The Georgia citizen. (Macon, Ga.) 1850-1860, August 05, 1859, Image 2

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in its proper sphere —must simply do direct- ‘ I ly what, by its agents, it could not do indi- Ii rectiy. It seems to me that reasoning caa. i not be clearer, or more correfct. But why enter into argument to show that Senator Douglas is wrong? His doc- 1 trine is just rt# ]>alpobly in the teeth of the j decisions by the Supreme Court as the doc trine of Seward and the Republicans. Both the power and duty of protection are dis tinctly decided in both the Dred Scott and Amy cases. By his professions Donglas pretends to stand by the decisions, and in the very midst of his professions, advances doctrines against even the letter, language and spirit of the decisions. He has the same venom that Seward has, hot hides it: He approaches the South with the same weapon, but conceals it and deludes with the cry. “a j fidend is coming!” When the General Government fails from j any cause to protect the slaveholder in the Territories, then as to the slaveholder the Government is no longer a Government, and all who are interested in slave* are disrliarg nlfrom obedience to it; and if Mr. Douglas, or any other man hold.ng his views, shall be chosen to administer this Government, his very choice will be a declaration that there is no Government for the slaveholder, and every word 1 have written against the j success of Repuli'icanism. I repeat here with all the superadded emphasis which indigna tion can acquire from seeing hypocrisy added to wrong. Both the parties thus assaulting these de cision®, cod through them, the rights of the slaveholder, are preparing to elect a Presi dent : n iB6O. One of them oven counts on an undivided South tor support. Toe delu sion of pretended friendship is to secure Southern support, and the reu esoilism of doctrine is to carry a sum ncy of the North. The duty of the Southern p ‘pie, it seen.s to me is s o plain, that no rnan can mistake it. Let us nU unite —not on poiiy —but on the law. The Kansas bill can’t save ns. It has failed, and from that bill Mr. Douglas borrows the arguments by which he attacks the decisions in the Dred Scott and Amy eases, in the manner set forth before. The endorsement which the South gave that bill in 1856, might now prove her ruiD, but there is a way of escape. Since that time the Court has settled the law for us. Let us, like good citizens, get off of double meaning Kansas Bills and all treacherous Party plat forms, and step on the law. Here is a foun dation on which if we but stand with unity, demagogues can never embitter, nor heresies divide us. and from which tanatics can never drive us. Here are the decisions of the high est tribunal in our country,declaring that the Wilmot Proviso and Squatter Sovereignty and Congressional and Territorial restrictions aro unconstitutional, and that no department of the General Government, nor all its de partments together, nor all the agents it can create, have any power over the institution of Slavery “except the power, coupled with the duty, of guarding and protecting the owner in his rights.” What more do we want ? How much better can Party and Platforms do for us? Why any further convention commentaries? Why still talk about the Kansas Bill—the Cincinnati Platform and Buchanan's inau gural ? Where is the ground for differences between Southern men ? Upon what pre tence—for what better doctrine is the slavery agitation to be continued ? Will not the law satisfy ns all ? Can Douglasism improve the law ? Will not the people now see that the agitator has nothing in view but his own promotion, and that to accomplish this our dearest rights are to be forever attacked, the moat solemn sanctions of law disregard < and, and par y sti ifea always to divide us ? Let us throw away longer reliance upon Party, and let us wake up the sleeping genius of Patriotism that these storms of agitation may be rebuked until the winds arc stilled and peace restored to a disiraeted crew. In the present canvass let us have no mere party candidates. Let us take our stand on the law, and give notice to all the North, and all parties tiiat we are done with con tentions—done with double-meaning reso lutions—done with Congressional tricks— done with discussing Congressional power over Slavery. Let us say the law has been pronounced. The judgment has been enter ed and there is no npp°al By it we will standard will tolerate no party whicb doubts its correctness, or hesitate to enforce ih Let Georgia, with an undivided voice, speak this warning from the ballot box in Octo bei next. Let us say, we will obey the law ourselves, and we will submit to the rule of no power that seeks its abrogation or reversal. If the South will but do this— if Georgia will do it—the reign of the Dema gogue is over, and the day of fanaticism ha? passed. . Will Governor Brown now reconsider and repui ale, or at least leave in obeyanee, a men party nomination, and Like this posi tion ? Will lie repuuiate D /'.as and Lis <: ctrines