Newspaper Page Text
CmmpniiHire.
Letter from Col. IV. G. Foster.
Madjson, Aug. 30, 1852.
Gextvemex :—Yours of the 25tli inst., ma
ting known to me the action of the late Wing
Convention which assembled in Macon, in rela- 1
tion to myself, and asking my views on the
Presidential question, came to hand yesterday.
I am grateful to the Convention for their man- j
ifestation of confidence; and though I would
have much preferred the place assigned to me
had been filled with another name, yet I do not
feel at libsrty to decline the honor, and shun !
the responsibility of the position. I have had
little else to do with politics, for several years
past, than regularly to deppsit my ticket in the
ballot box. But, when the Union party was
formed, some eighteen months ago, I felt called
upon to wave all scruples and subdue every per
sonal repugnance, and lend to its success what
ever influence I might possess. It is profitless
now to argue the necessity of that organization.
Sufficient it is, that the mass of that party were
actuated by the purest impulses of patriotism.
They did sincerely believe that the common
wealth was in danger, and forgetting all past
quarrels on the one hand, and atfinities on the
other, they struggled for victory, as man strug
gles for life. I will not stop, now, to speak of
the rewards which have fallen to the lot ot the
Whig portion of that party at the hands of their
Democratic associates ; nor of the gratitude
displayed by some of those who were elevated
to office by Whig votes, in their energetic ef
forts to harmonize with, and take to their bos
oms those whom once they denounced as trait
ors ; for the purpose of crushing to earth those
Whigs who stood by them in the hour of need.
When ambitious men are the subjects of our
criticism, v/e must make many grains of allow
ance, or, in hopeless despair, we shall be made
to exclaim, “ who then can be saved.” I, for
one, do not regret, however, the part I acted,
in connection with the Union party. They may
betray m%a thousand times, when the division
of the spoils comes, if I may appropriate them,
(though it be from the most selfish motives,)
when the country is to be saved. But the Un
ion party, exists no longer —-growing smaller by
degrees and beautifully less,’ its especial nurses
thought proper to- advertise its dissolution,
(though there was evidently slight pulsation,
even in the extremities) and the “last of the rear
guard,” unhorsed by his own grooms, just as
he had sounded the charge, is left to fight his
way on foot in front or rear, as inclination or
interest may indicate. In this state of the case
the question is presented to every Whig, what
is my duty ? Shall I support the nominee of
the Whig party, or break with all parties and
support the independent or third candidate? —
The same reasons which influenced me to co
operate with the Union party of last year, im
pel me to eschew the third party of the present
year. So long as lam a citizen of the confed
eracy, I will follow no flag whose fields are too
short or too narrow, to cover the whole Union.
Sectional or factional parties never did serve
any purpose beyond the promotion of a few
politicians ; and when L can labor for no higher
object than this, I will not labor at all. But
there are thousands of good Whigs in Georgia,
who will agree with me in this sentiment, and
yet are found advocating the third candidate. —
All I ask of such Whigs is one moment’s serious
reflection. What do they purpose to do by this
separate, or independent action. The candid
men of.that party begin to admit, that the bit
terness between them and the supporters of
Scott and Graham* will be greater than that
between them and the Democrats. Pick up
any of their papers, and you will find two words
of abuse of Gen. Scott to one of Gen. Pierce. —
It is too evident, therefore, that if this state of
things is kept up, they will never act any more
with the Whig party. The history of that party
shows that family quarrels are never made up.
There has no “magic wand” yet been found to
heal breaches and restore confidence in their
ranks. Then what will they do when the race
is over ? To talk about remaining in. a. separ
ate and independent organization is absurd.—
No party can or will exist without leaders ; and
party leaders soon get tired of the fun, when
honors and emoluments are lost sight of. To
secure these, there must not only be State as
cendancy, but National alliance. State honors
are not sufficient to warm up the zeal of party
leaders; there must be some chance to share
the division of the general spoils. Then if this
party attempt to keep up this separate action,
they will be deserted by their leaders, and left,
as sheep without a shepherd. But, I have no
idea that this will be attempted. The unavoid
able result will be, that they w ill go to the Dem
ocratic ranks. They do not think so now, or
they would hesitate, at least, before they deci
ded to take the step. But they are placing
themselves where that result is inevitable.—
Some of them flatter themselves with the belief
that they can work a political reformation —
break up national conventions, and make poli
ticians honest. Never did profoundest sleep
bring more delusive dream !
If the Union party, ramifying as it did, into
three or four States, failed to keep itself alive,
what hope is there, that a fractional part of one
mny in one State, can, not only survive, but
dictate terms to the other thirty States ?
Break up National Conventions ! How ?
By refusing to go ? Suppose we of Georgia do
refuse to go into convention, what do-we gain,
but an isolation that cuts us. off from :tll partici
pation in the operations of the government, ex
cept to bear our part of its burdens. We tried
the project in 1830, and did all that could be
calculated upon, for we carried Georgia for the
third candidate. What wonders did it work i
Did it break up National Conventions ? So
far from it, we went into the next Convention,
and took up Gen. Harrison, one of the repudi
ated candidates of 1830, and gave him the hea
viest majority that any President ever got in
Georgia, and the next time went back into con
vention and’ took up Mr. Clay, the other repu
diated candidate of ’36, and struggled for him
with a zeal unequaled in the history of party
warfare. But suppose we could succeed in
breaking up National Conventions, what have
we gained ? Have we secured ourselves against
all “the evils which attend those Conventions ?
We must have a President, and it the people
will not, though Conventions, place candidates
before the country, an Albany or Concord re
gency, or Congressional caucus will. Who
does not know, that the only way the people
can control the nomination of candidates, is
through Conventions. And if they do not con
trol them in this way, the fault is their own. —
Whose fault is it, that more attention is not paid
to the appointment of delegates to those Con
ventions ? But is it true, that the people have
been misrepresented in those Conventions ?
Let us examine this for one moment, so far as
the Whig party of Georgia is concerned. I
said we went into the Convention of 1840, on
reflection, we did not, but adopted the nominee.
Then we have been into but three Conventions.
