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Compromisers, who, in more instances than one,
advocated a dissolution of the Union, because
of the aggressions alledged to have been made
upon the rights of the Southern people, and
who maintained that any one who had been in
strumental in its passage should be branded as a
traitor. What a commentary upon the honesty
ot their motives then, or the honesty of their
motives now, is their present support ot Mr.
King ? indeed, ‘’tis strange,’tis passing strange.
~~y. 0. Bulletin.
Franklin Pierce on Hirers and Harbors.
In June, 1830, Mr. Pierce voted against the
bill ‘making, additional appropriations for the
Delaware bffeak-water, and for certain harbors,
and removing obstructions in and at the mouths
of certain rivers, and for other purposes, for the
year 1845.’ Gen. Jackson signed this bill, and
thus ‘Old Hickory’ and ‘Young Hickory,’as he
is called, stood at the antipodes. At the same
session, Mr. Pierce voted against the bill ‘mak
ing appropriations for the improvement of cer
tain harbors therein mentioned,’ which bill was
also afterwards approved by Gen. Jackson. At
the same session he voted against ‘the bill to
continue the Cumberland road in the States of
Ohio*, Indiana, and Illinois.’ This was on the
29th of June, and on the 2d of July, General
Jackson signed this very Cumberland road bill.
On the 21st of February, 1837, Mr. Hub
bard. of New Hampshire, presented in the Sen
ate the credentials of Mr. Pierce, elected a Sen
ator from the State of New Hampshire, to serve
for six years f.om the 4th of March then follow
ing. During the session of 1837-’3B, he record
ed himself against a harbor bill that was voted
for by Buchanan and Wright. At the same
session, he also voted against a bill for the bene
fit of the Alabama, Florida, and Georgia Rail
Road Company, which even Messrs. Calhoun
and Grundy voted for—and Mr. Pierce found
himself in a minority of six in opposition. But
it was enough, that the bill contemplated ‘in
ternal improvement.” At the same session, a
bill was before the senate for the benefit of the
Mount Carmel and New Albany Railroad Com
pany, in the State of Indiana—-providing for a
grant of alternate sections along the road, the
company contracting to carry the mail for
twenty years, without charye to the Government;
which would pay the Government at the rate of
one dollar and six cents for each acre granted.
Mr. Pierce voted against this bill.
These are some of his votes in general. If we
look at them in detail, we finding him voting
against removing obstructions in the Hudson
River, Genesee River. Oswego River, the im
provement of Dunkirk Harbor, against an ap
propriation for using a dredging machine on
Lake Erie, against erecting a light-house at Buf
falo. and a beacon-light at Erie, and against all
kinds of improvements for Western rivers and
harbors, and even against paying the expenses
of surveys and examinations of the public lands.
Every thing looking to the improvement of the
internal commerce of the country, or designed
to save life and property, met with his uniform
condemnation, and received the negative vote.
— N. Y. Express.
Ctinwpnnlii'nfh
— 1 ~~
LETTER FROM AUGUSTA.
Avgusta, July 12th, 1852.
Dear Doctor : —‘Coming events east their shadows
before.’ There is to he a re-assembling of the ‘Union
Convention,’ at Milledgeviile, and that portion of the
whigs of Georgia who were not sold in the last election,
are to be thrown upon the market in this. There
never was a greater farce enacted than the one now
rehearsing by the so-called ‘Constitutional Union’ frac
tion of the whig party of Georgia. What was it that
the Whig Union Convention, at Milledgeviile, required
of 4he National Whig Convention ? Was it that they
should nominate for the Presidency, Millard Fillmore,
Daniel Webster, or any other man 1 Did they say,
if you nominate Mr. Fillmore, the whigs of Georgia
will co-operate in his election, but if you choose Gen.
Scott we will oppose him ? No, they did not. They
simply required ‘a recognition of the Compromise mea
sures, by the National Whig Convention, as a full and
final settlement of all the questions therein embraced,’
•nd instructed their Delegates ‘to make such recogni
tion a condition precedent , to any participation by
them in the nominations.’
Well, the Whig National Convention did recognise
the Compromise measures as a ‘full and final settle
ment of all the questions therein embraced,’ prior to
the nomination, and in accordance with the demands of
the Milludgeville Convention. Nothing more was
usked, and, obtaining this, they were bound, as honor
able men and consistent partizans, to abide the deei
*i< nofthe National Convention, of which they formed
a part, and to co-operate in the election of its nominee,
who is pledged to the support of the Compromise mea
sures.
Instead of doing this, however, they have proven
their faithfulness and damned their own consistency, by
denouncing tho nomination, repudiating the acts of a
Convention which has literally complied with their
demands, and by annulling, at least an implied obliga
tion to aid the National Whigs in the coming contest.
The platform , say they, is a good one, and with Mr.
Fillmore or Mr. Webster to carry it out, we would have
been content; but we will not support Gen. Scott.—
Why ? Because, say one portion of them, he is un
der the Seward influence, and will be ltd by him to
the prejudice of the South. Because, say the other
portion, of his arbitrary, inflexible disposition ; his im
patience of control ; his overweening self-esteem—
trials of character engendered by his long career of
military command.
llow shall these views of tho dissenters be reconciled?
IT the opinion of the one party be correct, those of the
other must be wrong. The one asserts that he will
be led by Seward, the other says he will not bo led
at all. In the estimation of ono party he will be a
pliant tool in the hands of our enemies, while the oth.*r
intimates that his administration would be that of a
dvspot, arbitrary and self-willed. But this is not the
limit of their inconsistency. They demanded of the
National Convention, that the recognition of the finali
ty of the Compromise measures, should be a Condi
tion precedent’ to the nomination. Now many of them
propose to sustain Gen. Pierce rather than Gen. Scott,
(the lion. Robert Toombs, I understand, being one.)
The convention that nominated Gen. Pierce, did so
ir/bre-proceed ing to recognize the Compromise mea
sures as a final settlement of the questions involved—
indeed'this recognition was the last act of the conven
tion—a resolution smuggled in at the close of its pro
ceedings, when hardly any one was conscious of what
was going: on, and which never would have met the
approval of> ‘drat body had it been brought boldly and
fairly before it.. et these Union Whigs now propose
giving their support to the nominee of the Democratic
Convention,, which failed to make the recognition as
required, aiuioppose the nominee of the Whig Con
vention, notwithstanding its prompt compliance with
their demands! If their motives are honest, I must
say, that the path leading to an honest end is a very
devious one.
Again, these men have all approved of the platform
of the National’ IVbig Convention. It is good, they
say. They recognize in it sound Whig doctrines and
principles; principles for which they have battled all
their lives ; principles in favor of which they united,
when a previous- National Convention of the party,
passing by the man of their choice, nominated Gen.
Taylor for the Presidency ; principles which they have
ever declared paramount to men; principles, which
they have thought were beacon lights to guide in
the path of political duty, and for which, if I could
serve my country, I must sacrifice personal preferences.