and Seward, and irties for ‘he time being, and agree to s ippart in the •ittire only that party or th. nan who hall distir. t!y come to this position? li so, all other grounds of differed e shall be forgotten, and T will give him my humble support. It is indispensable to success that the Southern Democracy should take this posi tion, for it i* in the Democratic party that one of the doctrines which is at war with the law and our rights finds its home and its strength. If Southern Democrats would preserve their self-respect they must take this position. In 1855, 185 G and 1857, we of the Americans insisted that Mr. Douglas occupied the very position in which we now find him, and our objections to the Kansas Bill were its squatter (or popular) sovereign ty and alien suffrage features, by the first of which this principle of Douglas was to be fixed on the Territories, and by the second the population was to be secured which was to make the principle elfective. The Demo crats persistently and every where denied our charges both as to Douglas and the Kansas Bill But it has turned out that we were right and they were mistaken. We speak nothing in the spirit of tri umph. We do not ask the Democrats to join our party, but we do a.‘k them to aban don those who deceived them, and meet us on the common high ground of right and help us to defend the law. We make no | boast, we claim no reward, for we only did i our duty. I make the appeal directly to Gov. Brown, and hope we shall hear from him before the 10th day of August. Will he repudiate par ty, aid stand on the law with us, or wi Ihe ! remaiu a party candidate, standing on the ! Cincinnati riatforni where Douglas and Van Bureu are also standing and preaching their free soil heresies? If he has not ihe courage or strength to bieak his party Tet ters, will the chivalrous Thomas do it? If no Denwavt has the nerve to quit his parly and come to the country, will not some no- • ble Georgian, who has heretofore had no ac- • tive connection with party conflicts, lead a deluded people away from that body of death—Partyism ! Then also let the people in the various ! Congtessioual Districts, without regard to party nominations, made, or to be marie,vote i for their very ablest and best men, and send them a.I of one voice to Washington declar ing that the South will no longer submit to i have her rights regarded as mere trump cards for demagogues to win power, and will there- i fore tolerate no man or organization or Gov- j eminent which will not inforee and admin ister the law. 1 Jiave written, Sir, as I think. I h aV e ‘ made suggestions. Honest minds can easily j fi.l up the argument I will not conceal from any, whither, in my opinion, the policy I have suggested may lead us. If in 1860 the Democrat: Party shall give us principles and a nominee coining distinct ly and boldly up to the requisites of this letter, and our party shall fail to do so, then, to be consistent, we must and we will go to the Democracy. If our p*rty shall come up to this stand ard and Democracy -hall fail, then South- j err. D mocracy, to be consistent, must come j with us. If both shall come up patriotically to the line designated, then we shall have done a eat good to the country, and w<. can go ; D ood humor, aud with good conscmrcea, each tc his respective standard to do battle on other and premier issues. if neither shall come to the rescue, but both bend before the winds of fanaticism, or party policy, and repudiate or be afraid of the law, then we shall defeat both, if we can, and failing in this, we shall all join hands and hearts and voices too, in of a Government that will acknov. ledge the right,and protect the ctizens. As an Ameri- . i can. proud with confidence ti my associates, j and knowing our liouesty heretofore, aud happy iu the consciousness of my rectitude o.’ purpose now, I do not fear, and will not shrink from the test. Yours, very truly, ’ B. H. HILL To Col. Gk j. M. Dudley, Americus, Ga. W hat the Dciuucralic Leader* have Done! Dr. Andrews :—The associate editor of the State Press, in the daily, dated July 25ih, devotes two columns to the platform of the Opposition party. Yes, sir, he devotes two columns of the Daily State Press to abuse of the Know Nothings. When I read the editorial, the thought passed acrossed my ‘ mind, the Major is at his old business, trying to cover up the sins of the leaders of the Democratic party. I would advise the * Major, to quit it. I‘. w ill not do, now, fbr you know, Major, you fold the people, the i 1 Kansas B.U would quiet the country and secure the rights of the South in the Terri tories. You and the Democratic leaders told the people that the Americans were trying to deceive them, when the gallant and pa triotic llill told you and the best and ablest of the Democratic leaders that Squatter Sovereignty was in the Kansas Bill. If one did not support the Kansas Bill tho hue ar.d cry was rai.