In 1844., we got the man of our choice. In
1848, we got our man, (though I believe some
who talk loudest now, about frauds in Conven
tions, think a little-jpggling at that time, would
have done us no harm.) Then we have suc
ceeded twice out of three times in getting our
first choice. But we are told that the last Con
vention -was a monster for fraud- and villauy.-
Where is the proof ? Did they shuffle out the
Fillmore meo from New York as had been pre
dicted l No. Did they dodge the platform,
as sworn to in advance? No. Did our dele
gates express the will of our party in that Con
vention ? They did. But we did not get the
man of our choice. Ah ! then no Convention
} can be kpn,est, which does not give to each
State tfie man. of their choice. I confess, lam
upable to see in the history of that Convention,
any other evidence of fraud or villany, so far as
we are concerned. I knew of but one condi
tion precedent to our going into that Conven-
tion,” and abiding its action, and that was, that
they adopted the compromise measures ; and
this they did fairly and unequivocally. Why
then cannot Whigs vote for Gen.- Scott, the
nominee of that Convention.? I,am very sure
that many of them who say they will not, can
give no substantial reason for their refusal. —
They say they will not be dictated to by a Na
tional Convention. I do not know what they
mean by dictation. If to be fairly represented
in a Convention, and defeated in our choice by
a majority fairly expressed, be dictation, then
we have been dictated to in this behalf. It is
said, the pursued thief sometimes cries thief to
divert attention from himself, till he can cover
his retreat. Now whether some of our neigh
bors, feeling the leading strings beginning to
chord rather tightly from some other quarter,
quarrel with the National Convention by way
of letting off steam, is a matter for their own
sober, second thought. But it is said the nom
ination of Gen. Scott was a free-soil triumph,
and therefore we ought not to support him.—
What do they mean by triumph ? If they in
tended to say, thereby, that the free-soilers had
a triumph of their principles in that Convention,
I deny the charge. The free-soilers were de
feated in that Convention, and a platform of
principles adopted, in advance of the nomina
tion, in most solemn form, which recognized ev
ery Southern right to the fullest extent. It is
said, however, that while they were defeated in
the platform, they succeeded in getting the man
of their choice. That does not prove the point.
He may have been their choice of the men be
fore the Convention, and yet thoroughly oppo
sed to them on the only question in which they
felt any peculiar interest. How often have we
seen a party support a man utterly opposed to
them in principle, for the purpose of defeating
somebody else. Now this is the very worst
point of view in which this matter can be view
ed. If then, it be true, as charged, that Mr.
Seward, and every other abolitionist in the na
tion, rejoiced’ at Scott’s nomination does that
form any good reason why we should not vote
for him, if he be sound himself, and stands up
on true national ground ?
Now, it is remarkable, that even our Whig
friends who oppose Gen. Scott, admit that the
fact of Van Buren, King, Hallet and others,
supporting Gen. Pierce, forms no objection to
him, and some of them are willing to vote for
Pierce, in company with those gentlemen, and
yet oppose Scott, for no other assignable reason
than that Seward and others, of that stamp are
for him. They say, the fact that those gentle
men support Pierce, is evidence that they are
getting sound, and not that Pierce is unsound.
Well, why not let the rule work in both cases.
Surely, there are stronger reasons in the case of
Scott for such a supposition, than in the other.
Now the free-soil Democrats assert that their
platform does not embrace the finality of the
compromise measures, and that, therefore, they
can support Pierce without any inconsistency
whatever. One even urged that view in their
late Convention, at Pittsburg, and argued at
length what Pierce would do for them ; and
one of his reasons was, that the men I have men
tioned, with many others whom he named
were in for him. lie did not judge as South
ern W higs do, that it argued the soundness of
those men, but on the conirarv, that Pierce
would favor their views to a reasonable extent.
But we are not left to free-soil evidence on this
point. The leading Southern Rights journal of
this State, whose editor was on the Committee
that presented the platform asserts the same
fact, and says that it was intended not to em
brace the finality. And the same journal, in
in answer to its own question, “will the aboli
tionists vote for Pierce answers, “we fear not.”
Any man with half an eye, can see that the
Democratic platform was intended to let in any
body and everybody, and that tire administra
tion of Pierce, if elected, must and will minister
to free-soil appetite.
Now in the other case, no gap is left to cavil
upon. The platform is full and complete, and
the free-soilers, if Gen. Scott was the man of
their choice, had the mortification of seeing him
take the field, pledged to the support of princi
ples which set them at defiance. What reason
have they to hope for any thing at the hands
of Gen. Seott ? In his letter of acceptance, he
adopts the platform in its length and breadth,
the justices’ court quibble on the word ‘accept,’
to the contrary, notwithstanding. And in his
address to the Mississippi delegation, he re-af
firms it and scouts the charge that Seward had
any control of his actions or opinions. And
the evidence is sufficient to any mind wliich
does not wilfully intend not to believe, that
Gen. Scott has been a firm and decided friend
and advocate of the whole series of measures,
known as the compromise measures, from its
introduction into the Senate up to the present
time. To truth is, no intelligent man believes
that Gen. Scott is unsound upon the Slavery
question. They may labor to believe so, and
no doubt many of them will use all their pow
ers to make others, with less opportunity to
know, believe so; but in their hearts they know
it is not true. What man, who has any respect
for his own character, and who knows General
Scott, will charge him with ever having been
guilty of a dishonorable action ? Who doubts
that what he says he’ll do, if a thousand Sew
ards were to be offended ? When did he hide
his heart from friend or foe ? Where is the
man who has ever dictated to him in the dis
charge of his duty ? His life has been long and
eventful, and if he be the weak and worthless
thing they would insinuate, surely someone act
of his life might be produced to make good the
charge. No, no, if Gen. Scott were more plia
ble, he would no doubt escape many a blow
that will fall thick and heavy upon him. But
it is said Gen. Scott has put two new planks in
to the platform. One they say means nothing,
and therefore is harmless. But the other is
dangerous to the liberties of. the country. He
actually suggests the propriety of giving citizen
ship to a foreigner, who serves twelve months
in the army or navy in time of war, and gets
an honorable discharge. The flag of the coun
try is to be betrayed. The government upturn
ed and Liberty heard shrieking in its last agon
ies. This sounds pretty well up in Buncomb,
but let us strip off a little of the tinsel and look
the argument in the face. The army is already
open to foreigners, and they may enlist if they
chose, so that the new plank gives no right that
does not already exist. But, making it a con
dition of citizenship, will make them enlist, with
a view to overturn the government. That is to
say, the privilege of becoming a citizen is suffi
cient inducement to make a man enlist for the
purpose of destroying that government. That
is the argument, if there be any argument in it.
