Newspaper Page Text
Curmipiiienfe.
A VOICE FROM (UEROKEE, GEORGIA.
The following letter was sent to the
Journal & Messenger, but the Editors ot j
that print declining the publication, we
have been requested to give it a place,
which we do with pleasure. — Ed. Cit.
To the Editors of the Journal & Messenger.
Gentlemen: — I have read with much j
interest, your suggestions ‘to Whigs,’ and
must commend your earnest solicitude,
that Whigs of every shade of opinion
would soften, as much as possible, the bit
ter feelings which are usually engender
ed by family jars. A Whig from princi
ple, I have ever been and am now wil
ling to adopt any course calculated to en
sure hannonv and success, provided I
can honorably do so. You seem to think
it is impossible for Webster whigs to unite
with the Whig Party in the support of
Scott and Graham ; and hope by putting
that idea prominently forward to induce
us to join you. In that hope, I tell you
frankly and candidly, you will be disap
pointed. After anxious and mature de
liberation, and with a full knowledge of
the difficulties which environ us, we have
taken our position and from it there is no
retreat. We are bound by every consid
eration of honor and self-respect to main
tain this position with firmness. We know
no good reason why Southern Whigs
should not support Gen. Scott in prefer
ence to Mr. Webster. The object of your
third candidate movement is confessedly
to advocate the claims of Webster and
Jenkins. Put why discard William A.
Graham ? Is he not a consistent and re
liable whig—both upon the old issues and
also upon Slavery ? Abandonment of
Graham, against whom neither whig or
democrat has yet urged a single'objection,
would justify us in suspecting your fidel
ity to the whig party. But how can any
Southern man support Mr. Webster and
refuse for sectional reasons to support
Winfield Scott?- Ido not deny that Web
ster stands upon the compromise platform;
but give me leave to ask, when, why and
under what circumstances did he assume
this position? Have you forgotten his
Buffalo speech, wherein, as in every other
speech which he has delivered upon sla
very and the associated subjects, he de
clared his unqualified hostility to slavery?
lias he not always and upon all occasions
manifested an offensive and insulting
pride in proclaiming that slavery shall
not, unless against the full weight of his
unyielding opposition, be extended be
yond its present limits ? Has he everop
posed the Wilmot proviso for any other*
reason than that it had already been en
acted by the laws of nature and of God ?
And if to-day that slavery was likely to
extend to Utah and New Mexico, would
he not, judging from his own declaration,
oppose it even to the enactment of the
M ilmot Proviso ? Do you recollect his
antecedents upon the Fugitive Slave Law?
While in the Senate and just before lie
retired from that body he ostentatiously
read to the Senate a bill which he had
framed, allowing Fugitive Slaves a trial
by jury. Any sensible Freesoiler would
be satisfied with the present law if amen
ded in conformity with Mr. Webster’s
bill. But surely Southern men could not
care a fig for the law with that provision.
Mr. Webster also complained that Wil
mot had ‘stolen his thunder.’ But it is
unnecessary to accumulate proofs of his
deep rooted and determined hostility to
slavery. Upon the whole, I feel author
ized to say that upon the whole, he is
not as acceptable to Southern voters as
Gen. Scott. It is true that Gen. Scott has
not in terms given the Adjustment meas
ures ‘the approval of his judgment’; and
let me add'that neither of the Conven
tions has done so. But the Compromise
measures have become a part of whig j
principles, as much so as any other part
of their faith. They were adopted by the
same vote, in the same convention, by the
same men and were as fully accepted by
Gen. Scott as any other portion of the
whig platform and as fully and as broad
ly as the nomination. Gen. Scott can be
trusted in any other part of whig princi
ples ; why not upon this ? Suppose he
should be elected and'should recommend
action inconsistent with strict fidelity to
the compromise, would he not justly be
charged by every honorable man, with a
breach of faith ? But if he is not com
mitted to these measures, he could not be
so charged. In the whole course of his
long public life of nearly half a century,
can any man point to a promise violated
or a trust betrayed ? Can any man point
out a single instance of duplicity or deceit.
On the contrary, has he not ever been
straightforward, independent, frank and
candid ? Aye, and his honor this day
is as bright and true as his own glorious
sword.
What good is hoped from the course
which you recommend. You do not ex
pect to affect the result ; Scott or Pierce
must be elected either by the people or
by Congress. So if you prefer Pierce,
vote for him; if Scott, vote for him. But
if you prefer Pierce, it is superfluous to
strive for the unity and harmony of whigs,
because whigs—Scott whigs can never
trust you. If your organization should
not extend beyond this State, yet it will
most assuredly injure the whig party very
materially, by giving confidence to the
opposite party and unstringing the energy
and cooling the ardor of our friends.—
Indeed your open advocacy of Pierce and
King would do the whig cause far less
injury than your present course, because
while seeming to be whigs, you are, in ef
fect!, democrats.
Further, if you persist in your course,
you are in my opinion, liable to the im
putation of want of faith—doubly so in
supporting* Webster. Yon knew that
Gen. Scott would be before the Whig
Convention. You knew there was a
strong probability of his selection as the
candidate of the whig party. Yet you
were represented in that body. Nearly
every whig in Georgia was in heart and
consequently in effect represented in that
Convention. Mr. *Webster, by and with
his own consent and approbation and by
the active concurrence of his friends, ev
ery where, was presented to the Conven
tion and was submitted to its determina
tion. To run him now, would be unjust
to him, to his friends and to yourselves.
It would show a disposition to ‘rule or ru
in’ ; and with such men, we, Scott Whigs,
can never , either now or hereafter cordial
ly fraternise. If, through the influence of
the Webster movement, we should (it is
barely possible) fail to get a Scott Electo
ral Ticket, can we, with honor to ourselves
surrender to those who would have de
stroyed us. We cannot, we will not. It
is impossible. We must then either stand
aloof or fall into the arms of the Southern
Bights Democrats. We might go to them
with more propriety than to any other
party because they scarcely profess
to be governed by any higher principle
than the spoils of victory. From them
we would know what to expect and could
not be betrayed or disappointed.