-ed that he was a traitor—to t’.e 1 South, aod not lit to be trusted with li ir rights. You did these things, Major. Now 1 repent and do as follows: Tell the people of Georgia that Siiiery was in Kansas be fore the Kansas Bill was passed by Congress. Tell the people that Stephen A. Douglas, the 30th January, 1854, said in his place, in the Senate of the United State.®, “I know of but one Territory in the United States, where Slavery exists, and that is in Kansas, where it is prohibited by law. ’ There it is Major. Tell the people that Douglas said this when he was held up as the champion of Southern lights. Tell the people that so soon as the Missouri line was repealed the whole Territory of Nebraska and Kansas at once became Slave Territory, for you know it is a known rule in law that so soon as a repealing act is repealed, the first law is re vived, and of full fo”ce, and that first law was the terms of the treaty between the United States and France, and that was, that the citizen of Louisiana territory should not be deprived of his right to his propeity in man. Then by the repeal of the Alis souri line, Slavery was established iu Kansas, and by that clause (after the repeal) that said, nothing herein shall be construed as reviv ing or puttiDg in feree the law of the French treaty relating to African slavery, slavery was abolished in Kansas. Tell the people, that by the action of the Democratic leaders and the passage of the Kansas Bill that Slavery was destroyed in that Territory.— First, Slavery existed in Kansas before the passage of the Kansas Bill; Second, it was re-established by the repeal of the Missouri line, and then abolished by the Badger proviso. Tell the people that Mr. Stephens, and all the Democratic leaders said the Kansas Bill did give to us a good and equal chance to make Slave States out of Kansas and all other territory belonging to the United States, and then tell the peop’e, Mr. Stephens at Augusta, in 1859, said we can make no more Slave Stab s out of territory, and why, ’ ‘ because of the law of population;” that is, the North and Europe being densely popu lated, emigrate from nectssily, the S >uth being thinly settled, move into the terriio -1 ries from oLoice. That is what Mr. Stephens means when he says, the law of population will prevent making Slave S'-atcs out of any more territory. That, Major, is the princi ple of Squatter Sovereignty, practically worked out; a principle that Air. Calhoun denounced as more monstrous than the Wi'rnot Proviso, Squatter Sovereignty; that was fastened upon the South, and by whem ? By Stephens, Toombs, Johnson Cobb and vour own candidate for Con gress, Col. Speer! Yes, he, too, advocated and defcade i the Kansas Bill. He too, de nied that Squatter Sovereignty was in th.it b'ack bill of abeminat onst Tell the people tha: Toombs, at the last sess’on of Congas, said, “the Government j of the United States was the most corrupt Government in the world,” and don’t forget to tell the people that the Democratic lead ers have had and do yet control that corrupt j Government. Tell the people that the ordinary expenses i of the Government are raised from 845,000,- ! 000 to 880,000,000 or $90,000,000, for one year. Tell the people of the South, that their money is used by the Government to school negro children that were brought from Africa, taken aboard the Echo and sent to Liberia. Tell them the Democratic can didate of the 3rd District, did endorse the Cincinnati Platform and building of a Pacific Railroad, is a cardinal principle of Democratic taith. Inform the people of this fact, that it will cost $200,000,000 to build a Road to the Pacific, and for the benefit of the North alone! Tell the people why it was your party did not build a platform of principles for your candidate for Congress in the 3rd District. You know the reason. Major. You were afraid the people would distrust you, for you , know the leaders of the Democratic party i have been faithless, an>l never redeemed a promise made. So you thought it best to 1 put your candidate on the sea of circum stance, without chart or compass. Do as I have told you to do, Major, and you will do ! the country some service. FEW. I Jiufgs’ Dou|ilao at the Koulli. Tbe Charleston Mercury denounces Judge Dougiass after the following fash ion : “As for an alliance witn Douglass wt will here state that the Mercury will sus tain nor countenance him under no tir cun>stan'*es whatever. He is a traitor to the Democratic party, and traitor to those principles w hich secure the South. He is dangerous and designing. Away with him. Let him lie ‘anathema ma rantha ‘ say we. \or shall the Mercu ry sustain any platform put forth by anv party whatever, which platform or party shall maintain or endorse, directly or indirectly, by affiliation or omission, the fatal positions or fraudulent policy a turned by Dougiass vuth regard to our territorial rights. We repudiate the whole scheme by which it is sought to tie our hands and encircle us, with the fold of a snake, to crush out or smoth er the vital power of our civilization. “I” inally, the Mercury shall sustain no man of whatever party, clique, creed or section, who shall stand upon the plf.tform of Douglas-.’ principles-though. he should be nominaied by twenty De mocratic •Conventions. I'or the party which would permit that creed is an en emy to the Somh, and we w ill war with it to the knife. For ourselves, and we can safely say for South Carolina, we will neither countenance, nor submit to any such party, platform, principle or politician.’’ 1 SeWino Machine kdR Ak Empress.— I A firm in Philadelphia* engaged in the manufacture of sewing machines, have ; prepared one as a present to the Em press Eugenie. A letter describing it, says: “ Upon a silver base embossed in dab orate elegance the escutcheon of the Empire, while the whole rests upon four I silver lion®, over which an eagle isperch cd. 1 tie names of Napoleon’s generals and victories appear upon tho sides of the base, and at the end, upon a square, a statuette of the great Napoleon is standing. This is done in enamelled woik, and is a gem in its line. At the side of this figure the Goddess of Indus try is seen, and over both a spread ea gle is flying, which, bending forward, ! forms the vibrating arm of the machine, the needle being in the beak yf the royal bird. The plate of the machine is of highly polished steel, supported by four >ng-Is of silver with wings of gold, in front of tho plate is the inscription. The case and table of the machine is to be made of wood from Mount Vernon. * Letter of iluuiplircy 4lar*hall. To the Editors of the Louisville Journal : | Louisville, July Ist, 1859. Gestlemen .— 1 liud there is an idea ga ting ground by its repeated publica tion that my declension of the Candida- j cy for Congress in this District, resulted from a feeling of dissatisfaction on my part with what is known as the inter i vention principle asserted by you and the Opposition candidates generally. I wish to say through your paper that this i lea is erroneous, and that my course has no f been dictated at all by the mo tives attributed to me. My view is this. The territorial government h the crea ture of Congress—has just the capacity, and no more, that Congress chooses to give it, and Congress cannot impart to it a power Congress does not itselfpos- j sess. If the slaveholder has the right tocar ry his slave into a Territory and has the right to hold him there as a slave (and the Dred Scott decision says lie has this right, aud 1 believe it) then my opinion is, that the Territorial Legis’ature can neither abrogate or annul or impair this right by its legislation, and I said in a speech made in Congress last winter, and now’ I repeat, that, if the territorial Legislature should pass a law with such an object or effort, 1 think it would be the duty of Congress to draw the Con gressional pen through the law and send it back to the Territory as a usurpation Congress has abrogated. I would not wait for the law to be pronounced un constitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States, but i would act upon it at once in Congress, if 1 could induce Congress to do its duty in this regard. I have no doubt of’ the power of G>n gress, to provide remedies for the re dress of all the grievances a man can suffer in the Territories in the enjoy ment of his rights and his property, for though Congress may delegate to the Territorial people the power of legisla tion and give to them legislative, ex ecutive, and judicial departments of a territorial government, still Congress does by this only perform its own du -1 ties with more convenience, for the re ! sponsibility of Congress to the Slates and people, that this creature of its making shall act properly, constantly continues and cannot be shaken off’, until 1 the Territory becomes a State, and there , by “acquires the r. cans of self govern ment.” (Sec the language in American Ins. Cos., vs. Canter, Peter’s report.) Asa practical Statesman, in the pres ent condition <*f public sentiment as to | slavery, &e., I would say that the South has the deepest interest in tranquilizing the public mind on the whole series of buestiuns connected with slavery, and therefore 1 would say that we will wait for the occasion which shall prove by the judgment of a court of competent juris diction, that the remedy is wanting to ensure the practical enjoyment of the slaveholder’s rights in the Territories, but whenever that fact appears, I would apply to Congress , if necessary, to afford that remedy, and 1 would agitate it ses sion after session, and Congress after C ingress, until 1 obtained my rights, and j until I could embody the popular sent is ment to do the Southern people justice under Ihe Constitution. These have been and remain my opin ions, and 1 am not willing that there should exist any misapprehension about them, for still, now as in 185<’>, I would not “g.ve the toss of a copper” between Black Republicanism and that Squatter Sovereign idea which accords to me a right, yet claims the countervailing right to deprive me of the enjoyment of all that which is my own. I am, very respectfully, H. MARSHALL. Southern Necessities. — lion. W. L Yancey in a recent letter utters the fol lowing : Indeed, in my opinion, the South at this time is not so much in need of plat forms or belief in correct principles, as she is sadly in need of true men in her councils. She has often enough enunei ciated sound platforms and creeds which have as often been frittered away and rendered valueless by compromises.