Now, however much we may differ with Gen.
Scott in this suggestion, every candid man must
admit that there is no danger in it. We re
quire a foreigner now, to reside three years in
the country before he can have the rights of a
citizen—why do we require this? That he may
give evidence of his attchment to the country
and its institutions. The only question then
which Gen. Scott’s suggestion presents is, Does
twelve months’ hazards, midst the perils of war
in support of the flag of the country, with an
honorable discharge, give as conclusive evidence
of attachment to the government, and a wil
lingness to defend it, as three years quiet resi
dence ? That is the whole question, distort it
as you will.
But we are told that General Scott is noth
ing but a military man, and is wholly unfit to
preside as the Chief Magistrate of this Repub
lic. It is with this charge that more injury may
be done him than with all others. Never hav
ing been before the people in any civil capacity,
they have not the means at hand to answer this,
as they have the thousand and one slanders that
are put afloat in relation to him. We do not
always draw the distinction between a good
fighter, and an able General. Now, while many
good fighters are wholly inefficient as civil magis
trates, all able Generals make good executive
officers. This is a rule that has no exceptions,
and has proven true in every instance from the
days of Moses to the present time. Bieyes ? the
veteran diplomatist of France, expected an easy
victory over the youthful Corsican, who had
only commanded armies, when the question was,
who should be the ruling spirit.of the then Con
suls. But it required but one interview, to sat
isfy that old fox, that the same mind that com
mands armies, can do all that man was ever in
tended to do. “ I have this day conversed with,
a man ” said Sieyes, “ who is not only a great
General, but who is himself capable of every
thing, and who knows every thing.” Frederick
the great of Prussia, never was any thing till he
became a general. True he exhibited some un
favorable symptoms in his first battle. But this
aroused him to master himself, and having a
well appointed army, he schooled himself into
a great General, and that made him Freder
ick the great —great in every thing. I care not
if he be illiterate, if he be a great General, he
will be a good executive officer. He may lack
the etiquette and elegance of a Court, and the
declamation of a demagogue, but he w ill still
be great as an executive, because, the same mind
that plans campaigns, disposes armies—arranges
munitions—knows when to advance and when
to retreat —to whom to assign this post and
whom that, will of necessity have every ele
ment to enable it with ability and efficiency to
administer government. If not, why amongst
so many brave men are there so few great Gen
erals? France from 1790 to 1815, was full to
overflowing of heroism, and yet she produced
but one Bonaparte, and one Ney. What was
Arthur Wellesley till he became Duke of Wel
lington? What but the mind that enabled
him to counteract a Bonaparte, makes him now
the first counselor of the mighiest throne in
Christendom? Then while we do not claim,
that being a great General entitles Gen. Scott
to be President, we assert that it establishes
conclusively two facts—the ability to be Pre
sident and the patrotism to deserve it.
But, humiliating as it is, we are driven by
our friends (for I believe the Democrats have
not participated) to defend even the military
reputation of General Scott. If we believe one
half that third candidate Whigs say, Gen. Scott
ne er did any service for his country, and is
nothing but a granny at best, and all this by
way of keeping the whig party together. There
is not a contemptible caricature that envy or
malice can invent, that is not circulated, for the
purpose of keeping the whig party together.—
They are willing to blur some of the brightest
pages of our history, to accomplish their pur
pose. In Europe Gen. Scott is regarded, if not
the first, equal with the first Captain of the age.
Englishmen regard the battle of Lundy’s Lane
as the best fought battle in our history. But
with our friends, who desire to keep the whig
party together, the hero is a contemptible cox
comb, and the battle itself but a sickly skirmish.
Even the old British soubriquet of “Fuss and
Feathers,” is dragged into their aid. When, at
’ the darkest period of the last war with Eng
! land, after Hull had surrendered, and gloom
and distrust hung thick and heavy upon every
heart, Gen. Scott, willing to make a sacrifice of
himself, to give confidence and courage to his
men, would go into battle in full uniform, with
plume waving ; the British, who Avere sore un
der his charges, named him ‘Fuss and Feathers,’
as did the Indians Anthony Wayne ‘Old long
knife.’ And this name is iioav borrowed from
the enemy, to bring contempt and ridicule upon
General Scott. And that too by those Avho are
enjoying the blessings, Avliich his toils and haz
zards contributed so much to perpetuate. But,
I will leave this part of his reputation to those
men, scattered through our State, who are old
enough to remember the days to which I allude.
They have not forgotten the darkness nor the
gloom that spread over the land at one period
of the last Avar; nor have they forgotten from
Avhose sword gleamed the first light that shot
through that darkness, and gave joy and hope
to the desponding. One thing is certain it was
not from Mr. Webster's.
But, it is a great mistake, that General Scott
is only a great General. He is a man who was
liberally educated and avlio has been a student
all his life. I refer to the speecli of Mr. J. C.
Spencer of Ncav York, for evidence as to Gen.
Scott’s qualifications. He knew him well, and
he appreciates his worth! The truth is the cir
cumstances Avhich have surrounded Gen. Scott all
his life—his campaigns—his delicate negocia
tions—his associations —his immediate connec
tion with the government, all have been calcu
lated to fit and qualify him eminently for ad
ministration.
Then once more I say, why not vote for
him? Why break up the good old Whig par
ty of Georgia? Why break with the Nation
al Whig party, when they have given us the
best platform we ever had, and when they of
the North are growing better on the slavery
question, while the Democrats are growing
worse? Why place ourselves where we will be
driven into the Democratic ranks whether we
will or not ? Come up under the good old ban
ner, that has waved over us in so many hard
, fought battles. The old Whig banner—the
good old conservative banner, that has no room
for agrarianism on the one side, nor tyranny on
the other. Tis the law loving —law abiding
banner, then come to its rescue. From Missis
, sippi and Tennessee, we can almost hear the
shouts of our brethren as they go to battle un
, der its beautiful folds. Let us echo that shout
, till every hill and valley shall be eloquent. But,
if you still doubt —if you still dally, we must
on to the contest. The enemy is before us and
ito retreat is disgraceful. As stood the old he
ro at Queenstown, with his three hundred regu
, lars, while the militia remained’ back, discuss
. ing the propriety of crossing the Canada line,
!so he stands now in Georgia. You may stand
and see us fall and be trodden under foot by
. superior forces —but remember, it is better to
aid us living than to mourn us dead.