If you cannot support Scott and have
no hope of electing Webster, why longer
and istract and embitter the members of the
Whig Party ? It can result in no good.
Stand aside and let us have a fair fight
and an open field. If you cannot help
us, do not labor to destroy us. Do not
put an impassible gulf between us. Do
not widen a breach which may never be
closed. CHEROKEE GEORGIA.
Letter from (hrrokee.
Cotoosa Springs, Ga. July 31, 1852.
Dear Doctor If you can rind a placoin your
paper not devoted to the advocacy of Gen. Scott
for the Presidency, allow me to occupy it in giv
ing you a short account of my travels in upper
Georgia, and particularly of my sojourn at this
place.
1 left Macon on Sunday night last on the 8
o'cloek train, and after travelling ’till 1 or 2
o'clock on the Macon & Western Koad, was ap
prised by die puffing and blowing of engines
and the solicitations of hotel-keepers to spend
the night with them, that I had arrived at the
thriving city of Atlanta. I put up for the night
at the Atlanta Hotel, where I received all neces
sary attention, and rising bright and early in
the morning, 1 got aboard the cars and found
tnyself in about an hour in the pleasant and qui
et city of Marietta.
Mr. Editor, have you ever been in Marietta ?
Have you ever breathed its bracing air and
drank of its cooling waters ? Have you ever
visited the quiet and retired homes of its kind
hearted and social inhabitants ? If you never
have, descend from the editorial tripod and with
all convenient speed, hasten to the place where
your brain will not be racked by the din of po
litical strife, and your nostrils will not be cho
ked by the clouds of dust which so frequently
enter you sanctum at Macon. But, Mr. Editor,
I would not have you stop here. Follow me,
if you please, a little higher up the State road,
over lofty bridges and through deep cuts until
I pass beyond that magnificent work—the tun
nel —and arrive at the Cotoosa platform. From
there I would conduct you to the delightful
place from which 1 now write you. I arrived
here on Wednesday last, about 4 o’clock in
the afternoon, after spending two days in Mari
etta and have been luxuriating ever since in cool
and refreshing mountain breezes, and drinking
of the health-giving waters which are found
here in such abundance. I was sorry to find,
on my arrival that there were so few at the
Springs this season. The gentlemanly proprie
tors have incurred great expense in fitting them
up and furnishing them with everything which
could contribute to the enjoyments of visitors,
ihey have employed an excellent German band
to delight the ears of those who are fond of mu
sic, and have provided themselves with a cook
who could cater satisfactorily to the tastes of an
epicure. Their servants are attentive, and they
themselves, kind and obliging. It is altogeth
er a place worthy the pride and the patronage
of Georgians, and if its merits are rightly ap
preciated, it is destined to become one of the
most fashionable resorts in the State.
The company here, now, though small, is very
pleasant. It amounts to some sixty or seventy
persons, w T ho are not wanting, I assure you, in
mirth and gayety. Our greatest deficiency
(in number I mean) is among the ladies. There
are only some seven or eight young ladies here
at present. They, however, are a host in them
selves. I may lay myself liable to a charge of
llattery, but I will venture the assertion that the
company of ladies here at this time, will com
pare favorably, in beauty, intelligence and re
finement, with any company of a similar size at
any watering place in Georgia. Florida, Ala
bama, Milledgeville, Sparta, Augusta and Chat
ham are well represented here by the fair sex.
Where are all of our Macon ladies ? Not one
of them, I understand, has made her appear
ance here this season. Please send up a dele
gation as soon as possible. If it w ill be any in
ducement, tell them that there are lots of young
men here, who are anxiously awaiting their ar
rival, ready to greet them in the parlor, and to
conduct them through the gay and merry
dance.
In conclusion, Mr. Editor, I have simply to
say that if there are any gentlemen in your city
w ho desire to go where the song of the musqui
toe is never heard, and where cool and refresh
ing breezes are always felt; if there are any who
wish to gaze upon beautiful scenery and beau
tiful women, and listen to the mellow strains of
sweet voices ; if there are any who desire relax
ation from the pursuit of business, or to spend
a few weeks in quest of health, send them to
this delightful resort. ’Tis here that the weary
may find rest, the merry amusement, and the
diseased be restored to health.
A VISITOR.
For the Georgia Citizen.
Rowland Bivins, Esq.
Mr. Editor :—I have a right to complain
that the Editors of the Journal & Messenger
did not publish the whole of my note to them,
relative to the appointment of the Hon. Row
land Bivins to the Webster Convention. I
also complain that the portion of my note which
they did publish was published without author
ity.
I requested, if Mr. Bivins’name was publish
ed as a Delegate to the Webster Convention,
that they would publish the statement contained
in my note, ‘in order that the position of one of
the truest and best whigs in Georgia might not
be misunderstood.’ And inasmuch as his name
did not appear in their paper as one of the third
party delegates, I insist, that they had no right
to publish any part of my note and thus obtrude
my name and Mr. Bivens’ unnecessarily before
their readers.
I can only attribute their conduct to mortifi
cation resulting from their defeat in the attempt
to make capital out of the use ot Mr. Bivins’
name. J. H. R. WASHINGTON.
Letter from Ft. Gaines.
Fort Gaines, Aug. 8, 1852.
Editor Georgia Citizen : —Believing that
the Conventions to assemble in Macon on the
IVtli and 18th inst, will probably unite in their
deliberations and nominate an Electoral Ticket
for Scott and Graham,* it will be the policy as
well as the duty of that body to select men who
are devoted to the Whig cause, and such as are
well known to the voters in their respective dis
tricts. Permit me therefore to suggest through
the medium of the Citizen, Gen. John Dill, of
Early county, as a suitable candidate for Elec
tor for the 2d Congressional District. Gen.