— What she requires is men of the right, stamp in her councils—enlightened, conscientious, determined and able men who know’ the interests of the South, and who can and will uphold them, with out compromise, against all other inters ests, whether they be the interests of parties or of individuals’ at home, or of hostile sections. I do not desire to be understood as saying, that she has not such men now in her service. But Ido say, that they are far too few for the oc casion The most of her representatives are mere puppets in the show, made to wheel and dance as the party organists choose to grind the music ; while others of ample ability and individuality are absorbed in their own personal advance ment, which invariably requires a com promise of southern issues.” Opening of the Slave Trade. The Louisiana Courier , the leading Demo cratic organ of our sister State takes ground in favor of the opening of the slave trade. We extract from its article: “The South will not lamely submit to the competition of slave labor between Spain a i France, in whose colonies Slaves are imported in disregard of r.ll restric tions and limits. If that sentiment lias cot the ascendency with the majority, we think that, ere long the number advocating the re opening of the Slave Trade will increase as their importation becomes more frequent— But in this there is but one view maintained, and that is the increase of slave labor in the South, without regard to the balance oi power which the South may obtain by the i ultimate introduction of the institution in our territorial possessions. In other terms the generally prevailing sentiment in favor 1 of introduction of slaves does not grow’ out ol a question of policy, but is merely looked upou as an increase of the means by which Southern prosperity and wealth may be se cured. i “Let us not be understood to mean how- i i ever that this generally prevailing sentiment i here in the South entails a total disregard of ! the laws of the United States. We do not think that generally, the intelligent portion of our population, who under the promised ciri ‘in stances favor this lenewal of the trallic in slaves would entertain the opinion so far as it clashed with the laws of the United State® But we feel justified iu say ing that so far as the mere trallic iu slaves as a means whereby to secure the prosperi ty. increase of the country is concerned the occurrence of popular opinion is pretty gen eral ; and that it would be difficult to find the majority iu opposition. Samford on Citizenship. Eyrie, (near Auburn) Ala., ) July 22, 1859. ( J. J. Hooper, Esq. —Dear Sir: You ask me what I drink of the doctrine of Gen. Cass, in his late LeClerc letter, that our American Naturalization does “not exempt” foreign-born citizens from the claim of “mil itary services” by their native countries, if they “voluntarily repair thither?” I thitik it is the doctrine of despotism— of absolutism—of Serfdom—and the de jure 1 divino right of Kings, as held and taught by Sir Robert Fillmer in his Argument which 1 was exploded by the immortal John Locke. It pre supposes a citizen to be a subject— and the most abject of subjects—a vassal. Contrary to all American ideas of govern ment or law, it adobts Wheaton’s theory and the practice of the State Department under Everett, both of whom being Federalists, fell naturally into the current of European ideas and taught a semi-citizenship, which might absurdly burthen the foreign-born citizen with the duty to fight at one and the same time for and against his adopted coun try! The argument of the Hofer letter does not better the position of our Government. It implies the same vassalage, and it may be ‘ life-long; why not? It exalts Royal claims above the right of expatriation, and if for ! “ military services ,” why not for any oilier j service ? I know that the doctrines of liberty of ex patriation and naturalization or making na tive, are new, and American doctrines, like ! those of “Free Trade and Sailor’s Rights,” and that although the patriots of the past generation fought the War of 1812 to vindi cate the latter, it is hard’.y to be expected of our present statesmen to affirm the other, even in diplomacy. That clause of the Constitution of the United States which provides for the natur alit.alion of foreigners, settled the American law, on the subject, adversely to the slavish doctrines of the European Code, and openly asserted the existence of man, as a being superior to Kings, or any mere government, whatever. It proclaimed the right iu oppo sition to tyranny and human authority; and whenever our Government abandons this fundamental idea of the American Revolu tion, of American Constitutions, and the War of 1812, it