; N. G. FOSTER.
Messrs. J. 11. R. Washington, L. N. Whittle,
. Eli Warren, A. 11. Kennan, Samuel Rutherford,
, | D. E. Blount, L. F. W. Andrews, Macon, Ga.
letter from thellon. T. 11. Trippe.
Cassville, Aug. 31, 1852.
Gentlemen :—Upon my return from an at
tendance on the Superior Court of Floyd coun
ty yesterday, I received yours of the 25th inst.
in which you inform me that I “have been se
lected by the Whig Convention which met in
, the city of Macon on the 18th inst. as one of
the Electors to be run on a ticket at the ap
proaching election, pledged to the support of
i Scott and Graham.” And you hsk me whether
i it will suit me to accept said nomination.
I I ardently desire the success of Gen. Scott
1 and Nfr. Graham, and promptly accept the
nomination, and thank the Convention for the
honor they have done me.
Since the Baltimore nominations I have not
doubted that patriotic duty required of every
I Whig and Union man, to give to Scott <fc Gra
, ham, an earnest, zealous, ardent support.
When I take into consideration the previous
! history and present position of General Pierce,
together with the untiring energy with which
he is sustained and supported by the whole Se
cession wing of the democratic party at the
South, and Freesoil wing of the same party at
the North, I am but the more thoroughly con
firmed in the correctness of my first convic
tions.
I have unshaken confidence in the conserva
tive principles of the great whig party of the
Union, as set forth in the Resolutions of that
party lately assembled in Convention at Balti
more, and that the pledges of the very distin
guished nominees of the whig party, that they
approve of and will if elected conform to and
sustain those principles ought to be, and are,
satisfactory to all unprejudiced minds. Mr.
Webster has more experience in the science of
Government than any other man now living in
the republic, and though not concurring with
him in all his views, he has my highest admira
tion for his great talents and statesmanship, and
his pure patriotism.
Mr. Jenkins is my personal friend and has
been from our youth up; and in our political
associations we have never been divided. I
knoAv that he is worthy in every respect of any
civil office which the people ol this country
might confer upon him.
But under existing circumstances, what good
can result to either of those distinguished gen
tlemen or to the country by their support. It
can only increase the prospect of the election
of the Democratic nominees, for if those who
are opposed to their election would now cordi
ally unite, the vote of Georgia might yet be
given to Scott and Graham. They are Avorthy
of it for their characters, their talents, and their
public services.
General Scott in a long life of public service
has ahvays shoAvn himself equal to any emer
gency that he has been called to meet either
military or civil. He is a-Soldier, but he is one
“ who has ever made the laAV of the laud his
supreme rule of action, and who while he has
always fulfilled its utmost requirements has nev
er in a single instance transcended its limits.”
William At Graham is also a conservative U
nion Whig—of great ability and experience
in civil affairs—and Avithout tear and Avithout
reproach.
I stand upon the principles of the Whig par
ty as expressed in the resolutions of their late
Convention in Baltimore, and stand by the man
pledged to their support, and I feel exultingly
proud of the gallant veteran, Avho at the head
of the column bears aloft our Banner —that U
nion Banner—that Banner of our country—of
our whole country which he has so often, so
victoriously and so gloriously heretofore borne
in days and hours of peril, of danger in the
frozen regions of Canada —in every variety of
our OAvn climate, and over the hot and sultry
plains and mountain heights of Mexico.
All the time I can spare from my profession
al engagements, shall be devoted to the cause
of Scott and Graham.
With the kindest regards to each one of you
personally, gentlemen, I am very
Respectfully, yours, &c
TURNER 11. TRIPPE.
Messrs. J. 11. R. Washington and others,
Letter froni’Col. R. V. Hardeman.
Clinton, Aug. 28, 1852.
Gentlemen : —A reply to your letter appri
sing me that I had been selected by the Conven
tion, that assembled in Macon on the 18th inst.
as a candidate for Elector on the Scott and Gra
ham Electoral Ticket, has been delayed in con
sequence of my absence from home.
1 am one of those that favored the sending
of delegates to the Whig National Convention
to select candidates for the Presidency, and Vice
Presidency of the Avhig party, and but for my
necessary detention at the time of the assem
bling of that Convention, in attendance on the
Superior Court of Bibb couuty, I should have
attended it and Avould have aided in the selec
tion of candidates. And although that Conven
tion did not select my favorite as a candidate
for the Presidency —I feel bound, and shall
cheerfully give my feeble support to the nomi
nees, as I am unable to discern any unfairness
in the selection, or any just objection to either
of them. They Avere nominated fairly and in
accordance with the usages of the whig party.
The platform of principles adopted by the Con
vention, has my hearty appoval, and doubtless
the hearty approval of every true whig in the
Union. The nominees in accepting their nomi
nations have adopted and approved the plat
form of principles in a manner entirely satis
factory to myself. That General Scott approved
of the series of measures passed by the late Con
gress knoAv n as the Compromise both before
and since his nomination, is to my mind, (with
due deference to the opinions of others) estab
lished by evidence, entirely too clear to doubt,
and he lias thus approved of the Acts of the
31st Congress, known as the adjustment (the
act for the recovery of fugitive slaves included)
as a final settlement in principle and substance
of the subjects to wliich they relate, and as he
is a true and good whig, a pure and unsuspect
ed patriot, Avith a capacity that has command
ed unparalleled success in almost every station
that has been assigned him. by his countrymen,
regularly nominated by the whig party, through
their delegates assembled in Convention, may
I not ask ? aa by the Avhigs of Georgia can not
support General Scott for the Presidency ? It
cannot be suspected that I should answer in this
letter the several insufficient objections urged
against General Scott, or that I should approve
of every sentiment uttered by him. during his
eventful life to justify me in sustaining him
in his election and in persuading others to do
so. Let it suffice that I agree with him in his
Avhig principles and that on the vital ques
tions to the South, I consider him as sound, if
not sounder, than either Mr. Webster or Gen.