Dill is one of the earliest settlers in South-Wes
tern Georgia, having been a resident here for
32 years,, and is identified with every public
measure for the advancement of the interests,
and developing the resources, wealth and pros
perity of S. W. Georgia. This appointment
would be an honor well conferred, —so think
tLe STII EARLY.
♦Not much hope of that.—Ed. Cmm,
Letter to the Editor.
Early County, July 25, 1852.
Dear Doctor Enclosed you will find the
requisite amount of cash—enter my name on
your list of subscribers and let me have the Cit
izen for one year at least. I like the bold man
ner in which you advocate the public interests ;
especially that truly patriotic principle which in
all cases, calls for the highest qualifications for
public office. Neither Scott, or Pierce can, in
my opinion, be ranked with the first politicians
of the country, but it seems that the spirit of
faction is likely to put it out of the power of the
people io elect Webster, Cass, lillmoro or any
other statesman of that class. In the actual
predicament of affairs, then, the best we can do
is to support him who combines the greatest
number of recommendations. That man accor
ding to the best estimate 1 can make, is General
Winfield Scott. In that branch of the public
service with which he lias heretofore been char
ged, ‘is achievements are unrivalled. He is
well known to possess varied and extensive in
formation, great abilities for administrative duty
aud a moral character of exalted purity.
Very respectfully, yours,
EARLY.
Letter from Augusta.
Augusta, Aug. 4, 1852.
L. F. IP. Andrews, Esq. :—Enclosed are $2
to pay for one year’s subscription to your valu
able paper, the Georgia Citizen. I sincerely
wish your journal was taken by every whig in
the State of Georgia ; at least by every one
w ho is willing to fight beneath the lolds ot that
glorious banner which you have thrown to the
breeze.
You will see by the Chronicle & Sentinel of
yesterday morning (which has reached you ere
this) that we have opened the ball in old Rich
mond. The contest here has begun, and we are
determined that the spirit and meaus to win a
triumph shall not be wanting. That we shall
carry this county I have never had a doubt.
Those ‘soo’ votes the Scott ticket was to get in
the whole State , will be found here , together with
a few more. We have the working men of the
party with us; those gentlemen who have fought
lor our principles, long and well, and they are
ready for the coming tight, which promises to be
tough enough to satisfy moderate expectations
if we are to meet foes among those to whom we
ought to look as staunch friends.. Work!. work
is our motto now*.
Gen. Bierce’s New Boston speeoh is giving him
trouble in this region. Folks begin to talk about
•Northern men w ith Southern principles,’ Janus
faced candidates,’ etc., etc.
1 want to see a strong delegation from all quar
ters of Georgia, in Macon, on the 18th inst. 1
am not without hope that the majority of the
Websterians will join our forces. Sucli a junction
will give Scott the Slate. Yours, kc., R.
General Scott as a Civilian.
Extract from a Speech of Hon. John C.
Spencer, at Albany, New York , July
16, 1852.
The second circumstance which determines
the qualification of a military man for civil em
ployment is, whether he has already acquired
the learning, experience, and tact of a states
man. The military life in this country, which
has been blessed with peace for at least sixty
five of the nearly seventy years that have pass
ed since our independence was achieved, is
not like that of the European officer who has
spent his life in long and bloody wars, or se
cluded in garrisons and forts. General Scott,
probably more t han any other of our great gen
erals, has, from the nature of his employment,
maintained for the greater part of his life an
extended and various intercourse with his fel
low-citizens in every part of the Republic ;
and with men of all trades, business and pro
fessions, he has been in constant communion.
1 he frankness and republican simplicity of his
intercourse with men is the result of this ex
tended acquaintance with their habits, views
and feelings. Strip him of his uniform and all
other military trappings, and a stranger would
scarcely suspect him of being a soldier. He
is not a citizen of the world, but he is emphat
ically a citizen of the whole Republic. He
has resided in every quarter of it—has cultiva
ted the intercourse of families and of domestic
life, so that wherever he has lived he is as
much, or more, loved as a neighbor than ad
mired as a soldier.
No military man in this country has been
called so often to the discharge of civil duties
of the greatest d.tficulty and delicacy, and of
the utmost importance, and indeed tew civil
ians have encountered so many perplexing
and sometimes repugnant occasions of public
service.
Justice to him, and duty to a reflecting com
munity, anxious to cast their votes worthily,
demands a briel synopsis of some of these
services.
In the year 1815, after the termination of a
war which placed him at the very pinnacle of
glory, he went to Europe, and was employed
there by President Madison, to ascertain the
views of Great Britain respecting the Island
of Cuba, in relation to which there were some
suspicious indications: and also to fathom the
designs of the European Courts respecting the
revolutions in South America—a subject of
great interest to our Government aud our citi
zens, who were apprehensive of the establish
ment of monarchies in our neighborhood. The
ability with which he performed these delicate
duties was attested by a particular letter of
thanks written to him by the then Secretary of
State, Mr. Monroe, by flie special directions of
President Madison. In 1832, he was confi
dentially employed by Gen. Jackson to repair
to South Carolina, which openly threatened
forcible resistance and nullification of the laws,
and there maintain the authority of the Gov
ernment, and secure order and peace, and the
protection of the public forts and property. —
Many of us remember the alarming indica
tions of that period. We were on the verge
of a civil war. The great presence of mind,
coolness, forbearance, and tact of Gen. Scott
averted the dire calamity. Among an infuria
ted people he mingled, and by acts of kindness,
and words of peace and patriotism, he accom
plished what the sword could not.
