the liberty of the right arm of an indignant, insulted citi zen ? and what is your purpose, unless it be to fatten on the license which anarchy ensures ? you, a stranger, act a courteous part in putting brother against brother—in making a North and a South to our country — you were absent at the burial. We do not wish to be misunderstood. We have no love for the Spaniard. lie has mur dered, plundered, ensla\*ed all men with ay horn he has come in contact, and whom he could con trol. The boy’s one idea of treachery and Spain is not unjust. The words are synonymous. Vet Satan reigns in his own dominions, and the an gels disturb him not. When the Cubans— when the sons of Erin—when the children of Kossuth—leaA'e their huts, and forget their scab bards for the capture aud death of Tyranny— then Avill we cry, God speed—here is iny purse —and there my able sons—take them—conquer and feel thy nation, home. We are on the eve of a Presidential election. The unusual quiet preceding it is but the fervent heat of popular commotion buried and kept un der by the mountain of wise conservatism. The world is already in motion. The swelling fires already expand to almost bursting their re straints— soon, Ave fear, will the showering mol ten lava of internal war lighten the political fir mament, and shed destruction and death a round. If so, the whole planet will be shaken to its centre. One word to all sections. Allow not the owl-faced fanatics of the East, the craven, thin lleshed, oblique-visioned editors of our own sec tion, nor the black leg politicians of any part, to excite you against your brother. The red man warns the pale face that he is in danger—the “ Long House’’ may be destroyed, then where will you be shielded from the storm ? From the Greenville. (.S'. C.) Patriot. The Folly anil Danger of Secession. It is not very certain that the present Federal Constitution would never have been adopted had it contained the right of a State to secede from the Union ? In the old articles of confed eration, where the States alone, and not the people, were represented, it expressly declared that the Union shall be perpetual. The Feder al Constitution was formed to make that Union more perfect, and so stated by its framers. It was sometime before New York acceded to the Union, and it was proposed to do so for a limited time. The correspondence between Alexander Hamilton and Mr. Madison, on this subject, has recently been published, and ought to satisfy every one that no such principle as the right to quit the Union would have been tolerated by the contracting parties. When adopted, the federal Constitution was to bind the States forever. If it had been the purpose of the framers of the Constitution to incorporate in it the right of secession, it Avould have been so expressed in the instrument itself. But with such a provis ion in it, the Constitution Avould have been perfectly ridiculous as a form of government. It may, with truth, be said, that no such gov ernment ever did or ever will exist. Let us see the consequences of this right to secede. If South Corolina possesses it, every other State in the Union has the same right. It belongs to California, Louisiana and Florida, as well as the original thirteen. In order to have an outlet for our western commerce, it became absolutely necessary to have Louisiana as a part of the United States. She was purchased by the Federal Government for fifteen millions of dollars. The whole valley of the Mississippi above has been settled and improved in conse quence of this purchase. Can it be supposed, that now this State of Louisiana, purchased with our money,and absolutely necessary to the pros perity of fourteen or fifteen States, has the right to secede from the Union, set up a foreign inde pendent Government at the mouth of the Mis sissippi, and Hock up the trade aud commerce of the whole West. Not only this, but when she has gone out of the Union, she may throw herself in the arms of Great Britain, and be come a British province. Florida was purchased at an expense of tivo millions ot dollars, and her defence since has cost upwards of fifty millions to the United States. This purchase was made to have a con tinuous sea coast from one end of the republic to the other, and to exclude from our bosom a foreign foe. Does any one.suppose that Florida now has the right to secede from the Union af ter this purchase, and this enormous expendi ture of money in hey defence ? California cost Hie United States fifteen mil lions of dollars a luPln blhody war, and possess es a golden region never before equalled on the face of the earth. In a commercial point of view, she is above all value to the United Ssates. Her internal wealth cannot be estimated, and yet, according to the doctrine of secession, she has a right to go out of the Union to-morrow, and establish a vast and golden republic on