Pierce. The reasons are obvious, from the po
sitions I have taken, Avliy I cannot support the
Electoral Ticket for Mr. Webster and Mr. Jen
kins. The platform adopted by the democratic
National Convention and on which the nomi
neess of that Convention have placed them
selves contains principles that have heretofore
been disapproved by myself and the whigs
throughout the whole Union, and have been
ridiculed and contemned by many whigs in pub
lic addresses. On the question of the compromise
measures, the resolution of the latter Conven
tion, although good, is not as strong and expli
cit as that of the former. May I not then ask ?
why any whig should support the nominees of
the democratic party ? Candor compels me to
say that I cannot see any good reason, Avhy
Avhigs should thus act unless they have honest
ly changed their political opinions, and if so,
let them make such aeknoAA’ledgement and no
one will have a right to complain of them.
Let those desert the Avhig ranks Avho choose
to do so, at the expense of former political trusts
held sacred by them. For one I feel deter
mined to do other battle in the good ;>ld cause.
It may be from the present division of the whig
column, avc may not be able to command suc
cess in our State, but let us fight the battle man
fully, and I predict Ave shall gather strength to
the Scott and Graham standard, daily, and
though avc may be defeated by the desertion of
some and the disaffection of other whigs, Ave
shall have the consolation of knowing that we
have acted consistently, and deserved the united
vote of the true and reliable Avhigs of our State—
at no distant day public opinion will award to us
so much in my humble opinion. I accept the
nomination.
Very respectfully vour ob’t. sev’t.
ROBERT V. HARDEMAN.
J. 11. R. Washington and others.
Letter from K. W. Simms.
Neavnan, Aug. 28, 1852.
Gentlemen :—Your very polite letter of the
25th inst. notifying me that I had been select
ed by the Whig Convention AA’hich met in Ma
con on the 18th inst. as one of the Electors to
be run on a ticket pledged to the support of
Scott and Graham, for President and Vice Pre
sident, has been received, and in reply I have
the honor to state that under the circumstances
I do not feel at liberty to decline the proffered
candidacy. I therefore, gentlemen, accept the
nomination, and did my engagements at pre
sent, permit, I Avould gladly avail myself of this
occasion to present some of the reasons which
induce me to give my support to the distin
guished and eminent individuals whose names
have been presented by the Convention. In
conclusion I will add that it is my determina
tion to discharge my duty to the best of my
ability in the approaching Presidential canvass.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, very
respectfully your ob’t serv’t.
ROBERT W. SIMMS.
To J. 11. R. Washington, and others.
The Democratic organs are miserably foiled
in all their attempts to injure the glorious Whig
candidate for the Presidency. They call him
a thief; but old Chippewa, old Lundy’s Lane,
doesn’t mind that. They call him a coward j
but old Vera Cruz, old Cerro Gordo, doesn’t
mind that. They call him an Abolitionist; but
old Cherubusco, old Cbepultepec, doesn’t mind
that.—Prentice.
Reported for the Georgia Citizen.
The Fancy Dress Bali.
Chaltbsatk Springs, Sept. 3d, 1852.
Dear Doctor :—This delightful spot, the scene of
many loves and pleasures and happy hours spent, is now
the resort of the gay and fashionable of our portion of
the State. Avery large crowd are here, at this time,
and judging from the good feeling ana congeniality that
exists among them, it appears a brotherhood of plea
sure seekers. A continuous chain of gayety is kept
up, and amusement follows amusement in such quick
succession, that no time can be devoted to other pur
poses. Being a participant in the scenes transpiring,
1 wonder at myself that I can snatch sufficient time to
w rite you a letter. Even now the music of merry voi
ces reaches me from the distance, and almost tempts me
to throw down the pen. But prompted by a sense of
duty and feeling, doubly proud of the honor of being
the humble chronicler of passing events, I propose to
briefly notice ‘the affair’ of the season. I allude to the
Fancy Dress Ball which has just past. To this our
whole attention had been directed for sometime pre
vious and extensive preparations were made to render
the aflair as brilliant as possible. The eminent success
that crowned our efforts remains for the future to dis
close. The evening was delightful —just the one wished
f or —and though the pleasures were mostly confined
to the ball-room, yet many smiling, happy faces could
be discerned at all times enjoying tho delightful prome
nade by moonlight. A great variety of costumes were
worn and ’twould afford me pleasure to notice minute
ly all of them but my limited space prevents, besides
many have escaped my memory. This I must offer
as an apology to those whose names may be omitted and
at the same time trust my nomme de plume may screen
me from detection. Again I fear I will not do justice
to those mentioned—though I flatter myself I can ap
preciate, to a slight extent, ‘woman’s beauties,’ and
have a heart as large as ‘all out of doors’ filled with
love yet mine is a bad pencil and refuses to pai l to
life. But the performance of the task beforo me is a
pleasure and I bring the characters before the curtain
without regard to distinction and as they are suggested
to my mind.
Miss Mary A. R., of Ala. ns ‘Evening Star,’ was
greatly admired by every one present. Iler dress was
white lace and flowing veil—studed with gold spangles
of stars and crescents, and white satin gaiters spangled.
Miss Annie G. K ., of Columbus. ‘Tho Brigands
Wife.’ Her dress was short drab skirt striped with
pink and-black:—black velvet boddice trimmed with
silver fringe—flat Italian head dress of pink and black
and stiletto.
Miss Laura W., of Columbus, appeared as ‘Virginia.’
Dress, white skirt, flowing sleeves, clasped with cam
eoes, and white satin snood.
Miss Mary N., of Columbus, whose queen-like
form was admirably adapted to the character selected,
appeared as ‘Mary of Scotland,’ So fine was the
portrayal that we could scarce refrain from heaving a
sigh when we stood in her presence, and memory re
called the thrilling incidents in the life of the original.
Her dress consisted of lace train and satin petticoat—
black velvet head dress and pearls, making a beautiful
contrast with a neck of snowy whiteness.
Mrs. W. F. iS'., of Columbus, as a Quakeress , with
a winning modesty and placid sweetness that well be
came the character she sustained. Her dress was drab
silk, muslin handkerchief with white cap.
Mrs. O. of Mobile, and Mrs. F. of Columbu9—
sisters, appeared in domino much to the curiosity and
admiration of all.