In 1838, our own frontier was in arms
against a neighboring province, and there ex
isted a frenzy that threatened to bring on a war
with England. Gen. Scott was despatched by
President Van Buren to the theatre of disor
der; but not so much to quell it by force, for
he had no army with him, hut to subdue it by
his wisdom, his eloquence, and his firmness.—
These events are so recent, that it is only ne
cessary to recall your recollection of the iun
versal applause bestowed, without distinction
ot party, upon the successful pacificator. Day
and night he traversed, through the most in
tense cold, the frosty regions of the North, from
Detroit to Ogdensburg, and harangued the mis
guided people, until they abandoned their pro
ject. During these scenes, he visited our own
city, and at a supper given him by members of
the Legislature and our own most distinguish
ed citizens, the following toast was given and
rapturously drank. As he was not then a can
didate for any office, it may he supposed that
the truth was spoken and acknowledged by
the men of all parlies there assembled, and 1
beg leave to quote it, not only as evidence of
w hat we all then thought, but of a fact of the
greatest weight in the estimation of his civil
character:
“The Soldier, who has ever made the law
of the land his supreme rule of action, and
who, while he has always fulfilled its utmost
requirements, has never, in a single instance,
liuuscended its limits!”
Fellow-citizens,can loftier praise be bestow
ed on a military chieftain, who, with hosts at
his command ever ready to obey his slightest
order, never, no, never transcended the limits
of the law ? Os whom else can this be said
with truth ? Can the military habits of such
u man alarm you with apprehensions that he
will forget that which he always reverenced ?
But 1 may not dwell *n this. In the midst
of these extraordinary labors he was summon
ed again by Mr. Van Buren to the Cherokee
countiy to effect the removal of that unfortu
nate people across the Mississippi. This, pro
bably, was the severest trial of his life. But
he w'as bound to obey the order of his Govern
ment, and he doubtless felt that he could do it
in mercy. A great and semi-savage people
were removed from the graves of their fathers
and the hearth-stones of their homes, without
one drop ot blood being shed. The admira
ble self-command, prudence, forbearance and
tact of Gen. Scott, achieved that which the
bayonet would have failed to accomplish with
out the. destruction of one half the Cherokee
race.
In the next year we find him again under
the order of Mr. V an Buren, on the Northeast
ern frontier, pacifying!he disturbances respect
ing the boundary, and arresting the hostilities,
for which adverse troops were actually en
camped, burning with mutual hatred and re
venge. Again, by the diplomatic talents ol
this General, was the country, saved from w'ar.
The last opportunity tor the exhibition of his
qualities as a statesman, was presented alter
his conquest of Mexico. In the midst of a hos
tile population, and the most frightful disorders,
he organized a civil administration that gave
peace and protection to the inhabitants, and
lestored order and responsibility. He devised
and established a system of finance, through
military contributions and expenditures, which
saved millions to the country. The last arti
cle of this description was his plan—so cha
racteristic of his great soul—of a military asy
lum lor the disabled and worn-out soldiers;
lounded by (he proceeds of their own con
quests, which he insisted belonged to them.
And now, fellow'-citizens, you have before
you some of the evidences of Gen. Scott’s ca
pacity tor civil government. There are others,
which from their nature cannot be public. As
commanding the army, or divisions of it, and
much at the seat of Government, he was ne
cessarily often consulted by the Presidents and
their Cabine’s. The) thus became thorough ! y
acquainted with his energy, his sagacity, and
his prudence. Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Van
Buren, and Polk, have given testtinony which
may not be questioned without impeaching
them, of their estimation of his qualities, by
the employments which I have enumerated.
The success which has invariably attended
all his civil labors affords still stronger testimo
ny to his great ability. After this, it looks
like holding up a farthing candle to illuminate
a subject all glorious with light, to add any in
dividual evidence. But trivial as is the authori
ty, it may be satisfactory to some who know
me, to hear the results of my own pets mal ob
servations during a period of great official in
timacy. lam ashamed to put my endorsement
on Gen. Scott’s paper, hut 1 certainly will not
dishonor it. A more scrupulously honest, hon
orable. and just man, never came in contact
with me. The instances and proofs were con
stant, of daily and hourly occurrence. Per
sonal enemies he had, although few, yet never
in his administration of the affairs of the army
could the slightest indication of the influence
of enmity or of favoritism be discovered in his
official conduct. To the contrary, instances
have fallen under my own observation, where
preference was given to an officer known to be
inimical, over one known as his most devoted
friend.
Matters of the gravest importance, necessa
rily become often the subjects of consideration
and discussion. On such occasions 1 have been
struck by the comprehensiveness and justness
of his views ; with what fidelity he planted
himself, as it were, on an eminence and calmly
surveyed the whole horizon before him, dis
cerning the least indication of a cloud, and
watching the counter-currents, and estimating
their direction and force with a sagacity which
could be acquired ouly by a long experience in
public afliiirs, and a knowledge of our own as
well as European politics, derived from pro
found study.
This, felloe-citizens, is my testimony ; take
it for what it is worth. 1 rejoice in the oppor
tunity of offering it, as the discharge of a duty.
It is at least disinterested. My political life is
ended. 1 neither wish nor expect ever to hold
any office to which any pecuniary compensa
tion is attached.
GEM. St OTT AM) TIIE (OiIPROMISE.
Facts which arc Facts, Submitted to a
Candid World !
Gen. Scott's Speech to the Mississippi Delegation.