the shores of the Pacific. Not only this, but Kentucky, situated in the centre of the Union, may go out of it, and es tablish a royal government, with a king, and an order of nobility, and all thee? cetera of the di vine right. Her position will enable her to in terrupt the trade and commerce of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Tennessee and Missouri, Avhich passes down the Ohio riv er. With a monarchy in our midst, and an am bitious king at its head, how long does any one suppose that we should be at peace with such a power ? With the right to secede, it would always depend on the will and pleasure of a State whether the laws of Congress were obeyed or not. In fact, every act of Congress would have to be ratified by the States before we knew whether it could be enforced. There would be an end of all government. We should have the form and semblance, without the substance and power of a republic. Cimßjhiniiriice. LETTER FROM COLUMBUS. Colombu3, Ga. Sept. 5, 1831. Mr. Editor :—No man of intelligence ami veracity who has carefully observed the signs of the times, will hesitate to admit that the pernicious and desvastating principles of disunionism are on the decline. Every day ushers forth conclusive and undeniable testimony that ibe hydra headed monster of discord is checked in its disrupting and inglorious career of havoc upon the genial laws, domestic tranquility, and prosperity of our Union. It is now our first and our highest duty ns freemen ‘to watch as well as pray,’ and not supinely fold our arms, an<] fe2 ilut our*vUpisir!iß terminated. We liave to continue to battle forauul keep a parental and vigi lent eye on our freedom.! We have to keep, continual ly’ good and faithful -dvntinols stationed on the ram parts of liberty ; for we have a treasure madmen know not how to appreciate, a boon they know not how to enjoy; and we have notv reared a bulwark of Liberty (which plainly testifies man to be capable of self gov ernment.) that finds no favor with Disuniouisrte in our midst or with crowned heads abroad. Slowly, yet perceptibly, are our principles of govern ment burying themselves in the hearts of the oppress ed subjects of foreign tyrants ; and our nation is now as it has ever been, hailed and viewed as the only rest ing place on the face of the globe where an asylum ex ists fur all men who love to breathe the invigorating air of Liberty. Nothing, since the foundation of our republic, has given the monarchists of Europe more heartfelt satis faction, than the idea of a disruption of this confedera cy. They know if this nation continues to exist, its principles of freedom and equalization will supplant their principles, and their institutions rotten and totter ing as they now are, will fall, like Lucifer,‘never to rise again.’ We can see, plainly see the chuckling gratifi cation of monarchists abroad when they see the disun ites, have boldly and unblu-hingly dared to begin a strife, which, if not entirely frowned down by the friends of the l nion, that must result as monarchists wish it to result. Many noble hearted and patriotic Southern men who were led into the bewildering mazes of Disunion bv the deceptive cry of ‘Southern Rights, have boldly come forth, renounced their alliance with their insid ious partisans, and now being better acquainted with their interests, political and social, cheerfully join the band whose motto is ‘Liberty and the Union.’ The reaction is great, and the example of Judge Sharkey of Mississippi, who denounced Disunionism when he was in a high position in its ranks, is numerously followed up. This reaction, which is as evident to us as the sun at noon day is visible in the Heavens, gives us the gratification to herald the glorious news abroad that Disunion ism is on tuf. decline.’ The rabid tone of the Disunion presses in this section evidences that where threats are used, argument aud reason and wis dom are not plenteous. The people of the South are always alive to their interests, and if the interests of the South were as badly abused as the Disunionists en deavor to make them appear the South would yield to their fanatical entreaties. But it is not so. The South has signified her willingness to abide by the Com promise Measures; and the efforts of disunionists to prove that the South has been degraded by the odious and inhuman Adjustment,’ (as the Disunionists and Abolitionists denominate it,) will end as they began, by accomplishing nothing. Reason and calmness arc two things of which tho Disunionists boast, but it is evident to all men whose vision is not distorted by prejudice, that the Disunion ists never possessed those two great attributes so necessary to the accomplishment of any great and me ritorious end. Like the Frog in the fable they will swell themselves until they burst, if you even hint to them that they are not possessed of as large dimensions as others possess. The Disunionists have resorted to cverv thing with in their reach to get into power. Have they succeed ed in their efforts? We ean answer the question by .asking another: Did the Ass we read of in ./Esop escape a drubbing from his master by disguising himself in the skin of a Lion 1 No ! ‘Why ?’ some on J will ask. Because the ears of the Ass like the true intentions of the Disunionists were not invisible. Let us look to the causes and briefly review the ob jects of the disunionists. It takes no wonderfully sapient eye to see that the causes of discord that at one time threatened to sever the bonds of our Union, origi nated in the brains of disappointed, grasping and lucre serving politicians. Who originated this feeling of ani mosity among the people of the Union? Men ! who never refused to enter the political lists for tho highest honors the Union conferred. Need we particularize the men who would trample the Constitution beneath their feet; men who irreverently impugn tho patriot ic motives and ridicule tho Farwell Address of Wash ington. No , we need not, for History, immutable and impartial history will record their names among those of whom the poet spoke when he patriotically exclaimed : “ Oh ! for a tongue to curse the slave, \Vho3e treason as a deadly blight, Steals o’er the councils of the brave, To blast them in their hour of might.” Georgia and Alabama, havespoken that they will not heed the demands of those who consider the Union as ‘an infamous engine of oppression.’ They are content to stay in the Union and battle on Union ground, if they deem their rights to be in danger. They can meet their foes face to face, and right will prevail although might may for a while oppress it. \\ e must always bear in mind that many difficulties will occur in this Union, but what an insignificant com parison would they present to those we would have to encounter if we revolutionize and set up a little ‘llliett confederaey’ for ourselves ? The idea of a Southern Confederacy is now evaporating ‘as flees the mist be fore the ascending Sun,’ for the spirit of wisdom find investigation has returned among the infected portion of our people. It now fakes quite a deal of work and much drumming to get up even a respectable, (if such tilings can be termed thus.) Disunion demonstration. I his is a prestige that something is wrong and that tire privates are deserting their reliant, Quixotic, officers. It is evident that South Carolina is even getting asham ed of her actions, and has now consented to remain until Georgia leads ofi’ the Disunion reel. We are glad that reason, faint glimpses of reason are returning to the benighted minds of the mistaken people of that State. If she will wait until Georgia h ads off in the dance we will promise to make an attempt to‘trip the light fantastic toe.’ \\ c know that the people of South Caro lina are chivalrous and brave in war and generous as we wish them to be, yet they are sadly deficient as a mass as regards sound political rudiments of education. Vet we have faith in our cause for it is right and will most certainly succeed. A few more such papers as the ‘Patriot’—a paper that so well dissects the corpus of Disunion and shows what it is composed of—will soon redeem South Carolina from her prison of error. The friends of the Union have nothing now to fear, if they but watch their enemies at home and abroad. The decline of Disunionism is perceptible to all. the time of its decease is near at hand. We have in the langu age of the scripture ‘fought a good fight,’ and let us ev er have grateful feeling to that Providence who so well shielded Washington from harm, whilst we ask him to continue to shower his blessings on our Union; to preserve it from its enemies at home and abroad ; and let us ever be a strong united people. Upon the prop er selection of officers to administer our Legislative affairs, the continued welfare of our Union, the pro tection of our interests, and the ensnrement of our hap piness assuredly depends. To these objects so dear to the feelings of every man, the Disunionists are avowed enemies. It is therefore our duty to see that the gov ernment of our State shall never be entrusted to their guardianship. In the hands of IlmvdlCobb the executive preroga tive will never be abused. Asa statesman and as a citizen he is just such a man as should be placed in the Gubernatorial Chair of Georgia. All malicious charges which have been made against his political stewardship arc without the least shadow of foundation or truthful ness. Never was there a better picture drawn of the Union Candidate for Governor, than that originally designed by the bard of Avon for one of his dramatic characters: “ A combination, end a form indeed, In which every god did seem to set his seal; To give the world assurance of the man.” Mr. Cobb, be it said to his honor, has manfully ad vocated the cause of the Union which can be nothing else than the true cause of the South. Asa Statesman, Georgia has a right to be proud of her son. To her in terests he will never prove recreant. Os his pledges to stand by the Constitution lie will prove true to them all, and his high abilities and tireless energy will be applied to govern with ‘wisdom, justice and modera tion.’ The selections of candidates Congressional, Sena torial and Legislative, for the Union party are unexcep tionable. All nf them arc widely known in their re spective sections and throughout the State at large, as men who will use their best endavors to advance the interests and legislate for the benefit of their constitu ents. They also, will not be lukewarm iu forwardiug the rapid decline)of Disunionism. f Western Georgia will do her duty in October. {Dis union is losing all foothold in this section. People are awakening to the importance of the question soon to be submitted to them, on the first Monday in October. The issue is : Union or Disunion. Let every vot er reflect before he cast a vote fur any man who is not a nominee of the Union party, lie will find it to his interest and to the interests of his children and com patible with the character of a freeman to do so. Dis unionism is rapidly on the decline! Let the rays of next October’s sun be the last it shall ever behold. Union men! Freemen! guard your interests, by doing your duty ! COLUMBUS. LETTER FROM STARRVILLE. Starkvji.lk, Sept. 9, ISSI. Dr. Andrews : —There is upon us a great and aw ful crisis, in the dangerous and momentous questions connected with Slavery and the Compromise Bill, so long the fruitful source of agitation. It is contended by the Southern Rights party of Georgia, that these is sues are settled and the country quieted and peace and tranquility reigns throughout our borders—that the Georgia Convention of December 1850 has sent forth the political ukase of acquiescence, and although it per petuates the degradation which the Compromise Bills fastened upon us, we have no right to murmur; it is the will of Georgia and Georgia herself has no power or right to revoke a decree, or vitiate a judgment which stigmatises her proud escutcheon with the infamous and Black stain of degradation and disgrace. Is it true as they contend, that the people of Georgia are sovereigns and yet have no right to repudiate an act which sub mits to degradation—which degrades us below our e quality in the l r nion? Whence comes the sovereignty and for what purpose does it serve, if not to vindicate the honor and the fame of the State ? Away with such a proposition 1 When viewed in the sunbeams of truth and reason, it skulks into disunion, its wanton hiding place, to conceal the exposure of its naked deformity. The people of Georgia have the right to alter, cancel and destroy anyUiing they do, politically, —and they know it, and without it there is no release from op pression, no means of redressing past wrongs. It is a stratagem to deceive an l mislead—a syren song to lull the sentinels of the Union to sleep, and plunge the peo. pie into the inextricable vertex of disunion and ruin.— 1 warn my countrymen to beware of the cry of peace, settlement and acquiescence in the Georgia Platform, while demolition is threatened that platform and des truction to the glorious Union, formed by our fathers, is daily meditated und proclaimed. I speak truthfully. Col. Benning, the Southern Rights candidate for Con gress, in this district, publ cly proclaimed that lie was for disunion per sc, last fall, and was in favor of a South ern Congress, and if ho was a member of said Con gress, he would go for dissolving the Union, and fur ther, that he had not changed his opinion. That there was enough already to ‘ break the camel's back.”— That is their true position. Why then say that they are upon the Georgia Platform, when all their efforts are to tear down that platform. Sir, the whole ques tions arc opened. They discuss them in all their speech es. They abuse them in all their papers. They nom inate a mafi for Governor, who denounces the whole settlement as a fraud upon the South —an insult to an injured people to call it a compromise', a flagrant in fraction of the Constitution of the United States, as de grading us below our equality in the Union. I call up on the cbivalric spirit of the sons of Georgia, to repudi ate tke claim of a man who has no higher aspirations than to preside over the destinies of a people who will not resent an insult, who will permit the Constitution of their fathers to be violated with impunity and will submit to degradation, and be rendered inferior to the co-states in the Union. 