The beautiful Flower Girl ; on whose brow, by unan
imous consent, we place the garland that marked her
as the ‘belle of the evening,’ was Miss Virginia W—
of Montgomery, Ala. The tasty arrangement of the
fine costume that graced her airy form was remarked
by all, and her greeting smiles won our golden opin
ions, none could fail toadmire her fairy like movements
as she glided through the mazes of the dance, and the
sweetest Parisian might have envied her attractions,
tier costume consisted of white lace, double short skirts
trimmed with cherry satin ribbon and flowers—a deli
cate pink and blue round, cap that would have puzzled
a philosopher to have explained its fastening—a basket
of beautiful flowers, and happy the man that received
one from the fair donon
La fille du Regiment , was splendidly represented
in the person of Miss Alabama ff., a no less hand
some sister of the above. Her costume was short red
skirt, buff silk jacket, with gilt buttons, cap and pom
poon—the whole an appropriate slight deviation from
the original. She carried in her hand a beautiful ban
ner, on which was inscribed in gilt VICTORIE , and
whose gentle waftings of ease and grace, as it floated
from her person, were emblematic of self. The two
noble States whom they represent by name may well be
proud of such beautiful daughters.
Miss Callie I. of Columbus, as ‘‘May. Queen, ’ with
white dress trimmed with garlands of flowers, flowing
| ringlets with white roses and a wreath of flowers of
variegated hue,
‘A diadem of roses ne’er graced a fairor brow.’
Miss Anna 11., of Mobile, appeared as Winter. —
Dress of white watered silk, with wreaths of cedar
and snow, studded with brilliants—head dress the same
and ringlets.
Miss Jinnie H., of Mobile, as ‘Ellen Douglas.’—
of white silk, placid scarf, blue satin snood and band
of white satin, with a single diamond. Her costume
was gracefully arranged and much admired.
Miss Sallie H ., of Mobile, the third sister, as a
‘Broom Girl.’ This was one of the handsomest cos
tumes, and consisted of short blue petticoat trimmed
with red and w bite, black velvet b iddice, low necked
and short sleeves, hair braided behind, fascinating little
cap and brooms. Judging from the number around
her at all times, the demand for her neatly made
brooms was extensive.
Miss Belle 11., of Columbus, as Aurora —‘Bright
Goddess of Morning.’ Dress of white crape, richly
embroided with gold, heavy veil of crimson with span
gles that encircled her like a cloud, and a crown of
gold.
Miss Mary R., of Columbus, a beautiful ‘Highland
Lassie,’ with short scotch plaid, scarf and hat.
Miss F., of Columbus, in ‘Evening Dress’ of white
neatly trimmed with satin.
Miss Mary A., of Ala., as the ‘lndian Maiden’ La
morah, from Mrs, Hentz's Tragedy of this name. Her
dress was well selected, short skirt with scarf, hair
strait and moccasins. She was sustained by another
admirable character from the same play.
Miss Lu Howard , of Montgomery, ns a ‘Gipsey
Fortune Teller,’ and surely such a charming little Gip
sey never told a fortune. Her dress was double tri
colored skirts, pretty Gipsey hat, and in her hand car
ried the mystic wheel that told us of the future.
Miss Mittie Chapman , both least and last was at
tired as a ‘Sylph.’
This I think comprises the entire list of ladies who
appeared in costume. Besides a large number of others,
a pleasant party from the Warm Springs honored the
occasion with their presence, and participated in the
gayety. None of them I belive were en costume. ’Tis
quite ‘appropriate’ here to make mention of the esti
mable lady of ‘mine friend and pitcher, Lew’ whose
many kindnesses are fully appreciated and who has the
best wishes of all.
Quite a number of gentlemen were present and from
the list I select the most conspicuous ones.
J. W. H ., as a ‘Spanish Cavalier’ with costume of
red and white, hat and plumes and sword.
J. M. R., as a ‘Prussian Huzzar—dress of red and
blue with spangles, cap and pompoon and top boots.
J. T. E., as Ozembra from Mrs. Hentz’s Tragedy
of Lamorah, Full Indian costume and the best sus
tained character of the evening.
J. IV. 8., as a ‘Sailor Boy’ white mask—Dress blue
jacket with pearl buttons, blue collar tipped with a star
and anchor and white pants.
J. C. C ., as a ‘Mexican’ with domino, blue jacket
trimmed with braid, black velvet pants ornamented,
and sombrero.
A. C. C., aa ‘Walter Arlington,’ dress of velvet,
white lace and satin, beautiful cap trimmed with os
trich feathers and buckskin boots.
W. G. K., as ‘Sir Harcourt Courtly’s man Cool,
who suits his language to the occasion and circumstance.
T. K. IV., as an ‘Old English Gentleman.’
R. C. F., in a ‘Court Dress.’
Lieut. J. A. W., U. S. Army—‘Full Dress Uni
form.’
R. A. H. as ‘Embonpoint’ after a week’s stay at the
‘Chalybeate.’ That very thin gentleman that was most
ly with him had been here but one day.
G. C. of Dallas Cos. Ala appeared as ‘Bob Short’ and
sustained the character well,
J. J. R., as a ‘Down-Easter.* His dress was de
cidedly oomie, and listening to kis twang we thought
ourselves back in the land of ‘wooden nutmegs.’ For
bis fine personation of the Yankee he received the com
pliments of all.
Frank R., of Talbotton, as Maj. Joseph Jones, of
Pineville. This was the character of the nigbi.—
Above his neck protruded a ‘mighty collar’ that tilted
the back of a rather dilapidated castor to an angle of
45. His shirt collar was clasped with a stock of many
inches in height and undoubtedly a relio of the Revolu
tion of ’76—vest and pants to correspond, the waist of
his coat was just below the arms and the long tails
made a handsome ‘cross-over and turn io’ ala swal
low. He obtained this specimen of old ‘blue cloth’
from a farmer in the neighborhood who informed him
that twenty-eight years ago it was first worn when he
made his marriage vows. With a soul filled with wit
and humor, and decked with so rich a costume, he
created a heap of fun and sent many home with aching
sides.
But the last character was equally as amusing and
afforded the Major a glorious partner. Just think of
old Mrs. Partington at the Chalybeate and the idea
of itself creates a laugh. But the old lady was here
and a close inspection of her face proved her no less a
personage than Dr. Boh IV. ‘lke’ too was along and
the little chap would’nt content himself ‘without a frolic
and a mess of squirrels.’ The old lady remained with
us for some time, saw something terrible and fainted
as only a woman of her temperament can faint and was
borne out. His re-appearance as an ‘lllinois Sucker
wa9 also very amusing.