I feel gratified, gentlemen, at this unexpected call,
and am glad to see before me the accredited men of
Mississippi. The nomination which has been confer,
red upon me by the Convention of which you were
members, is an honor greater than I deserve, and
whether defeated or elected, I shall always regard it as
the highest compliment which could be bestowed upon
me, and as more than repay ing me for the little service
1 havo rendered my country. lam well pleased, too,
gentlemen , with the platform yon hove adopted ; it
MEETS MY HEARTY AND CORDIAL APPROVAL ; aild let
me assure you, gentlemen, that this is no new born
faith in me. Years ago 1 entertained the senti
ments expressed in that platform on the subject of
Southern rights. I can assure you that 1 was one of
the first to give in my hearty and cordial approval and
endorsement of those measures, when they were be
fore Congress, There were but two others ahead of
me in point of time in their advocacy, and approval of
those measures. 1 mean Mr. Clay and Senator Foote,
of your State. As early as 1850, when first brought
before Congress, 1 openly avowed myself the friend of
those measures, and then, and since, as many I think
as an average of five times a day, have 1 openly and
publicly declared my sentiments to every man, woman
and child who has approached me on the subject. ]
have not sought nor have I desired my concealment ol
my views and opinions in reference to them, and it is
a matter of profound astonishment and regret to me
that my sentiments have been so grossly misrepresent
ed, and that 1 have been made the subject of such un
just and malicious slander. My name has been coupled
with that of Mr. Win. 11. Seward, and I have been
charged with entertaining sentiments in conmon with
him in reference to Southern institutions. Nothing
can be more unjust and false. It is true, lam person
ally acquainted with Mr. Seward, and that he is per
sonally my friend —but I am not responsible for his
peculiar sentiments, nor those of any other man who
may see proper to support me, and no man living
knows better than he, what my opinions are, and al
ways have been. I made his acquaintance sometime
in the year of ’36 or ’7. I had not met with him or
corresponded with or interchanged communications
with him, however, during the interval from the year
’42 to ’SO. In the latter year, during the pending of
the Compromise measures before Congress, I met w ith
him in traveling through New Jersey, lie approach
ed me upon the subject of those measures, and asked
my opinion in reference thereto. 1 replied to him in
these words: Sir, I am dead for the Constitution—
dead for the Union—dead for the Compromise—
AND DEAD AGAINST ANY MAN WHO IS
OPPOSED TO THEM OR EITHER OF THEM.
The language used by myself on that occasion was so
positive and emphatic, that in alluding to it since, for
he well remembers the conversation, he has even
charged me with rudeness.
“ I have seen some service in the cause of our com
mon country, and am now advanced in life. I have
endeavored to gain at least a name for uprightness and
candor; and I challenge the world to produce a single
witness, who would be believed in a court of justice,
who will say that I have ever, by thought, word or
deed, said or doue anything to justify the misrepre
sentations that have been made as to my sentiments
and opinions, or that they have been otherwise than a3
expressed to you here this day. If any such man
can be found, let him be brought forward, and lam
willing that my past life and services shall be for
gotten, and that the word infamous shall be written
before and after my name.”
[Here follows what Gen. Scott said to Mr. Upton,
of the Louisiana Delegation, as taken from the report
of Mr. Upton’s remarks at the Louisville Ratification
Meeting :]
“ Mr. Upton stated that his delegation for fifty three
straight ballots had voted for Fillmore, but when the
nomination was made she was the first of the extreme
South to give in her adhesion. In regard to General
Scott and the Compromise, he said he regarded him
perfectly sound, he had accepted the nomination with
the platform, and had remarked to him personally,
that ‘ no matter in what sphere of life, whether citizen
Scott, Gen. Scott, or the head of the army of the U.
States, or if elected, as President if he ever
should do aught to impair the fugitive slave act in word
or deed, then write infamous before my name and in*
famous after my name, and kick me into the gutter of
disgrace.’ ”
Resolutions of the Great Union Meeting
at Castle Garden, N. Y. in 1850.
Resolved , That the people of New York, without
distinction of sect or party, are ardently devoted to the
union of these States, as, next to our liberties, the
most precious of their political institutions; and, hav
ing never yet begun to calculate the value ol this Union,
can contemplate no contingency in which its dissolution
would be otherwise than a gigantic crime against the
peace, prosperity and freedom of our country and of
mankind.
Resolved , That in the resolutions, lately submitted
to the Senate of tha United States by Mr. Clay, look
ing to a complete and final settlement of all ques
tions relating to slavery, on which the feelings of
the Northern and Southern sections of our country
hare been excited against each other , we joyfully
recognize the basis of an harmonious and brotherly
adjustment of a most distracting and perilous contro
versy ; and entreat our fellow-citizens of all parties and
sections to study those resolutions carefully, and in a
spirit of devotion to the Union and perpetuity of this
noble confederacy.
Resolved , That, iu view of the above considera
tions, we accept, as the basis of a compromise, the
preamble and resolutions as introduced by Mr. Clay
into the Senate of the United States on the 10th Janu
ary, 1850.
Gen Sc< tt, being present at this meeting and re
cognized, was called on to speak, aud responded as fol
lows :
Fkllo v-Citizkms : Your kind greetings fill me
wiih the deepest emotions. I came here not expect
ing to take more than a stand in some corner of the
great lmll to witness the proceedings. Some kind
friend discovered me below, or I should not have st od
in this conspicuous place. I did not expect to address
one word to this meeting. 1 see before me much of
the intelligence, respectability, and sterling worth of
tins great city’, assembled here for the purpose of sup
porting our great Union, of which I am an humble
friend and servant. Ido not call myself a citizen of the
North, of the South, of the East or of the \\ est; but
1 have served the Union for forty-odd years, and feel
myself a citizen of every part of it; and whatever
life and strength 1 may have, shall be devoted to its
preservation. Feeling that it was in jeopardy, and
that this meeting had assembled to promote harmony
and preserve the Union, I come here, and return you
many thanks for the kindness with which you have
welcomed me.
I am not an Abolitionist, nor an advocate of slavery.
I came not here as a democrat or a whig. I have at
tended no party meeting for forty-two years. But
when the cry is that the Union is in danger, and a
rally is made to support it, I would have been a cow
ard and a reoacant if 1 had not also rallied !
Os whatever value may be the remainder of my life
(and no one sets less value on it than I do) I would
give it in sup|>ort of the Union. I hope I may not live
to see its dissolution ; but, if unable to avert its fate, 1
would be buried beneath its ruins !
1 am charmed with the good feeling and universal
patriotism which this meeting has exhibited ; aud God
grant that you may devise some plan to save that
| Union to which we all, iu heart and soul, are so much
attached.