These principles, with the additional guaranty of South
ern rights and interests, are now offered to my support,
and I am told by my former political monitors, that I
must not sustain them, because Gen. Scott, and not
Mr. Fillmore or Mr. Webster, has been chosen as our
standard bearer! Now, lam required to sacrifice
principles to men ; then, I was told to sacrifice men to
principles. Shall I submit thus to be made a puppet
of, beenuse of the disappointment of a few miserable
schemers ? If my political faith pointed to no
aim than the gratification of a mere personal or
ambition, I would abjure it and never poll ano
ther? vote... if t*ch were the sole province of patty or
ganizations, it would be unbecoming the dignity of a
free, intelligent and honorable people, to countenance
them. But when the aim of party is, or at least shouid
be, to establish such a policy in the government as Is
best calculated to advance the interests of the whole
people, then honest men will attach themselves to the
one side or the other, as their mature convictions shall
lead them to favor that policy which, in their judgment,
is most likely to subserve the great aim—their country’s
good.
Such being my views of political honesty and con
sistency, I must necessarily disagree with those who
are seeking to iunovate upon tho ancient land marks
of whigery, and wlioaro ready to renounco their faith
(if they ever had any) and go over to the democrats,
simply because Gen. Scott is not Millard Fillmore or
Daniel Webster, and for no other rc.ison. That he
is a whig and fully imbued with whig principles as
taught by the master spirits of the party, they never
have, nor will they now deny. I care not tor the tri
umph of the man. General Scott will occupy aspromi
nent position in the affections and esteem of the Ameri
can people, as President Scott possibly can. But if
the principles promulgated by the convention which
nominated him, can, through hi* administration, be
stamped upon the policy of the Government, he shall
not fail the support of at least one true whig, who has
nothing to ask for himself or his party, further than
the triumph of its principles—and of them, only, be
cause he believes, they will advance the whole interests
of the country.
Whatever may be the action of the convention which
is to assemble in Milledgeviile, I cannot permit it to in
fluence me. My political conscience is not so pliable
as to receive impressions which may be effaced every
few months. The convention may establish platform*,
pass resolutions, nominate eandidutes .and do whatever
else may interest them, and as individuals they have a
perfect right to do so, and it may be proper that they
should, in order to strengthen one another in the reso
lution they have adopted to abandon first principles;
but they will find that there are whigs who still retain a
recollection of their early training, and who will neither
sell their party nor be sold themselves, and who, if left
in a minority, can never after be induced to aid those
who have thus aided their defeat. The Constitutional
Union party, as a distinct organization, is defunct, and
a failure to support Gen. Scott, on the part of the whigs
of Georgia, will be the death knell of that party and
its principles also, in the State, at least for all practical
purposes.
Bat Ilook for better things from the‘true blue’ wing
of tlie party, and hope yet to see them ranged beneath
the banner of the victorious Captain, a gallant band,
ready to battle to tho death. True, the Hon. Robt.
Toombs, tho ‘Lion of the tribe of Judah,’ has quit his
lair, and, it may be, gone to take counsel with the Foxes,
our ancient enemy ; certes, he is not with us, and, if
such a thing bo possible, the whig party of Georgia
must go to the fight without him. If we win, the
greater will be our glory. If we lose, the less will
be his loss.
Whatever may be the issue, I remain, with my
beaver up, a Scott man and true blue WHIG.
LETTER FROM HOUSTON COUNTY.
Busbvville, July 13.
Mr. Editor : —The important Card of Messrs. Ste
phens and Toombs has created no surprise in these re
gions. Indeed their well known versatility in political
affairs, added to the ‘ gullibility’ of many of their admir
ing constituents, on which they always predicate their
public action, ns well as the predisposition of the pro
spective Senator from Georgia to fanaticism and gas -
epnade, rendered quite ccrtaiu, in advance , the course
they would be likely to pursue iu tho present political
campaign.
Jt is my purpose to scan briefly the reasons assigned
in ‘that Card’ for opposing the election of Gen. Scott.
They assert that his (Gen. Scott’s) adherence to the
Baltimore Hatform is not sincere, nor expressed with
suitable clearness. Say they, ‘he accepts the nomina
tion with the resolutions annexed,’ ‘that is, lie takes
the nomination cum onere , as an individual takes an
estate, with whatever incumbrance it may be loaded.’
This objection it is easy to see, evinces a settled de
termination to quibble and find fault, and could have
originated only iu a mind prone to
distinguish and divide
A hair ’twixt South and Southwest side.
Now what principle of logical interpretation justi
fies the nonelusion to which they come. Would it not
be ns reasonable to say that ‘he takes the nomination
cum benejiciis , with whatever advantages it may be at
tended ?’ Again ; suppose Gen. Seott had said I de
cline or refuse the nomination with the resolutions an
nexed.’ What would have been his meaning ? Would
not the inference be natural and plain that he in the
case supposed, objected to the nomination and also to
the resolutions annexed ? And would it be contrary
to the principles of fair interpretation to conclude that
these resolutions themselves were a condition precedent,
or better the occasion or ground of his declension ?
Without the resolutions, he might have accepted the
nomination, with them he refused. But what says
Gen. Scott? ‘1 accept the nomination with the reso
lutions annexed.’ It is very obvious that the word,
with, is not here used incidentally nor loosely,
but that it has a copulative sense, connecting nomina
tion with resolutions annexed. ‘I saw Messrs. Ste
phens and Toombs with their sons in town, yesterday.’
N ow’ ‘Sons’ in this sentence are no more objects of
sight, than the‘resolutions annexed’ areobjectsof Gen.
Scott's acceptance in the sentence so much caviled at
by these great Southern luminaries.
But what is the meaning of the word ‘accept?’ It
means something more than ‘take.’ It is not an indif
ferent term, of ambiguous import. It means to re
ceive what is offered with a consenting mind ; to re
ceive with approbation or favor; also to regard with
partiality, to value, or esteem. W ell then, if Gen. Scott
accepts,’ ‘receives with tavor or approbation,’ the nom
ination as well as the ‘resolutions annexed,’ what more
could we ask ? 01 Messrs. Stephens and Toombs !
Are ye not the very lights of the earth, if not its salt!!
Again ; ‘And the only pledge and guaranty he of
fers for his adherence to the principles of the resolu
tions are the known incidents ‘of n long public life.’
Amongst these known incideuts of hi* life they go on
to say, there is not one , so far as we are aware of, in
favor of the principle of the compromise.’ Let us see.
During the pendency of these measures, Gen. Seott
was not like some of the Georgia Representative*, ‘a
looker on in Vienna,’ waiting to see how the current of
public opinion was setting at home, but we are told, was
using the influence of his great talents and position a
niong Congressmen to secure their passage. And we
all know that at the Union Meeting in Castle Garden
called to resist the tide of fanaticism that was sweep
ing with unwonCt’d fury over the entire North, Gen.
Sjott was found like a gx>d patriot and true, at his
|>ost, buttling for the supremacy of the Union, its Con
stitution and its laws.
But let us follow these‘ignes fatui’ farther on. ‘ln
one, at least, of his public letters, he has expressed sen
timents inimical to the institutions of fifteen States of
the Union.’ What sentiments ? How inimical? ‘Tis
true, Gen. Scott in the letter referred to regarded slave
ry an evil. From its perusal we inferred thus much.
And this is the head and front of his offending.’ But
after all, is this necessarily a damning heresy ? Mas
not Mr. Clay always of the same opinion? Yet who
flew into higher ecstasies in -’44 at the name* of‘Hen
ry Clay and Frelinghuyseu’ than these same Messrs.