With this hastily written sketch I proceed to close
not, however, without a passing glance at ‘mine host,’
and his gentlemanly and accommodating book-keeper.
No efforts have been spared by either during the Sum
mer to entertain their visitors and their courtesy coupled
with the thousand attractions of the place will never
fail to draw a crowd. The patronage of the public they
richly deserve, and the gay and beautiful will always
find congenial spirits here. The season is now far ad
vanced and the pleasure seekers are returning home—
all delighted with the day they have spent —
their new made friends, and wishing a return of sum
mer that they may have another ‘nice’
LITTLE TIME.
THE GEORGIA CITIZEN’
L. F. W. ANDREWS, EDITOR.
MACON, GA. SEPT. 11, 1852.
FOR PRESIDENT,
Gen’l Winfield Scott of N. J.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
Hon. Wm. A. GRAHAM, of N. C.
SCOTT ELECTORAL TICKET.
FOR THE BTATK AT LARGE.
lion. Joel Crawford, of Early,
Hon. William Law, of Chatham.
FOR TnE DISTRICTS.
lion. George W. Walthour, of Liberty,
Hon. Lott Warren, of Baker.
Col. Robert V. Hardeman, of J.ones,
Col. Robert W. Simms, of Coweta,
Hon. Turner 11. Trippe, of Cass,
Dr. Ira E. Dupree, of Twiggs,
Col. N. G. Foster, of Morgan,
Gen. George W. Evans, of Richmond.
Our first Page.—Don’t neglect to read the
letter from‘Jamie O’Sullivan’and the Two Chap
ters from the ‘Lost Book of Jasher,’ as found on
the first page of to-day’s Citizen.
To Correspondents.
A long letter from T. 11. C. received.
Will endeavor to find room next week for it.
The ‘Model Rhymer’ and ‘Love Letter’
will have a place bye and bye.
A Zephyr’ from ‘Pine Knot Springs’ has
fanned our frontispiece with its pleasant whisper.
We hope often to be so favored. Tis a pleasant
breeze from the ‘sweet South, stealing and giv
ing odor.’ Let not that sweetness be wasted
on the desert air of the Pine Knot.
SCOTT EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
The members of this Committee are request
ed to meet at the Ofiiee of the “ Georgia Citi
zen,” on Monday next, at 4 o’clock, I*. M., on
business of importance.
J. 11. R. WASHINGTON, Ch’n.
A Gentle Hint.— We have a lot of Blank
Receipts on hand which we would be glad to fill
up and forward to about 1000 of our subscri
beers, on or before the Ist of next month!
The first half year of our present Volume will
then expire, and the funds are needed to car
ry on our operations. Will not those indebted
take the hint and govern themselves accord
ingly?
Pay jour Postage.—So frequently, of late,
have we had to pay postage on letters of no in
terest or value to us, that we shall have to de
cline altogether taking such out of the Post
Office, hereafter, unless we recognize the hand
writing of the writer. This is the only way
we know of, to avoid petty impositions on our
good nature and pocket.
Advance Payments.—Our friends will
please remember that our terms require advance
payments from all subscribers, especially new
ones. We find it necessary to adhere strictly to
this rule, to enable us to prosecute our business
successfully aud independently.
Postponed, M e are not able, this week, to pub
lish all the Letters of Acceptance received from the
Electoral nominees of the Seott Convention, but will
continue them till complete. Those of the Hon. Lott
Warren and Dr. IraE. Dupree will appear in our next.
Something new in Macon.
Mr. T. A. Harris has just completed a large new ,
Fire Freof Ware House, on the corner of 3d and
Poplar streets, which is a novelty in the architecture
of our city, being nothing less than an Iron House, so
far at least as the roof and aides of the building are !
concerned. The iron plates or sheets of which the
house is built are all covered witli fire-proof paint, con
stituting as sure a protection against fire, externally, as is
afforded by any other Ware House in the place. Thom- ,
as promises those who will drive their mules square up
to the Iron House, that he will divest them of the cot
ton bales in quick time—then place them on the level
of the scales, and the beam shall work plumb , and
Thomas will be sure to do up things rectangularly if
he says he will.
Something worth looking at. Hodgkins
& Son, Mulberry street, a few doors bt-low the Lanier
House, have now in store, the most splendid assort
ment of Goods, in their line, ever brought to this mar
ket. In the lot are over one 100 doubled barreled
guns and rifles, some of them very superior—any
quantity and every variety of pistols—and a fine sup- i
plv of cutlery, Also a stock of walking canes, um
brellas, and every other article usually kept in such
establishments. Gentlemen fond of the sports of the
field can now be suited with a double barrel Manton .
Fowling Piece or with the far-reaching squirrrel-eye
boring Rife, Rt any price which the state of their
finances will justify. See advertisement.
Gov. Cobb. This gentleman has written another
letter giving his ‘cordial co-operation’ to the movement
on foot to unite and harmonize the two wings of the
Democracy on Pierce and King! In addition, wc no
tice that the Hon. Hugh A. Haralson and Mr. Forman,
two other of the Southern Rights Electors have signi
fied a wish to give place to other gentlemen on the
ticket, if harmony can thereby be promoted, and the
union effected! Richard H. Clark, Esq. of Albany
responds in similar strain. So wc may look out one
of these days for that political millenium, when ‘the lion
and the lamb shall lie down together.’
Yellow Fever. This dread pestilence is preva- !
lent toaome extent, in Charleston, S. C. at the present
time. Thirteen deaths are reported as having occurred
last week from the disease.