Let us see what an “ old line democrat’’ said upon
this subject before Scott was nominated. In a speech
delivered in the House of Representatives, on the first
of April last, [see Appendix to Congressional Globe,
page 574,] the lion. Chauncy F. Cleveland, of Con
necticut, thus spoke of the compromise and its main
supporters:
“ Gen. Scott was, by Mr. Fillmore placed tempora
rily at the head of the War Department, and in that
position coupled with his military fame, was able to,
and did, exert a powerful influence in favor of the com
promise measures.
| ’• Justice to that distinguished whig requires of me
that 1 should say, he could not have done more, lie
was an active a man as could be tound in getting these
compromise measures passed. I was here aud heard
from every quarter that Gen. Scott was as active and
energetic as any man in Washington, arid never did a
man labor harder than Gen. Scott to prevail u|hii the
free soil members of the whig party to abandon their
position and adopt the compromise as a measure of the
t new administration. They had a sort of second Fen
| tecost on the whig side of the House. They went
over and out by scores.
“ These measures were passed mainly through the
influence of Clay, Fillmore, Webster, Scott and Cobb.
These were the men who carried them through, and
every man who was in the last Congress knows it!
• ••••••
“ Here then, is every man w hose name has been
mentioned, or is likely to be mentioned as a candidate
| for the presidency on the whig side, vii; Clay, Web
*.er. Fillmore and Scott, exerting themselves to the ut
most in pushing through this series of measures, the
slave law included.”
Tile man who thus speaks of Gen. Scott s sound
ness on the compromise, has been Governor of Con
neciieut as well as a Representative in Congress, and
claims to have been “ regularly nominated by what is
known as the old line Democracy and declared in
the speech from wh.eh we have quoted that ho “ never
in his life voted any other ticket in his State than what
i termed the regular democratic ticket.”
Here is what the Hon. 11. W. Hilliard, of Alabama,
says of Gen, Scott’s position on the Compromise:
‘'Gen. Scott is well known to me personally. Ilis
patriotic desir* for the success of the Compromise mea
sures was well understood while they yet hung in doubt
ful scales ; and it so happened that I dined in company
with him on the day of their triumphant passage, and
heard from his own lips the ardent expression of his un
bounded satisfaction, at that most happy consumma
tion.
“ He stands pledged to support these measures, if
he should be placed at the head of the government, and
we have ample guarantees that he will make good his
p edge, for he will lie prompted to it by his own pre-dis
position, and he will be bound to it by bis untarnished
liouor.”
Here is Gen. Scott’s telegraphic message to the
Whig Convention immediately after the nomination :
“ Washington, June 15, 1852.
“ Having the honor of being the nominee for Pre
sident by the Whig National Convention, I snail ao
cept the same, with the platform of principles which
the convention has laid down. Flense show this to G.
B. Duncan. With respects to friends,
WINFIELD SCOTT.”
And finally, here is what he rays in his letter of ac
ceptance to the President of the Convention :
** I now have the honor to repeat, in a more formal
manner, as the occasion justly demands, that I accept
the nomination, with the resolutions annexed. The po
litical principles and measures laid down in those reso
lutions are so broad that but little is left for me to add.
*’ Convinced that harmony or good will between the
different quarters of our broad country is essential to
the present and future interests of the Republic, and
with a devotion to those interests that can know no
South and no North, 1 should neither countenance se
dition, disorder, suction, or resistance to the law, or the
Union, on auy pretext in any part of the land.”
The Baltimore Clipper, a moderate and indepen
dent whig paper, says :
u The friends of Gen. Scott are sanguine that ho
will be able to carry the great States of New York,
Pennsylvania and Ohio ; and we should not be sur
prised if their anticipations be realized, for he is said
to be extremely popular in these States. Eighty five
votes in three States will be a strong commencement,
provided he gets them ; and it will require the utmost
exertions of the democratic party to keep Gen. Scott
out of the Presidential chair. How he will run in oth
er States we know not; but in them he must receive
sixty-four votes to be elected, it requiring 149 electoral
votes to constitute a majority.
The ‘ Shepherd of the Valley ,’ nlcading organ of
tho Roman Catholics, published in Missouri, (St. Louis)
thus notices the nomination of Gen. Scott:
“ The late Convention at Baltimore, has nominated
Gen. Scott for the Presidency. This is a good selec
tion, and the Hero will make a good run. The Cath
olic soldiers and Chaplains, who served, with him in
Mexico, speak well him.”
L. F. W. ANDREWS, EDITOR.
MACON, GA. SATURDAY, AUG, 14,1852
FOR PRESIDENT,
Gen’l Winfield Scott of N. J.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
Hon. Wm. A. GRAHAM, of N. C.
The citizens of Georgia who are friend
ly to the election of Gen. WINFIELD
SCOTT to the Presidency, and llon.
WM. A. GRAHAM to the Vice-Presi
dency of the United States, are respect
fully and urgently invited to elect dele
gates in their respective counties to a
State Convention, to be held in the city
of Macon, on Wednesday , the 18th day
of August next, —then and there to ratify
the nomination of the National Whig
Convention and to appoint an Electoral
Ticket , pledged to vote for Scott and
Graham.
Place of Mectiig.
The Bilih County Scott Committee of Ar
rangement have secured Concert Hall for the
use of the Convention that meets here on the
19th. It is a spacious and comfortable room
that will accommodate some 500 persons com
fortably, and is conveniently aud centrally sit
uated. The hour of meeting of the Conven
tion, we presume, will be about 10 o’clock,
A. M.
Important Document. —Don’t forget to read
the Letter of “Cherokee Georgia” to the Editors of
tiie Journal & Messenger w hich we insert to day and
which the editor* aforesaid refused to publish, because
they are of those “who love darkness rather than light
lest their deeds should be reproved.” Is it not so, dearly
beloved neighbors?”
The Conventions of Nest Week.
From present indications, we think that both Con
ventions which are to assemble here next week, will
be respectable in point of numbers and intelligence.
The third party Convention, being composed of bolters
and malcontents of all grades aud views, some of the
Delegates being instructed to go for Webster and Jen
kins—others being fur Webster and Graham —others
for Berrien and Graham, and still others, for Critten
den and Bell, will perhaps be the most numerous, aud
represent a larger number of counties than the Scott
Convention. Oue special reason, however, of this, is
the shameful suppression , on the part of the Whig
Journals of Georgia, of all information that it was
possible to suppress, touching the Scott movement in
Georgia. It is a solemn truth, we believe, that not a
j single Whig Journal in Georgia has yet published iu a
forma! manner the Call for the Scott Convention !