Stephens and Toombs? Wherein does Gen. Scott's
‘abstract notion’ upon the peculiar institution differ
from that of Gen. Washington, Thomas Jefferson, or
James Madison ? And finally is not Mr. Stephens
himself in the same category ? Has he not said that
he regretted the existence of tho institution of slavery
among us, and that he would be rejoiced, if the time
should ever come, when all the Sons of Adam every
where w ould be free. I give his ideas and not his pre
cise language. The truth is, we of the South regard
not the ‘abstract opinions’ of Northern men on the
subject of slavery, all we ask is, our rights under the
Constitution.
But to proceed with the ‘Card.’ ‘Since the passage
of the Compromise, he has suffered his name to be
held up before the people of several of the States as a
candidate for the Presidency by the open and avowed
enemies of these measures.’ That many FYeesoiltrs
were origiually in favor of Gen. Scott is true ; that a
great many more, not Freesoilers, were his strong sup
porterters is equally true. Now what could they have
required of him ? To come out and discourse after
this wise —I presume, Messrs, people of the U. States,
i although it is quite uncertain that I shall he the candi
date of the whig party for President, nevertheless I
take this occasion to say, if any of the freeaoil papers
have my name hoisted at their mast head, as a candi
date, they are respectfully requested to take it down, in
asmuch as if nominated, I don’t want their support nor
that of their subscribers. Had Gen. Scott done this,
would he not have justly been considered demented,
better adapted to the ‘lnsane Retreat than the 1 resir
dental office ? Is it to be regarded a fundamental prin
ciple in the science of ‘Southern Optics,’ that in order
for a man to be an unexceptionable candidate, he must
refuse the votes of this or that body of men ? That to
win our support, he must repulse the support of every
body else? Is this the doctrine inculcated by these
great (!) ‘Southern Lights ?’ Do the ‘stern requir
ments’ of ‘duty’and‘patriotism’ justify this?
The natural inference from their objection, is that
Gen. Scott should have done this. With how little
propriety or sense, the veritst ‘blockhead’ iu the coun
try could easily see.
Again; ‘And in the Convention that conferred this
nomination upon him, he permitteij himself to be used
by the freesoilers in that body to defeat Mr. Fillmore
and Mr. Webster because of their advocacy of those
measures, and their firm adherence to the policy that
sustained them.’ How do they know that any free
soilers were in that body 1 That some them had been
formerly is perhaps true. So was Daniel Webster for
merly. ‘O! but sixty-six voted against the whig plat
form.’ But does this prove that they were anti-Com
promise men ? Many oppose the platform undoubted
ly beceause they considered it unnecessary, other* prob
ably because of the new intervention resolution.
‘Tliat opposition was made to Mr. Webster in con
sequence of his advocacy of the Compromise measures’
is an assertion too glaringly false to require contradic
tion. The opposition to Mr. Webster grew out of
causes more remote. The sin of federalism, opposi
tion to the war of 1812, and his'Tyleritieh’ proclivities in
-’42, did more than any thing else to defeat Mr. Web
ster before the Convention. To these may be added
his aristocratic tendencies, associations, &c. and as a
natural result thereof, the deep settled conviction in the
publio mind that he could not command the support
of the masses. We hesitate not to say that if Henry
Clay were now living, he could get a greater vote than
Daniel Webster even in old Massachusetts, and not on
ly there but in every State of the Union. And whenoe
the difference? Because, the one has the elements
of popularity and the other has not.
Besides h,s spleen towards Henry Clay, not always
disguised, and his envy of that great ‘Commoner’ is pop
ularity more than once exhibited in public life, have
contributed not a little to alienate the affections of a
large proportion of the unwavering friends of his gen
erous and noble rival.
That many in times past, opposed Mr. Fillmore, in
consequence of his support of the Compromise, is true ;
but that that was the original cause of the principal
opposition to him I emphatically deny. It was at first
more a question of spoils than of principle.
After Gen. Taylor’s inauguration, the whig members
of the Legislature of New York apprised the Presi
dent that in making appointments for that State, he
might consult Mr. Seward. This was accordingly done,
and as a matter of course, Mr. Seward’s friends direct
or remote, were appointed to office, Gen. Taylor dies,
and Fillmore succeeds to power. The latter then in
timates to the friends of Mr. Seward that he has ‘no fur
ther use for them,’ politely suggests that they take
‘French leave,’ and instates his own friends in office.
Here then originated the chief ground of opposition
to Mr. F. With regard to the merits of the parties in
that controversy we have nothing to say. It is enough
that there was a controversy, and that for a time it was
‘a war of races.’ We repeat then that in the main,
the original opposition to Mr. F. grew out of a ques
tion of spoils and not of principle. That other topics
were afterwards made the ostensible greund of oppo
sition by some , I am ready to admit. Nevertheless
tbe facts are as I have stated them.
After months of wrangling and useless invective
freely indulged in on both sides, tho two winga of the
whig party in New York, through their respective
Committees, met at Albany, and made a statement of
principles and measures, which was agreed to with
great unanimity. F'rom this epoch dates the re
organization of the whig party of New York. In this
act of fraternization was indited a resolve approving
and emphatically endorsing Mr. Fillmore’s ad mi ms’
tration. Does that look like objecting to Mr. F. on
freesoil grounds ?
Again ; it is a well known fact that Mr. Clay be
ing ‘off the lace,’ Gen. Seott has been for years the
first choice of a large majority of the whigs of N. Y.
and it is not exaggeration to say that the Clay men
of ’4B are note the Scott men of ’52.
Hence Greeley the ‘redoubtable raw head and bloody
bones Greeley, whose name is invoked on all occasions
to strike terror and dismay into the heart* of wenk
nerved children and weaker men, before the Baltimore
Convention assembled, declared that he would support
Mr. Fillmore, or Mr. Webster, whichever should be the
nominee. And had either of those men been nominat
ed, would Messrs. Stephens and T>onibß have refused to
indorse the ‘true and tried friends of the Compromise,’
because of 11. Greeley and Co's, support? But why
would Greeley support Mr. Webster or Mr. Fillmore ?
I answer, because they are whigs. And for the same
reason does he now support Gen. Scott.
How absurd, how ridiculous then, is the assertion
that Gen. Seott is the ‘favorite candidate of the free
soil wing of the whig party.’ He is the candidate of
the whig party of the United States, and not of a caba 1
or clique. The maw*# have nominated him and they
are going to elect him, Robert Toombs; Alexander 11.
Stephens, ‘et id omue genus’ to the oontrary notwith
standing. Gen. Scott is a national man. In his em
phatic. language at Castle Garden, before referred to,
‘I do not call tnyself a citizen of the Flast, or of the North,
or of the West, or the South.’ ‘I have served the
Union for nearly 42 years, and I feel that I am a citi
zen of every part and parcel of this glorious constel
lation of Stales. Asa friend of the Union, and know
ing that the Union is in jeopardy, and knowing tliat
this meeting was called for the purprso of devising
measures of compromise and conciliation , I have
coine here.”
In conclusion, *he objections of Messrs. Stephens
and Toombs to supporting Gen. Seott, are in my opin
ion frivolous and puerile, unbecoming certainly tho dig
nify of men of talent and position, and evidently based
upon the presumed ‘gullibility’ of their constituents.