110 ought not to auk the gu bernatorial chair ot the hands of a dishonored people. It is an insult to the people of Georgia thus to carrica ture their chivalry, insult their dignity and mortify their State pride, and then ask for votes. But it is an insult that will be promptly resented in October next, and in a way that will severely rebuke it. The peo ple of Georgia are not dishonored, nor can they be dis honored. They say they can honorably acquiesce in the Adjustment Bills. Alabama, Mississippi and Ten nessee say Amen, and in fact, the whole country are rallying under the banner of their common country, to save the Constitution and the Union. Let this crisis pass and the county will ride on in its proud career of prosperity and happiness. The Union will be safe, the Constitution will be preserved, and we will not look to the scattered fragments of a broken compact to de fend our rights, but the palladium of our liberty will be still unbroken. But if they do succeed—if the proud fabric of American liberty is razed to the dust of the valley, human freedom will be-entooinbed in its ruins, forever. JESSE. LETTER FROM STARKVILLE. Starkvii.le, Sept. 0, 1851. Dear Sir : —Col. Benning came through this sec tion of the country with the character of a man who would deal fairly, let the consequences be what they might. This may have been the Col's true charac ter, in days gone by, but most assuredly (as I purpose to show,) the accusation would note be a slander upon his nianoevering qualifications. In his discussion, here, he read Cobb’s remarks relative to convening a Con vention, <Sre. &c. then remarked, that he would defy any man to say, from that document, that Cobb had answered the question propunded, to wit, ‘has a State tile right to secede.’ Now’ Col. B. very well knew that iu a paragraph immediately proceeding the one referred to, Cobb lias expressed himself plainly, fully and distinctly in the affirmative. In the discussion at Albany, I am told, he stated that Cobb had been ‘at the head of the abolition wing of the Democratic party in Georgia, for the LAST FIVE YEARS.’ And can it it be possible that Col. B. has personally been giv ing ‘aid and comfort’ to an abolition loader. Surely B. will not have the effrontery to assert that his hands have been washed of Cobb for the last Jive years. — Again he stated, at Albany, that his competitor, John son, was regarded about home as being a man of ’small importance. Now, Sir, without comment upon this latter assertion, I am willing to appeal to the candor ot any unprejudiced man, if this is not a puny missile t*> he wielded by one who is asking of his fellow citi zens a seat in Congress, to say nothing of its unfair ness ? Is it not a little on the extreme? lam sorry that Col. B. has suffered his party to make a tool of him for the consummation of unfair political ends. For tunately, however, for the side of Union, Col. B. has only the will and not the ability to deceive and delude the people. If lie will but manage at all other places as he has done here, lie need only be let alone, lake a faithful clock, he wiil run himself down. The pre sent campaign is drawing rapidly to a dose; the time is approaching when the honest voters of the country will be called upon to cast the most important suffrage ever east in the 19th century. Let them weigh well the consequences. The practice and theory of the various candidates are hi blaek and white; professions and practice are before the country, and it is for the honest voters to sit as a jury of suffragers, sworn to do their duty to themselves, their cotempora ries and their posterity. BULLICANE. LETTER FROM LEE COIVTY. Cuesuaw, Sept. 3, 1851. Da. Andrews— Dear Sir: —My object in writing you this arti cle is to inform the public, and your numerous readers, that the w riter in your valuable paper, of the 30th ult. over the signature of ‘ Bullicane in pretending to give a description of the manner in which the Ret. Jesse M. Davis explained the object of the meeting at Starkville, on the 20th ult. (at which he, Mr. Davis presided as Chairman, for the ‘Constitutional Union PartyJ And Moses Tison, Esq. presided as Chair man for the ‘ Southern Rights Party,’ is Jalse and uncalled for. ‘ Bullicane,’ says: l Jess,’ (meaning the Rev. J. M. Davis) ‘explained the object of the meeting,’ ‘Feller citizens we've again brung out our Speaker upon the platform of the Constitution tkey’l disenss the rantank erous subjects of political agitation. Give them your attention and thev’l be eloquenter than you think.’ These arc the words falsely put in Mr. Davis’ mouth, by ‘Bullicane.’ Mr. Davis made uee of no such language and ‘Bullicane’ knew it at the time he w’as writing. It is due Mr. Davis to say that he acted as Chair man at the earnest request of the Committee of ar rangements for (he Day. As there was to be a free discussion, Mr. Davis at, the repeated solicitations of Lison explained the object of the meeting iu a very dignified, and appropriate manner, to the entire satis faction of all present, except ‘Bullicane.’ To those well acquainted with Mr. Davis, or accus tomed to hear him speak, it would be unnecessary to say that the language attributed to him is false. But as this is the second attampt made, by anonymous scribblers, since the Compromise measure has been before the country, to place Mr. Davis, as Chairman, in a ridiculous position before the public, I for one think ‘forbearance ceases to be a virtue.’ THE OLD TOOL. LATER IYEWS FROM ( l BA. 1 hrough the politeness of a passenger by the Alabama from Xew York, we received, on \Y ednesday morning, the following confirmation of the Cuban news by the Cherokee. We copy from the Saturday evening edition of the New York Express: The Mail steamship Empire City’ arrived at 2 1-2 to day, from New Orleans and Havana, consigned to M. O. Roberts. Havana has been the scenes of jubilee and rejoicing for the last three days, owing to the capture of Gen. Lopez and his forces. The news reached Havana on the 30tli ult — as a demonstration of the effect it produced — Hags were hoisted, guns fired, Ac. At night the principal buildings were illuminated, torch light processions formed, Ac. Ac. Lopez was ta ken in the interior—wandering alone, and nearly exhausted from fatigue and hunger. lie asked for something to eat at a farm house, and permission to lay down—while asleep he was hound and made prisoner. Os his followers, over 100 are now imprison ed in Havana and are to he sent to Spain for ten years confinement in a dungeon. They say their suffering before taken was in tense —for several days they lived upon the leaves of trees, Ac.—the hist meat they ate was the horse of Lopez. They had no arms when taken—the remainder have either been shot or they have perished from hunger. Capt. Platt of the Albany visited them in prison and gained some interesting accounts which lie will dispatch to the States. The steamers Habanero, Almendare, and Is abella Catholics, were on Sunday dispatched to Bahia Honda, and Mariel, to bring up the t roops preparatory to the execution of Lopez. The loss of Spanish troops is 2000, in every en gagement they were defeated. Gen. Enna was killed at the head of an advancing column. He was 2d to Concha. Lopez was girotted on the morning of Sept. Ist, at 7 o'clock. The execution was witnessed by 8000 troops, and as many citizens. lie ascended the platform,and made a short speech; his last words were ‘T die for my he lmed Cubahe then took his seat, the ma chine was adjusted, and iu two minutes he wa> dead. The prisoners say in no instance have the Creoles of this island manifested the least disposition to join them. The French steamer Asmodeus sailed from Havana on the Ist. The Falcon, horn Cliagres, arrived on the 31st, with 100 passsengers. The Empire has had a very boisterous pas sage home, having strong head winds. She brings a large Havana mail. She left at Havana the sloop of war Albany —on the 2nd passed a steamer to the Eastward, supposed to be the Saranac—on the 3d passed the ship Glance, steering N. E. fore-top gallant in list carried away. Gen. Wool lias published a card in reference to the sentence of the court martial punishing a Roman Catholic soldier for refusing to attend a Protestant church, lie says that the soldier was not punished for refusing to attend church, but for insubordination. There was no evidence before the court that the soldier was a Catholic, except the simple de,duration of one witness. He adds that, if the man had allpdged religious scruples as a reason for not attendin'* rhumb k bean ~!. T 1,,, “, h w'as punished for disobedience and tor leaJ- ‘’ I< * company without permission by beino hi * dollars. It is pretty clear that the *5* fiv * worthy of much sympathy—Louisville jJ* not P jamsSt THE GEORGIA “CITIZEN. L. F. W. ANDREWS, EDITOR >1 U ON. GEoT To Correspondents. L. Samlersville, ear. have his filled, on sending one dollar free of postal * G3F* Two more letters from “T II p* ’ next. 1,1 °“r anonymous communication signed >, oon s Hickory,” from Arrtorioo.,, drclLj without reading. REMOVAL. On the Ist of October, the Printing l-s.tablisl.ment of the Georgia Citizen will be removed to the Uevr building (up stairs) of Messrs. Freeman & Robert, on Cotton Avenue, directly opposite to the lower an gle of the Triangular Blosk, and next house to J) r . Little s new Drug establishment, where we will have increased facilities tor executing Job Work in all the plain and ornamental departments of the Typograph* cal Art. in a style which shall not be surpassed, and at rates as low as any competitor who may boast of “f ai{ presses,’ or any oilier fanciful “notion.” < 01. Chappell’s Appointment. Iu consequence of several religious meeting being held this week at or near Marion, county, CoU Chappell has postponed bis ap pointment to address the people of that countv to Saturday 27th inst. Meeting in Wilkinson The Hon. A. 11. Stephens and A. 11. K.tian hat. consented to attend a meeting to be held at Knight’s Store, in Wilkinson county, on Wednesday, the 17;h inst., and another meeting in Irwinton, on Thursday the 18th, at w hich they will deliver addresses. ’ The Hon. A. 11. Chappell maybe expected to ad dress the citizens of that county, in a fuw dav, fl,*.