It may have been noticed iu an incidental manner, but
the call as it stands at the head of our editorial col
umn, has not been published, as the Scott Whigs and
other Scott men had a right to expect. The conse
quence is, that many of the remote counties, out of
tlte reach of the news, have not been truly enlight
ened on the subject, and have not, therefore, sent del
egates to the Convention of the 18th. Nevertheless,
the Convention will be held, and it will be a body who
*’ know their rights, and knowing, dare maintain them.”
It will also, we doubt not, take measures to let the
people of every county in Georgia understand that
Gen. Winfield Scott and William A. Graham can In
voted for, through a tieket pledged to their support, by
every citizen who desires the privilege.
—■
Not an Open Question.
We wish it distinctly understood that the Scott Con
vention does not meet to discuss the question of candi
dacy for the Presidency and Vice Presidency. That
question is closed against all debate. It is a point set
tled—a “ condition precedent’’ already determined,
that Scott and Graham's claims, tor the high honors
named, are fully recognized and respected. All the
Convention can do, is to formally ratify the decree and
arrange to carry out the same to a successful issue.
A Preposterous Idea.
We notice that the Whigs of Campbell,
Floyd, Fayette and Meriwether counties have
appoinled Delegates—the same set—to both of
the Conventions to be held here next week,
yet in nei'her of the counties named, were
there any Resolutions passed in favor of Scott
and Graham! Meriwether county instructs
its Delegates to go for Berrien and Graham,
Campbell, we believe, for Fillmore and Gra
ham, and Floyd f<>r Webster or Fillmore, and
for Scott as a dernier resort! Now, with what
propriety can such Delegates ask to be admit
ted into the Scott Convention ? What right
have they to coine uninvited 1 The Conven
tion of the friends of Scott will meet under a
special call to them, not as Whigs, not as Dem
ocrats, but as friends of Scott and Graham—
and the object specified in said call is express
ly stated to be the ratification of the nomina
tion of the National Whig Convention and to
form an Electoral Ticket pledged to the sup
port of Scott and Graham!
It is clear, then, that no Delegate has any
business in the Scott Convention, who is not a
friend to Gen. Scott and willing to pledge him
self to support the ticket nominated by that
body. How then, can Fillmore men and Ber
rien men and Webster men intrude themselves,
uninvited, into Wednesday’s Convention ? We
rather guess that they will not be admitted
without the Chippewa pass-word. The pro
position is ridiculous, to say the least of it, un
less by full consent of a majority of the Scott
Convention, and as an act of grace, not of
right. The Scott men might, with equal pro
priety, intrude themselves upon the Convention
of Tuesday, and attempt to control its action.
We hope no such interference will be thought
of, much less acted on, by any one. It cannot
possibly result in any thing but “confusion
worse confounded.”
CHI R0\0!
A Question to the 3d Candidate Men.
liave read much and heard much about the
third party movement in Georgia, but have yet bceu
unable to get any satisfactory solution of the question
at the head of this paragraph. What good will be ac
complished or is expected to be accomplished by start
ing Mr, Webster or any other third candidate? Sup
pose such a ticket gets a re-pectable vote, as we have
nc doubt it will, what will it amount to, except to throw
the election of President and Vlee President into the
hands of the same party and Legislature that made Mr.
Toombs Senator ? It cannot, possibly, affect the gene
ral result in all the States. Scott or Pierce ie bound
to be elected. A third candidate cannot hope to be
successful, so as to carry the election, even Into the
House of Representatives of Congress. But still, ad
mitting that such a result may take place, again we
say, cui bonol W hat good or benefit will accrue to
the people of Georgia or the Union? The expense
of an Kxtra Legislature in this State will be one of the
benefits ‘over the left’ that will result front the measure,
but is that to be deemed good enough to justify the
Webster men in persisting in their present course? —
We imagine not, There is another consideration, the
whigs of every other State in the South have settled
down upon the regular nominees of the National Whig
Convention. Why then should Georgia denationalize
itself and part fellowship in this matter with the South
ern members of the confederacy ! We leave the an
swer to be given by those conscientious and honest whigs
who will have the question before them,. for considera
tion, on Tuesday ne*t.
Pierce loathes
SLAVEHOLDERS look n 1
Jlore Astounding Devi HK Hti
J!%**'-*
Southern man to lake hi,
ginia to the District .f Co^^
Tills 18 no “Abolition lie” Q A*
is, when Frank Pierce is J 88
a veritable copy from the Vu}}^ 4
of Congress ! Let even* Sn If **4
read it and then sing hailet“fc>?S
if he can, first to Gen D;. Bof jov
for bis “LOATHING” *i*if
secondly to Messrs. John F
Senator Soule, with tther
whose ‘creation and choice’ wT*,
idency, Gen. Pierce is, accord Pl *
own showing? Oh, yea ’ if' 04 *
Southern man read the fol'uJf
not convinced thereby*, that P* g an ’- if
Abolitionist at heart.'why xJT** *
“Their eyes are sot.” TV,. glVeit,l P.
he persuaded though oneroid
dead, and thundered the truth • **
ears with the trump of the r m ° ** i
mom! 1 lereil rect 4
„ KEAD! MAD! ReJ);
‘‘An act authorising Edmund Brooke
the District of Columbia two ,|, T ° , * nKl7fl *
him prior to hi* removal from Visin'*’ °""* i
“Bx IT enacted, &c., That EdmatJ i;. .