I submit it then to the unbiased judgment of a candid
people, whether ‘that Card’ is not an insult to their
understandings, and whether it does not compromise
the reputation of these ‘leading oracles’ as men of
candor and political integrity, if indeed they ever laid
any claim thereto!! CONSISTENCY.
For the Georgia Citizen.
The Presidency.
This is the first communication I have ever address
ed to the Georgia Citizen, not however, because l have
ever had aught against it, (for I am a regular subscriber)
but because, 1 have be“en accustomed, when I wrote,
which w as not frequent, to write for the Journal & Mes
senger, Recorder, or Savannah Republican. But times
have changed, at least, men’s and editor’s views have.
All, or most all, of the whig press of Georgia, have
fallen out with the w hig nominee for President and there
seeins to be a spirit of rivalry among them to write the
severest pieces against Gen. Scott. Now', let me ask,
what does all this mean ? Can any good and sane
rcasoa be assigned for such an instantnneous outburst
of abuse, and traduction of the brave and patriotic old
veteran, by the whig press and whig leaders ? 1 can
not, for the life of me, see any. But it is objected to
and against Gen. Scott, that he is the nominee of tho
‘F'ree Soil wing’ of the whig convention. This is not
the fact. The statement is disingenuous and sophisti
cal, and its fallacy easily proven. First, Gen. Scott
on tho first ballot received 133 votes, Mr. Fillmore 132
and Mr. Webster 29; Fillmore and Webster’s aggre
gate vote being 161 ; Scott’s being 133 ; Majority for
F. and W. 28. So it is a fixed fact that Fillmore and
Webster’s original strength was 28 votes greater than
Gen. Scott’s. Second, the Compromise measures were
passed by u vote of 227 against 66, and admitting that
every one of the 66 ‘F'ree Soilers’ voted for Gen. Bcott
on the first ballot, yet on the seme ballot he received
67 votes who must have voted for the Southern Plat
form. No one of fairness can deny these facts. Third,
the ‘Free Soilers’ only numbered sixty-six in the Con
vention. They were powerless. If they had been
omnipotent as is pretended, why did they not vote down
the Resolutions of the Platform ? Fourthly, Fillmore,
and Webster's friends were in a handsome majority
and Mr. Webster could have had Mr. Fillmore nomi
nated, if he had but willed it. He did it not, for what
eautc I know not. And lastly, Gen. Scott received on
the 53d ballot 159 votes, Mr. Fillmore 112 and Mr.
Webster 21. Gen. Scott gained 26 votes on his first
ballot, Mr. F'illmore losing 20, and Mr. Webster 8 votes
on their first ballot. Os these losses from Mr. Fillmore
and gains to Gen. Scott, there were 14 Southern votes,
viz: 8 from Virginia, 3 from Tennessee, and 3 from
Missouri. Now deduct these 14 Southern votes from
Gen. Scott and he would have had only 145 votes, not
enough to have nominated him. The result is, \ ir
ginia, Tennessee and. Missouri nominated Gen. Scott.
The figures prove it, and there is no escaping the con
viction.
Blit again, Gen. Soottis said to be ‘in bad company,
is supported by Mr. 11. Seward, Horace Greely & Cos.
It is admitted that Messrs. Seward and Greeley support
Gen. Scott, who did Seward and Greeley support in 48?
Answer, Zachary Taylor. These whig editors did not
deem Gen. Taylor unworthy of their support in 1848 be
cause he was in ‘bad company.’ Seward, Greeley
& Cos. have never been known, to support any other than
a whig ticket. Their support of Taylor and Scott prove
them whigs, and that their whig principles predominate.
These men, Seward and Greeley, are justly odious in
the eyes of all Southern men. I have no fellowship
with them, or for them, yet I confess I think their
company equally as good as that of Martin Van Su
ren, John Van Buren , Preston King, David IV ilmot ,
Joshua R. Giddings, the editor of the N. Y. Post ,
Hallett and Rantoul. In 1848, let it be remembered,
Von Suren's and Gidding’s ‘Free Soil’ principles pre
dominated over their democratic. Yet all these Free
Soilers, yea abolitionists, are now’ supporting Gen.
Pierce, and not a few of our Georgia whig editor* are
willing to keep company with them, provided the Con
vention to assemble in Milledgeviile on the 15th, will
remodel the electoral ticket and give the Union ‘W ing’
a allowing on the Democratic Pierce and King Ticket.
This is strange logic.
There are a few whigs in this section that yet feel
like freemen. The press may desert, the Captains and
Pilots may want to capitulate, but there are some of
the crew that will not surrender without a contest,
much less will they lay down their armour at the feet
of Gen. Pierce whose only fame consists in ‘ hating
and abhoring slavery as bad as those who would
dissolve the Union to abolish it .’
Gen. Scott’s letter of acceptance is satisfactory. He
says if elevated to the Presidency he will not Counte
nance or tolerate any section, disorder, faction or
resistance to the law of the Union, on any pretext
in any part of the land and again, he says, ‘/ should
bring into the civil administration this one princi
ple of military conduct, obedience to the Legisla
tive and judicial departments of the Government .’
Here i* an express pledge to exert the military arm of
the Government to put down resistance to the fugi
tive slave law, if needs be. What more could we ask?
Gen. Seott is a Virginian by birth and by education.
His family have quite a number of slaves settled upon
them in his native State. His interest? is identified with
the South. He has been forty-three years in the ser
vice of his country. No man in the Union has ren
dered more important, delicate and dangerous service.
No man has acquitted himself with more distinguished
honor. During the series of years he has been en
gaged in public life he has been transferred from North
to South, from South to East and from East to West.
He has been all over this glorious Union, has familiar
ized himself with the whole country—knows all about
slavery and anti-slavery, and it is impossible for him
to wrong the South or the people of the South. Can
lie wrong his nativity—that good old Dominion that
gave him birth ? No, never, never, never.
Houston Countt. JUNIUS.
LETTER FROM FORT CAINES.
F'obt Gaines, July 8, 1852.
Da. Andrews:—
Dear Sir :—Having noticed that you hare espoused
the cause of Scott and Gruhnm, the nominees of the
Baltimore Whig Convention for President and N ice
President, and having run their names up to the inast
head, and observing that some of the whig papers of
Georgia have run off the track, I am disposed to lend
you my feeble pecuniary aid in advancing their claims
before a diyuyniiiatiuy ad free people. Gen. Seott
stands pre-emin<mtly high a* a military Chieftain, and is
deservedly ranked as the greatest Captain of the age.
He is never backward in expressing an opinion in re
gard to all subjects, state, national, foreign and do
mestic; and his legal attainments are said to he of the
highest order. Mi. Graham stands unspotted—a states
man and patriot, nitre in his devotion to his country,
its constitution mid laws—both will adhere to the
Compromise——enough to recommend them to the fa
varable consideration of the South.
Enclosed you will find two dollars, for which you
will send me the ‘The Georgia Citizen.’
Respectfully and truly yours, J. D.
The UUinifi of Rod. Scott.