The “Lone Star” Assort^f^^
probably be news to most ! w)
there is now an extensive and
pohtwalorder bearing the title
Star being organized in various
Lnited States, whose object is *tk
Cuba and the overthrow of the W ?***%*
that island! We have been bfa
order was founded at the
Lopez, by Gov. Henderson of Mi ■
other distinguished gentlemen oftS’ pi
two or three years since, and that t **
—for a time checked by the ill-fat,!?
tendant upon the Lopez expedition J
cution of its chief-have
stimulus and increased attention f *
dignitaries in high places, who heS? >
give their countenance to the object 7?* *
soeiation. It is said that Senator, n° f r 4
Douglass, and other eminent men 71***™-
of this Filibuster order and will usfaif 1
fluence to carry out its purposes
The plan adopted is to establish Ua
Divisions in every <% and large w®**
which members are initiated and p&Jj
successive degrees, for which fees a? T#
certain obligations entered into pledainj?' N
certain duties, connected with
ban liberation. Such Divisions
troduced into New Orleans and ah ‘ ****
also in Savannah. And last week c
city was invaded by a detachment
strangers, whose object we learn 15
tutea lodge of the Lone Star On!?’
midst. Os course, not being one oft)’ ®°*
,-d,’ we are not aUe to speak authoriS*
the prospect and condition of the I, , ■
or nse the language of eulogy. i„
its aims and merits. Judging, howeJ?
the sample of the Order imported from
nali, we cannot, in candor, speak the
praise conceding either its principles or
toms. The fact is, these representatives
‘L. S.’ were so full of zeal in the can* t “
full of champaign, (we will not say *] t u *
entirely to overlook the fact that they Were *
journers in a Christian city where the SalU
of the Most High was wont to receive
spect! This may, however, have been
to the idea naturally entertained by A*
there are ‘no Sabbaths in revolutionary u-?*
and that this being a free
only an up country ‘cracker’ village, gentW
‘swells’ from the seaboard have a perfect ri?k
to ‘kick up a fuss, generally’ either in ihe do*
ing Halls of the Hotels or on the pave *
much as they d —m please.’ Or perhaps, fi#,
may have only been aiming to promotetL
‘good of the Order,’ under the regular Rule of
their Association!
Be this as it may, our unsophisticated r
pie were considerably astonished at the dem,®.
strations made by the ‘L S.’ delegation, while
here, particularly that part of the
which consisted of dramatical
of Indian Elocution on the eve of a form
against the enemy. Their imitation, of fii,
war-woop and savage gymnastics were kfe-iib
and graphic —and gave every guarantee fiat
these worshippers of the ‘Lone Star,’after it
tie further practice, will be able to shake dap
tism out of Cuba, quite as easy as a Xuraiia
Lion will shake the glistening dew drops tac
his mane, of a summer morning!
The Third tandiditc.
Dr. Andrews: —Have you noticed the e®.
ments of the Southern Recorder of the 7th m
on the very sensible letter of a Whig from Mot
roe?
They deserve no, mercy, from the nonse
which looks to the healing of the divownsd
the Whig party —by running Mr. Webr.tr.-
That will perpetuate them, and render the tr*
unadulterated Whigs as hostile, more hostile
them than to the enemy in front For ejh,
I am fast losing all forbearance towards ma.
who, by presenting a third candidate assail di
rectly the W hig nominee. At first, their oh
1 jections to Gen. Scott were he was not pldg*d
to maintain the Compromise Ac. Theyd:u
rejreat the Toombs and Stephens Cixcmar.—
When this weapon of attack was rendered ham
less by the publication of Gen. Scott's sped
to the Mississippi delegation, they then d*
Mr. Jenkins —“lie is no statesman.’ Drivenfrw
this by the testimony of persons who have ,'jc
much better opportunities of forming a n*
estimate of Gert. Scott’s civil qualifications tiai
Mr. Jenkins, they then resort to anewjxs l
They are against all Conventions, and rneaifi
put down the doctrine of ‘availibility.’
Can such men claim to be Whigs whigs whs
wish to rally under their old party flag’
No sir, they mean to establish anew im -
practicable —keep Stephens and Toombs it >
head, and prevent the re-union of the
as a national party. Their purposes are palp*-
ble—the preamble to their platform b bu;
echo of Toombs and Benton’s denunciation ■
Conventions. Stephens is on the stamp H
Welister and the Toombs and Benton pbc ns-
Toombs himself—it is said, would this we* “
fine his position, whether for Pierce or Yd
ster. The last on dit is that he is about to e- t
out for Webster. If he does, he is a block: '•
of the first magnitude. I have uniformly es
teemed him as a man of genius, and of P*
political audacity; if he comes out for Vi fb*®;
he will prove himself an ass all along
with a lion’s skin that does not belong t” l®-
Is it not time for us to be meeting theft
my in our rear as well as the one in front;”
Come what may of it, I hold to the mu*
those who are not for us are against *•
I did once look to a re-union of the
after November election with earnestness. “*
would have taken place if no third cwm
had been presented. The dissatisfied <•
have voted for Scott or remained at home
all would have come right The Webster -
rejected this request and upon them ho tk -
den of reproach for our present division- *,
as things look tkatwise, the chit-f I 1 ' 11 ? ‘ r >
the Webster party is to furnish a body w
for Messrs. Toombs and Stephens, or rp
party to sustain them in their defection, A
under no cireustances will I ever unit’
I think the time is coming when tli
terites will grow sick of their present
save the South from such a defends o
em institutions—from such an expound
Constitution.. This love of Daniel ,
midsummer’s madness. Tierce - 1
times to him! He at least is l ? m ‘•
The <7orf-like Daniel is the high
alism. AN OLD TROI P MA
Brown’s Straw ( utter. Several
mirable machines—ibe best probably e' tr Ly
are now on sale at Field & Adams “ arc
Mr. Onsley, agent for the manufacturer*.
up straw, corn stalks v fodder, aliucks,
this cutter to be the ne plus ultra of mat bin**
ers are invited to call and examine before p°
an inferior
Floyd House. Th “° u ” i r'SV I
now under Proprietorship of T. A. *\
and Superintendence of Major A. B. H *
by Messrs. 11. C. Cunningham and 3- L* n bus ;„ eS .-’
we are happy to hear, doing a flooris’ning uf’
Under its present efficient management. -
hotel and deserves the most liberal pa 1
“Sweets to the sweet/’ “ f e2 * Ipkß^
to our neighbor Dr. Little, Drugg*b
article of Colognt Water, maiufccture jefr
home consumption. It is superior m pef
cacy to much that is sold as the KeIU " D * ate fi)l
fume, as will be manifest on a trial of ■ t
refreshing qualities.
————^
Pierce Ib faror of SlareryJ tb 3
reader, at this idea, for some wise 1 sm ile * l
you meant to insult them if they 83 “ • ou eT tr •*’
an absurdity. But seriously, an ’ ihin g, *<**
or read, any where, or at any
or remark, as com mg from Gen. *®
the institution of slavery t W ®** M|n ?!
in favor of tie Unjop and tie **
he ever bees known to express h®* ll