Georgetown, in the District of Columbia ‘**’
and permission is hereby granted him
the State of Virginia into the said ]>is( r ; d f
two negro dare., namely, 40!, n an j A)f "T®*
erty of the said Brooke, and to have and v *
the same rights of property Sl ,and
*]“*“ n ’, ir ,h 7“ •" ‘'*! ir*
Brooke into the said District at the time of v, “,
to the said District of Columbia, any law ”
u image to the contrary rot withstanding. TU'. x
be in force from its passage.” Approve .*7
18S4. (\ ide Little & Brown’s private *•, ‘
This bill came up iu the House of IU . , ‘ ‘
June 12, 1834, when Mr. Ward well moved I
tabic, which failed—yeas 69, nays 95; Fraud* j
voting in the affirmative. And thereupon |
passed—yeas 106, nays 47; Frasxli* P tfl I
in the negative. (Vide 11. Jour Ik , *"? |
Con., p. 743 J) ’ ’• I
ScoU ob the Compromise, if T fri( . I
evidence were wanting of Gen. Scott's sound:* I
the Compromise questions, we have it pjy BJWl * ■
high in the important dcvelopeimnt, we tka j n , u I
of his interview with the Misrissippi
National Whig Convention, on their return from
more through Wasbiugtou. This delegation
man opposed to Gen. Scott, and voted 59 times by. I
Fillmore, yet they are now cordially engird a |,H
support. Why will not Webster and other
of Georgia follow so praiseworthy an example! Si. f
Gen. Scott to these gallant and liouorsb* Mi.*..- I
pi ans :
*1 AM \Y ELL PLEASED, getitletmn, titlthl
PLATFORM you hare adopted. It meeii im hr-1
ty and CORDIAL APPROVAL; andlttovm- 1
you, gentlemen, that this it no neir born Isitiia*. I
Years ago I entertained the sentiment* expressed h 1
that platform, on the subject of Southern Rizhti, [I
was one of the first to give in my hearty gppm B
and endorsement of those measures, when they we fl
before Congress.’
To Mr. Seward he said, in a casus! B*My, tbß
first time in eight year*, in 1850— when a;yii*kß
on the subject of tlte Compromise:
‘Sir. IAM DEAD FOR THE CONSTITITi’ 1|
DEAD for the UNION-DEAD for tbe
MlSK—and DEAD AGAlXSTysssris*H
posed to them or either of them!
And finally, the General declared that if irasl
witness can be produced, who would be be'esei,siß
Court of .Justice, who will say that he ever, by UUftß
word or deed did any thing to justify the msrepnsß
tat inns of his opinions afloat, then lie would ctmsH
ihat his fast life and serrices should It /cpMßj
and the word INFAMOUS he written before Aail
ter hi* name.’
Jefferson fount) Proceeding**—fl
port of Mr. Polhill to the Tritium (didi f
county, is the silliest piece of etuif we hsv*
the commencement of the canvas*. It p*
■gainst Gen. Scott's liberal propositit* 1
privileges of citizenship Li all foreigners who * cpl
ilie country faithfully, for one y>ar, it tin
while that country is in a state of war!
Germans, &c., who are willing
stitutions and for the privileges and cittwskf. J
hardly think that an objection to Gen.
commendation to Mr. Webster. The r>'P ur -“’H
dares the ultimatum of the Jefferson
Gen. Scott, in any event. Os course, theß.iiOJ
gates from Jefferson will come prepar ‘d >
the uniti/ of the Whig Party, with a pe’fefit - I
lli£h Testimony, ah the opposes** *
Scott who decry the statesmanship dd* ‘
are specially invited to read the testimor. 1
the Hon. John C. Spencer of New Uf’
quilificalions of Winfield Scott as a •rirhi*-
A Fact worthy of Jut*
VW We have it from the most rcl.*b t •** J
that a Government official of this city, -
file leaders in the 3d party movement,
self pledged to go for Pierce and King. r* rll
third electoral ticket for Webster aud
be put out by the Convention of tbe L h • •’
serve to show what are the motive* that g ‘
ft I
men, in getting up this third Couventut. 1 •
a triek to deceive the people and to force ‘l’*’ .
hopeless struggle, whereby certain united JP
may shelter themselves from the pep l ‘
that is sure to follow the exposure U l * lt ’ _,
from principle and their violation of H 1 '* 5 ’ j
manifested in their hasty and sen*el-*s ff
Gen. Scott. When it is alo remen ■
gentleman aforesaid is connected ii* ,m ■
Messenger & Journal, a paper that hs* s ‘ ,
of its staunchest frionds, by its temporal
we can be at no l-.>ss to understand tin l -!-
the origin of the movement in , /i
to be seen, whether any respectable , ,
whig party can be wheedled into
under such suspicious auspices • a, ‘ r ‘ .
propping up the fulling fortune* of * f*
or junto of politicians.
Webster’s Antec f^Bl *‘ (^
The maxim that ‘whom the
they first make mad’ is likely *.ol' au
thousandth time iu the ease of tho*
t'-mpting to push Mr. W cbH er JV
Georgia, as a candidate for the l lu .
tbe worst enemies Mr. M ebstcr so. nW iy‘*s*
inent will provoke the strictest ctn, u •
dents’of the ‘God-like Daniel “ c -jy; S 1 **
but crediiable to his reputais ,n aI f A 1 *
pet,pie. Among these ,£
tion Mr. Webster’s ancient r f<
tin ns, and his more recent -t l, —if tV
views, lie has openly avowed
the W ilinot proviso principle - al ’ ’H !
ous'v that Wilotot ‘stole ,i ng^^
known to have declared *g al,iSt ” ‘
territory out of the national 3 1 t otiif* f ,
standing, however, ail this,
to find that some of our font****.
tieians, who have been turning U P
Seott’s supposed association , g politic*)
their death for Daniel! Sueb
would nauseate on a cup and j*cv * !
lain, while they would DOtm ,, ,
tieat dose of I ppecac, Tarter I ''j fl|o trste*
ever could
Wbat is thought of
has the following: and ntl
Thu Traitor Toombs- , cock
Geo. Seott, IN ANY EY
W o'T°o~* rs jt
the democrats are now pub
ia the key-note to the whole k
son by which he unwbigged
Senaforshi^