Mr. Editor A* yours is the first and only pa
per published ill Georgia that bad the independence to
hoist the Scott and Graham flag, permit an humble
mid unbiassed individual to give his views in relation
to Gen. Seott, a place in your paper, if you deem
the.n worthy. In the first place, Gen. Scott is objec
ted to in the South because he is supported by Seward
of New York. The presumption is that he will be in
fluenced by him if elected, and others assert that he
will be one of the members of his cabinet* Is there a
a man living North or South so little versed in tho po
litical history of his country, as to suppose, for one mo
ment, provided Geu. Scott is blockhead enough to ree
coinmend him to a seat in.his cabinet, that the Senate
of the United States would confirm it ? The idea is
preposterous. Gen. Scott is not the first ntan or whig
Mr. Seward has supported for the Presidency, lie has
voted for every Whig candidate since the organization
of the Party, therefore other Whig candidates were
just as culpable as Gen. Scott. The nomination of
Gen. Scott was not made through the influence ofSew
ntd or his peculiar friends. The military fame of Gen.
Scott is known to every man, woman and child, in the
United States. The battle* he has (ought, and vic
tories won were the main cause of giving him the nom
ination over his competitors. It is a historical faot,
both sacred and profane, antique and modern, with civi
lized and uncivilized nation*, whenever there is a mili
tary chieftain who has defended his country and gained
victories over his enemies, a large majority of the peo
ple of his country will support him for any office in
their gift in preference to all others.
Gen. Scott has planted himself on the platform made
by the Whig National Convention and declared in his
letter of acceptance, if elected, tho principles of that
platform shall govern his administration. As for the
platform, it speaks for itself. There never has been a
better one made nor could there be. Why conies then
this opposition to Gen. Seott when he has told the peo
ple he accepts the platform and will stand upon it if
elected, which guarantees all of the Constitutional rights
of the Southern States. If Gen. Scott is a reliable
mail, and we have nothing to prove to the contrary,
his administration xvill be such as the country and par
ticularly the South, requires. If the history of Gen.
Scott’s life is examined, you will find that in every thing
he says or undertakes, he is as firm and decided as any
man, consequently we have the best of authority in re
lying upon what he says, and judging from his past
history, Mr. Seward will have no more influence over
him in shaping his course of his administration than
the most obsolete man in the Government.
Suppose for argument’s sake, that lie will be influen
ced to a certain extent by Mr. Seward, will that make
him more obnoxious to the people of the South than
his opponent ? If he is objectionable because he is sup
ported by a Free-Soiler, Gen. Pierce is equally so.—
Mr. Van Huron is as noted a Free-Soiler as Mr. Sew
ard, The latter never has been known to quit his par
ty and vote for the Free-Soil ticket. The former has,
and not only that, but accepted the nomination of the
Free-Soil Party in 1848 for the Presidency and was
voted for by that party as their standard bearer, It
is just as reasonable to suppose that Mr. Van Burtn
will wield as much influence over Gen. Pierce as Mr.
Seward over Gen. Scott.
There are at this time, three factions supporting Gen.
Pierce, —the Secessionists, Free-Soilers and Interven
tionists. The first contend for the Constitutional right
for a State to secede at pleasure ; the second is opposed
to any further extension of slavery ; the third oontend
it is the duty of this Government to interfere with the
affairs of other nations. The inevitable result of such
doctrines would lead to the necessity of keeping a stand
ing army in foreign countries to protect the weaker
powers trom the invasion of the stronger. Then up
on the theme of presumption, Gen. Pierce is objection
able on those grounds, judging from the company lie
is keeping, The Secessionists have rallied to his sup
port and therefore they have a chance at him. Mr.
Van Huren and his followers have declared in his favor
and have a chance at hint, and last hut not lejist Gov.
Kossuth lias declared in bis favor, and tells his coun
trymen it behooves them to rally to his standard as the
only hope of propagating the doctrines of intervention.
I do not accuse Gen. Pieree of possessing all of these
isms , neither do I clear him. I have not seen any
thing from him on these subjects, since his nomination,
but I do oontend that the grounds arc as good to suppose
that he iafor these measures as teen. Scott is for hree-
Soiiism. lam not contending that Gen. Scott is per
fect. That man never lived. He may have faults as
well as other great men, but history will affirm that
Gen, Scott has been the most persecuted man that ev
er figured in the history of the United States. He
never planned a campaign but it was condemned in tha
outset. If he was successful he was tried by a court
martial. In every campaign he had enemies in the
rear and enemies in front, or in other words, enemies
at home and abroad ; yet on every occasion came out
hero over all. He lias lost his blood upon the bat
tle field, lie lias defended his country against the Eng
lish, the Indians and the Mexicans, and achieved victo
ries over all. Os al! the charges made against him
they never have been affile to establish but one, nnd that
is eating soup. It is now for his countrymen to de
cide whether or not he committed treason against the
government for taking a plato of soup.
Monrok Cos. 1 AIR PLAY.
TllEOßfflCimEi.
L. F. W. ANDREWS, EDITOR.
MACON, GA. SATURDAY, JULY 17,1852
FOR PRESIDENT,
Gen’l Winfield Scott of N. J.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
Ho*. Wm. A. GRAHAM, of N. C.
CONVENTION.
The citizens of Georgia who arc friend
ly to the election of ('ten. WINFIELD
SCOTT to the Presidency, and Uon.
AVAL A. GRAHAM to the Vice-Presi
dency of the United States, are respect
fully and urgently invited to elect dele
gates in their respective counties to a
State Convention, to he held in the city
of Macon, on Wednesday, the 18th day
of An just next, —then and there to ratify
the nomination of the National AVhig
Convention and to appoint an Electoral
Ticket, pledged to vote for Scott and
Graham.
Circulate the Documents.
To give an opportunity to our frieuds, to circulate
sound and reliable information among the people, at this
crisis, if. propose to receive subscriptions to the Citizen
for the Campaign of four months from date, at the fol
lowing cash rates: —
Fora single copy,—One Dollar.
For Twelve copies—Ten Dollars.
For Twenty “ —Fifteen, Do.
For One Hundred — Fifty do.
In addition to its political mat’er, the Citizen will
contain its usual supply of News and Miscellany, during
the period, so that our subscribers who are averse to
politics will have no just cause of complaint against us,
on that score.
- ---
To C orrespondents.
•otical Tribute to Henry Clay, from Colum
bus, on file for examination.
* x r .etter from ‘‘Hickory Flat*’ Cherokee coun
ty, Ga. shall have place and answer in our next.
Correspondents, one and all, will please study
brevity in their communications, or we will not be able
to do them justice.
Wesleyan Female College.— The annual Ex
ercises of this Institution took place the present week,
with the customary ceremonies. We understand from
an eye and ear witness, that all things, from the ser
mon of Bishop Andrew to the closing Address of the
Hon. 11. R. Jackson were done up in apple-pie order
and that the exercises ol the young ladies were highly
creditable to themselves and their Teachers.
Alabama Union Conrention.
Tlie following despatch was reueivad yesterday at
this office :
Montgomery, Ala. July 15.
State Convention met in this city on Monday and
dissolved into its original elements. The masses of the
Whig Union men here support Scott. JOURNAL.