-*- after. Putnam. lion. J, A.. Meriwether and Philip If. Dawson have been nominated as the Union Candida!#, for the Legislature from Putnam county. Jones. Dr. C. 1.. Ridley has been nominated a th# Union candidate for the House, from Jones county. Rook Rinding —See advertisement of Mr. Benj. F. Griffin, in another column announcing the opening of anew Book-Bindery in this city. The Union Ticket. Gen. James, W. Armstrong, and Judge T. G. Holt have been nominated as Candidates of the Union Party *>f Bibb County, (in lieu of Messrs, llxrdeman , and Stibbs, declined,) and have consented to servo i their friends and party, if elected. These gentlemen will make able and worthy Representatives and should receive the cordial support of all the Union men, and of all the Fire-Eaters too, who hare any pride to sec our central and important county well represented at MiJledgevillc, next winter. We will not allow our selves to doubt for a moment, their triumphant election over any opposition, which may be started against the ticket. That result is certain, if the friends of the Constitution and the Anion do but their whole dutv, in the short time now intervening between this date and the election. The Slate Fair. The Executive Committee of the Southern Central Agricultural Association, which was in session, here, last week, have published a list of Committees for the various purposes of the Fair, which we will endeavor to find room for in our next. There are forty-one of these award Com mittees on as many subjects, hut by some strange oversight of the Executive Board, there has been no Committee appointed on Mechanic Arts, unless we find it smuggled in, under “Manufactures” or “Miscellaneous'’! This omis sion, ought, we think to he corrected, before the day of the Fair. The preparations for the Exhibition are pro gressing rapidly to completion, under the vigi lant care of his honor the Mayor, and the Com mittee of Arrangements, anil will doubtless b all in “apple pie order’’ by t lie middle of Octo ber. In addition to other attractions, mention ed in our last paper, the Committee have re solved to have one of the finest Bands of music in the country, present, to enliven the scone and make it a carnival of gayety and life. We also, hear it whispered that there will be a circular course arranged, where gents having fast trot ting nags may show their mettle and fleetness in Harness. But among all the attractions promised, we think the ploughing match which is to come off between a highly respectable planter of Muscogee, and the best negro plow man which may he produced, will be the most interesting. It will he a contest between en lightened skill and uncultivated physical power, and should the latter prevail, the award will be cheerfully conceded hv the former. We understand that there is every reason to hope that Hon. Henry Clay, President Fill more, Gen. Scott, and Secretary W ebster, will be present, with many other distinguished per sonages. .Vs soon, however, as wc can ascer tain the fact, definitely, we will give dti notice, so that our friends from a distance who may wish to see the great men of the nation, may have time to prepare for a visit to our city. ( on the occasion. Look out for the Documents. A friend has put into our hand a copyoftb e “Constitutionalist and Republic Extra,” without date, which he picked up a few days since in Houston county, where the document was being circulated extensively. The Extra lias, ass caption, in large capitals—“ THE ALBERTI CASE, NORTHERN FANATICISM ILLUS TRATED !” and is devoted to a fabulous state ment of that affair, an account of which we gave to our readers, several weeks ago. Tins Extra sets out with a falsehood, by stating that “not a Constitutional Union paper in the State has published a report of the Alberti case,’ ana the whole is a tissue of misrepresentation con cocted by some rabid, irresponsible nameless disunionist of Richmond, Virginia, for election ing purposes in the South. We say that t e “ Reviewer’’ of the case of Alberti and 1 rice 1S unknown to the public, and his Review 188 since been proven to be fallacious and hau lI lent. The representations also that have been made, that it was a ease under the t n, A Slave Law, have also been shown to be D ‘ e> On the contrary, it was a Pennsylvania decided against a Pennsylvania citizen, , n} Pennsylvania Judge, for the crime ot L ping, and whatever injustice and wrong been done, it has not been committed <V 1, the rights efar.v Southern slaveholder.