Our Columns to-day.- —ln order to give room J
to several valuable communications and to the proceed
ings of the Scott Ratirication Meeting in our paper to
day, we have been compelled to lay over many arti- ‘
cles designed for publication in the present issue. Our
readers, however, will not be losers by the operation,
as our correspondents have said many things better
than we could have done, and besides, they are entitled
to a heating, since other presses are closed against
them.
Rer. Lorick Pierce.— “ An old Methodist’’ ,
requests ns to notice the fact that Rev. Dr. Pierce lias
left the ministry to dabble in politics—an event which
has caused much pain to many ot his personal and re
ligious friends. This is a matter which we do not feel
at liberty to handle, for fear of misconeoption. Dr. P.
has a right to bis opinions and to a free expression of
them, but it will, we presume, be of little Consequence I
to the public whether lie avails himself of the privilege
or not. Olio thing however, he should certainly not
do, if he throws off the “black-coat’’ for the political
arena, lie should not allow himself to “bear false
witness” against Gen. Scott, by charging him with
‘ too close association with the Free-Soilers.’ There
is, also, another consideration which should have some
influence over him before he writes any more on poli
tics. If he goes into the fight he must expect to re
ceive as hard knocks as lie gives, if not a little more so !
Verb. sap. sat.
The Meeting Thursday ni^ht. — Notwith- *
standing the inclemency of the weather, the Scott Meet
ing on Thursday Evening, was large, respectable and
enthusiastic. Capital speeches were delivered by the ■
lion. J.J. Scarborough of Houston, and Col. A. 11. !
Kennan of Baldwin. Also, a few pertinent remarks
were offered by Gen. T. P. Smith. We have no room
forlurther notice. See proceedings in another column.
Gen. Pierce in Bad Company. —l.ast night's mail
brought us letters, addressed to the Tammany Society
of New York, from Ex-Presidents Van Buren and
Tyler, and Louis Kossuth. The two former declared
warmly for Gen. Pierce—the last is silent.— Sar. Re
publican.
It is too bad, Mr. Republican, in you, thus to stab
your friend, the Governor, under the fifth rib, for know j
you not that Gov. Cobb was present, in propria per
sona in that same ‘bad company ?’ He wasn't any
where else ! He followed in the footsteps, too, of his j
‘illustrious predecessor’ Jno. Van Buren, in the matter
of speech-making on the occasion, and made the old i
wigwam of St. Tammany ring again with bis eloquence ! ■
Tbs wliigs of Georgia who are well disposed to the
arrangement on foot to sell them to Pierce and King, I
under the superintendence of his Excellency, w ill please
take a note of the kind of company they will be expect j
to fraterni/.e with, in case that ‘bargain and sale is cf- ,
fected. And Southern men, generally, who are inclined |
to go for the man who ‘ deplores and hates slavery’ as
much as the abolitionists do, will please observe what ;
company Gen. Pierce keeps. Ilis best friends are the
Van Burens, Capt. Tyler, Gov. Kossuth nnd Gov.
Dorr! What kind of subsequents will follow such
‘ antecedents’ as these, we leave the reader to deter
mine, for himself,
First tin t#r Seotl!!
SCOTT MEETING.
Agreeably to previous notice, a large and respectable
meeting of the citizens of Bibb Cos. friendly to the elec
tion of Gen. Scott to the Presidency and Win. A.
Graham to the Vice Presidency, was held a; the Court
House, iu this city, on Thursduy evening last, for the
purpose of ratifying the nomination of those gentlemen
and appointing delegates to represent Bibb County in
the State Scott Convention of the 18th August.
On motion of P. D. Woolhopter, Esq., the Hon.
J. 11. U. Washington was called to the Chair, who on
taking the same briefly explained the object of the
meeting as above stated.
On motion of Win. Shivers, jr., Esq. Thos. Piok
ney Smith, Esq., was requested toaet as Secretary.
On motion of Dr. L. F. W. Andrews, a commit
tee of seven persons were appointed by the Chair to
prepare matter lor the consideration and action of this
meeting.
Whereupon, the Committee, consisting of L. F. W.
Andrews, A. D. Woolhopter, Thomas P. Smith, D.
C. Russel, Robert Carver, Win. Shivers, jr. and N.
11. Eddy ntired, and after a short interval, returned
and reported the tbllowiug
PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTIONS.
Whereat, There exist* much diversity of opinion
in reference to the action of the National Whig Con
vention which met at Baltimore, on the 17th dune,
and the nomination, by that body, ot candidates for the
Presidency and Vice Presidency, a decent respect for
the opinions of our fellow-citizens, induces us, on this
occasion, to declare the reason* which govern us in
resolving to abide by and to support the platform of
principles laid down by said Convention and tin- nomi
nees which have fairly and squarely placed themselves
upon it.
The circumstances tinder which said Platform was
created, entitles it to the entire confidence of the
whole country and especially of the Southern Wing
of the National Whig party. It had its origin in the
patriotic impulses of Southern members of the Con
vention, who framed the iustruinent with an eye single
to the peace and safety of the Union and the repose of
! the South. It is a National and not a Sectional P!at
i torm, knowing no North, South, East, or West, hilt
1 covering all the interests of this widely extended con
federacy and placing all under the broad -Egis of the
National Constitution.
This platform, so constructed by Southern hands,
was presented to the Convention—carefully consi
dered and adopted by a vote ol near four-fifths of tlie
j members,—only Gfi votes being recorded in the nega
| live. This action, lie it remembered, was taken prior
to the commencement of the balloting for candidates
and fairly and equitably fulfilled the ‘ condition prece
dent which was demanded by the Georgia Whig Con
vention, to entitle it to the support of the latter and its
Representatives. All this was done iu the spirit and
letter of the wishes of the Georgia Whigs, and in an
open and undisguised manner, presenting a favor
able contrast, in this respect, to the action of the Dem
ocratic Convention, whose platform, if adopted at all,
was hurried through with hot haste after the nomina
tions had been proclamed to the country, nnd in the
confusion of the breaking up of that assembly.
To the principles of the Whig Platform there is—
there can lie no objection, except on the part of North
ern Fanatics and Southern disorganize™. The Offi
cial Document is here appended for public information:
[The Platform omitted for want of room.]
Os these Resolutions, all good and expressive of
sound Repcblicaii doctrines, we invite Bpecinl attention
to the 3d and Bth, as peculiarly interesting to the
Southern portion of our Confederacy. In the 3d, we <
have it deliberately laid down as the settled opinion
of the \\ hig party, that adherence to the Farewell ad
vice of the ‘Father of his Country*—of ‘keeping our
selves free from all entangling alliances with foreign
countries’ is a wise, expedient, and safe policy. The
Bth fully endorses the recent Compromise measure* of
Congress, as a ‘final settlement of the questions involv
ed therein, and to he maintained and enforced ns es
sential to the Nationality ol the \\ hig Party, and (he
integrity of the l nion.’ We believe that it would be
and fficult to find language to convey a more hearty appre
ciation of the soundness of those measures, or a more
determined purpose to observe the same,in faithfulness
and truth.
Having thus presented the plutform.theOonvention
next went into a b illot lor Standard Hearers, to uphold
and carry aloft through the canvass, the principles j
therein contained, and on the 33d trial, the choice of
the Convention fell on Gen. Winfield Seott, for Presi- i
dent, and the lion. W . A. Graham for V. President,
two as dis'inguished and honorable members of the |
Whig party as could have been selected.
It lemains for ns to see whether these gentlemen,
in accepting the nominations conferred iifton them,
have done it, in good faith, and with an honest and con*
soiencious devotion to the principles of the Platform and
a firm determination to carry out the same, to the best
of their ability.
The President of the Convention transmitted to the
nominees, the notification of their nomination, with a
copy of the Platform enclosed for their consideration.
To this Gen Scott replied in language so definite,
significant and full, that we cannot see how there could
possibly arise any doubt, on the minds of candid men,
as to his cordial approral of the principles laid down
in the Resolutions. His language is
(LT “I ACCEPT THE NOMINATION WITH
THE RESOLUTIONS ANNEXED.”
iLi” The political principles and measures laid down
in those Resolutions are so broad that hut little is left
for me to Ann.*’
O’ “Finally for my STRICT ADHERENCE j
to the PRINCIPLES of the IF h ig party as EX
PRESSED IN THE RESOLUTIONS OF THE
CONN ENTION and herein suggested, with a SIN- ‘
CERE and EARNEST PURPOSE to advance the
greatness and happiness of the Republic and thus to
cherish and encourage the cau-e of Constitutional
liberty through the world, avoid every act and thought
that might involve our country in an unjust or unneces
sary war, or impair the faith of treaties, andd : scoun- I
tenancing all political agitation injurious to the inter
ests of society and dangerous to the Union I can offer
no other pledge or guarantee, than along public life,!
how undergoing the severest examination.”
Such language we deem an explicit positive and un
equivocal endorsement, by Gen. Scott, of all the princi- j
pies and measures embraced in the Resolutions. And
the same may be said of the acceptance on the part of
Mr. Graham. It is full, clear and unquestionable.
In the light, then of these facts and considerations,
and in the absence of all reason for the support by
Whigs and Union men, of Gen Pierce and Col. King
to the Presidency and Vice Presidency,be it therefore--
Resolvkd, Ist. —-That the Platform of principles laid down, ,
by the National Whig Convention meets the cordial approval j
of our judginentsand commends itself to iheenlightened pat
riotism of every lover of free Institutions, and that we pledge
ourselves to give a firm support to the same. lielieving Dial the
safety and well being of the country and its advancement in
greatness and prosperity depends ujion a faithful observance of
its measures and doctrines.”
Resolved, 2d.—“That we recognize in General Winfield !
Scott,-the hero of three wars and 1(1 pitclied haute*'—an illus- !
trious citizen, whose public services have contributed, vastly, .
to advance the welfare and glory of his country—that his
whole career demonstrates his fitness for great trusts —that :
hi* patriotism, his heroic spirit, his moderation in war, his com
prehensive abilities displayed in the government of extensive
regions subjugated by his arms, and in his various important
negotiations for the settlement of conflicting and dangerous
| issues betweeen the government and other powers—his steady
respect for the laws ofliis country andfnr religous liberty—his ,
unspotted private ami social character—ami la • t though not
leart, his frank, manly and honorable pledge of strict a,lhrr- ,
cnecto the principles of the whig party, ns expressed in the Re
solutions rt( the Convention,eminently entitle him to the con
fidence of the people and to that great ofiice in the Republic,
to which we seek to elevate him.”
Resolved, 3d—“That the nomination of Wm. A. Graham
for the office of Vice Presideni of the I’nited States is in the
highest degree satisfactory to us; that he is a true impersona
tion of the solid virtues of his native Slate —North Carolina
—and that we regard him as eminently qualified for tlie per
formance of the high duties—whether immediate or contin
gent—of the station which we wish to see him fill.”
Resolved, 4th—That as Southern Wings and Union men,
we have no sympathy with those who disavow the action and
repudiate the sentiments of the National Convention, because
theirfavorites have not been selected as the standard bearers
of the party, and have no hesitation in declaring that such a
course is calculated to defeat all the legitimate ends of party
organization, and by the -noise and contusion’ incident there
to, to betray the whig parly and its principles into the bands
of its enemies.
Resolved, 5h —“That we regard the Union of these States
as essentialto the prosperity and happiness of the American
people; that we will, at all times, cherish a patriotism wide
enough to embrace our whole country, and steadily discour
age every attempt to allienate one section of the country from i
the other; that we recognise no political creed which does not j
provide for the welfare of the whole Republic; and that we shall
give a cordial anil energetic support to Gen. Winfield Scott and
Wm. A. Graham because we know that they add to their otb- j
er high qualities,a decided attachment to the Union.”
Resolved, Tth—That we endorse the call which has been |
made for the assembling of a Convention of the friends of Gen. j
VV.Scott and Wm. A. Graham, in this city, on the 18th of Au
gust next, for the purpose of ratifying the nominations of
there gentlemen and for the appointment of an Electoral Tick
er pledged to their support, and do heartily and earnestly re
commend to the people of Georgia, promptly to respond to said
call by holding County meetings and sending delegates to said
Convention, at said time and place.
Resolved, 7th—That J. H. R. Washington, Gen. T. P. Smith,
L.N. Whittle and L. F. VV. Andrews, be appointed Delegates
to the Convention to represent the county of Bibb ip said body,
l with power to fill vacancies.
Resolved, Bth—That Union men of
democratic, who are opposed to the dortrm. T'*’ wk *i. aii .
as laid down by Kossuth and others, and ~ A
leading men of the Democratic party who
and King, are cordially invited to unite p,
port of Scott and Graham, believing, as we ri U *’ ‘ n k
tinued union of all patriotic whies and de., I°’ ,hat %
of the South and the Union, is at once
and patriotic, the machinations and devices Hi
ers and the behest. of packed Conventions, to th. p>r *3’ S
withstanding. ’ lO lhe touttjvj *
Resolved, 9th—That it be recommended to
Scott and Graham, nnd especially the youn* 1 ‘'7 ft *i
try, to organize efficiently for ,| ie cairn,An ?" f
tion of Chippewa Clubs or otherwise, f or , hc 1 y ,b *
ing lhe people to a support of onr prineiules In of r X,.
Resolved, 10th—That a committee of
by the Chair to draft a code of bye-law g f or th *** >D b f ‘ n itu
pawa Club of Bibb and to report the same
meeting. ‘ at a
Resolved, 1 ltb—That a Committee of sev
by the Chair as a Committee of Arrangement “*
i suitable place for the meeting of the State ton ‘°
’ c*ty on the 18th August and to act as a com, lit ,“ Uon “>th*
to collect means to jay the necessarv ** ofF ia-.
i sion. 7 lhe (*(,;
Resolved, 12th—That the proceedings 0 f rh
; published in the Georgia Citizen and Atlanta U B * ni Kka
that the Journal nnd Messenger, Milled K ‘‘ put,lwrj . nd
Savannah Republican, Columbus Enqu !rer TV*!* Re *iitT,
Sentinel be respectfully requested to publish t “ r * ni <*Ui
Resolved, 13th—That a sufficient ,D
i ceed.aes with the call for the Convention on the
I and the rallying address of the friends of .. ®!-'oit
j our counr.-’ be published in conspicuous handh?S
I circulated in every county in the State as soon , forai
I On motion, the Preamble and Resol u ! , '°*‘ bl '-
! unanimously adopted. The Chair appointed 1 ;!! ****
lowing gentlemen as the Committee of £. f *
the 10th Resolution: * “uder
J. R. Boon. J. J. Wyche, Wm. Monds, \V m Cl
ers, Jr. and Thos. P. Smith.
Also the following Committee of \ rra .
and Finance under Resolution 11th.
! hittle, p. 1). \V oolhopter.. lames fl p
{. A. Vs*., IVm. DibUo, NH.
Lightfoot. •"•b. |
After the applause had subsided, which folW„i l
1 tending ol the resolutions the Cha rman a e
! there were two distinguished Whigs present ‘rim’ \ V
lance,—Judge Scarborough, of Houston, and rJ ,
H. Kennan, of Baldwin,from whom the nieehL, *i*
J *>S"-*— *CUE
the call in a lucid and eloquent speech in defence H
claims of Gen. Winfield Scott to the PfcuWuSft
was followed by Col. Kennan in a strain of ni>.
and convincing argument chieflv in answer u ?
charges against Gen. Scott, of being under f r „ ,
j influence. After he had concluded. T. P. Smui * ”
called for and responded in a few remark* **
On motion, the meeting then adjourned
J. H. R WASHINGTON, Chains,
i nos. 1 inkhet Smith, Secretary.
fomiii? to the Rescue.-W understand
, from reliable authority, that Judge Berrien and
Judge Law of Savannah nnd Judge Warrcnof
Baker have declared in favor of Ge n , Scott
The people, too, are moving, in every direction
The Warm Springs.—lt i* sufficient for*
to announce the fact that Col. Seymour fi
Bonner has charge of these Springs, this
son, to attract a large crowd to that celebrated
watering place. Our citizens in need ('health
and pleasure will do well to give the Colonel
a call, it they wish to be entertained in tip-ton
style. 1 H
■ m i turn
Oiambm Cos., Ala. On .Monday next a Seott
Ratification meeting will come off at Lafavrttr Al*.
Notwithstanding tie* opposition of the ‘Tribune’ ofth,;
i place, the call for the meeting is signed by sixtwnoi
(liestaunchest whig* of Chambers County!
Light Wauled,
The charge is falsely made against G*n. Scott, that
! he played mum before the Domination notn iilitls/iiliug
his well known efforts to get the Compromise ma.ro
through Congress — hi* great Union pecli at Cm:it
; Garden, Ac. True, Gn. ?<*ott would not write n
slertisnesring letter to secure hi* nominatiuM o*r
Fillmore and Webster, hut that i* too his credit instead
of the contrary. But how was it with Pierce? WWe
i* his letter to Mr. f.obt. Seott of Virginia, prior to tlx
Convention and since ? The Columbus Enquirer, in
touching on this subject s.nys of Mr. Pierce, thm;
< *• 11 and the democratic aspirant* were espreialW
interrogated by Mr. Scott, of Virginia, as to their opin
’ inns of, and their course on, the measures of C"iigr,i
connected with the subject of slavery. The rest
promptly answered, and of these answer* there was a
vast quantity of democratic boasting But Pierre iienr
anmeered these questions hejurt his nomination, nor
has he since that event. He has never said that lie
would veto an aet of Congress repealing the fugitive
: slaw law. His silence on that subject probably pto
: cured him lhe nomination.”
The Enquirer might hare said that the nomination of
, Gen. Pierce was certainly owing to the fact that ho
1 did not answer Mr. Seott* litter a* did the otlsf
1 democratic candidates. Who knows whether lie wi.l
, or will not veto an act of Congress repealing the fugi
tive slave law ? If .any one knows, we will be glad ho
would speak out, for as the matter now stands. Pirns
i is emphatically the mum candidate, so far as hi* ‘ants
cedents’are concerned, and not Gen. Scott. On the
question so nearly connected with the interests f the
South. Gen. Pierce has given no pledges which are
satisfactory, because the platform on which be star ‘i
was never properly and authoritatively passed by the
Convention, and if it had been, ‘.her* is nothing in said
t platform which will commit Gen. Pierce to the work
of vetoing an act of Congress repealing the Fugitive
Slave Law. He may do it. or he may not doit, at Ini
pi unsure, but oner elected President, with hi* North
ern predilections, w liat Southern man can count upon
him with confidence ill the time of emergency !
His friends will do well, therefore, to acquit him of
adopting the mum policy before tin y bring railing and
false accusations, on this subject, against Gen. Scott.
Hilliard and Reiser. —We are rejoiced to
! learn th.it tlie llun. Henry W. Hilliard and the lion..
: Janies E. Be leer, formerly Representatives in Con*
: gress front thu Montgomery (Ala.) District, have taken
position in favor of Scott and Graham. Both the*
gentlemen spoke at the late Union Meeting in M°®'’
j gomery, and since that, Mr. Hilliard has published, in
the Alabama Journal, an able Letter on the subject,
from which we make the following extract:
“ I have not for a moment hesitated as to my *•
course. Upon learning the netiou of the Convention,-
i I promptly avowed my purpose to give whatever aut I
could offer towards making good its nomination I*’*
fore the country. I shall continue to do so, and I firm
ly believe that in thus contributing whatever of into’
once or ability I may bring to the support of Getterxl
Scott, I shall be performing a high duty which I owe w
jmy country. Before an attempt was made to nomi
-1 nate a candidate for the Presidency, the Convention
! adopted a series of resolutions which announce in c!'* r
and l*>ld terms the principles which should govern • f
whig party in their administration of the government.
, Unlike the Democratic Convention which deferred ! •
duty until after the selection of candidates, and lJ,n
i adopted resolutions in a manner which took ,f " n ‘
■ them much of their potentiality and itnpressiierit-w,
l the whig Conrention deliberately and distinct y sr
nouneed its principles in advance, and thus
ed its purposes to stand by principles before men.
wiser, a sounder, a nobler political creed has ~eTrf
. been announced to tlie country. t
“He (Scott) is well known to me person;i y. I 11
patriotic desire for the success of the compromise nil- 1
sures was well understood while they yet l |Bn £
doubtful scales; and it so hapjyned that 1 dined
company with him on the day of their triumphal P°‘
sage, and heard from his own lips, the ardent txp f
sion of his unbounded satisfaction at that most 1-i,.
consummation.’’
LATER FROM EUROPE.
BY TELEGRAPH TO SAVANNAH KEPCBId*
New-York, July H-
The Artie has arrived, with Liverpool date*
to the 80th ult. ~
The Asia arrived out at Liverpool on
day, 27th ult. . l.
Sales of Cotton since Canada sailed. *'B
teen thousand bales—speculators took
bales. —There is not the slightest change l fo
last quotations. The market on Tuesday cm s
i tamely.—lmports of four days twenty-five ,ru u ‘
and bales. ~
Prices of BreadstufTs are unsettled. Ho
ask one penny advance. Wheat has 8
vanced three pence. Yellow Corn has .i ‘
ced six pence. Provisions are unchange
Rosin two shillings eleven pence.
Rice dull —unchanged. .
Trade in Manchester quiet —a good ai
iness is expected.
Consols closed at 100 1-2 a 100 7- • ,
England.—Parliament will be dissolve
; the Ist of July.