degrades itself to the level of the old despotisms, and deserves to fall among the rubbish of the empires which have “rotted dowm.” I expected nothing better than this aban donment of American law and citizenship by this vascillating, back-boneless, Anglo-Galli can Administration. Otto Hame,forced into the Landw’ehr Regiment, in Prussia, and the Le Clercs and Holers imprisoned in their Austrian dungeons, are most humiliating spectacles of the cowardice and impotence of American statesmanship aud this Admin istration. Gov. Wise is right. It is the duty of this Administration to “protect our natu ralized citizens to the uttermost ends of the earth,” against all the claims of Royalty, by all means known to nations. What an absurdity it is, that we shall have citizens hid away in the court-houses and prisons—the cities and wcJUds of America— who, going to Havre or Liverpool on busi ness, or for pleasure, become subject to for j eign powers!—Centaur-citizens—half Amer ican and half European.and altogether slave?! The place at which an American citizen may be temporarily found in pursuit of lawful business, cannot change his character nor his rights. It is a strange theory that a foreign er, when he swears an allegiance to our ’ country, does not swear off allegiance to his native country, or that he can own allegi ! ance to two countries at the same time ! Let us have whole citizenship or none. There can be no state without citizenship, and no Free State without free and full citizenship. To impair this sacred character is to under- I mine the State. Although we may not make the foreign or the native citizen “ Free as nature first made man. Ere tbe base laws of servitude began, When wild in woods the noble savage ran,” I let us not bind either in the chains of a cow ardly diplomacy, and plunge him in the dun geon of the old despotisms. The equality ! of American Citizenship is the corner stone of American Republicanism. Destroy that, and caste arises ; and caste makes Kingsl I am very truly your obliged friend, WM. F. SAMFORD. \ Montgomery Mail, 2bih. From the Mobile Mercury. The African Slave Trade. This question is one now passing through the crucible of the press and rostrum ; and it becomes us to invoke all the light we can to aid us in arriving at proper conclusions, and understanding our rights upon this ques tion. Congress has passed laws prohibiting the slave trade. These laws are of the greatest severity; and since some of the planters of the South have been indicted under them, and since the Judges of the United States Supreme Court have given the most rigid penal construction of which said laws are susceptible, when applied to parties no way interested in the slave trade proper ; and since there is no tribunal to which an appeal will lie when these cases are tried, it becomes a matter of moment to kuow and apply the remedy. 1 shall say nothing of those engaged either directly in the slave trade, in bringing them across the high seas, nor those who may own, equip, or send out vessels in this traffic ; that does not come within the intended scope of this article. Tt is as to our plunters and citizens who i purchase them when brought into the coun ; try. and the law as applicable to them, that I propose a few remarks, and only u few. We will suppose that the constitution of the United States confers on Congress after the year IKON the power to suppress the Af rican slave trade. We contend, according to true States’ Rights principles, and accord ing to the decisions of the United States Su ) preme Court, defining the Federal jurisdic tion, that the several States may pass laws ujion the subject so far as their citizens are concerned, who may have had no connexion whatever with the importation of Africans to our shores, but who may have purchased them after arriving, and after having left the vessel upon which they were trans ported. The decisions upon the subject of Federal i jurisdiction are to this effect: that the Fede- | . ral laws, or the laws of Congress, apply in I the of imposing a tariff of duties to the j 1 original importation of goods, &c., and un- I • til th<* lmlk has been broken in port; after f i this they become subject of municipal or , State laws, and the Federal authority there ceases. The decisions are numerous and tenacious upon this point. Now apply these decision*. to the case in hand. The original infractor of the law in bringing Africans across the high seas, is amenable to the laws of Congress while up on tlie high sens, and after ho lands, and until barred by the statute of limitations, if there be such a statute ; and the slaves, if arrested by a Federal officer, either on the ship or in the ownership or possession of the ! original importer, (the bulk having not been i broken,) may be taken by the Federal Gov ; eminent and disposed of as the Act of Con gress prescribes. But we allege, upon the other hand, that if these slaves have passed by sale into the hands of our citizens by purchase, (the bulk being broke) that then the State laws have the right of prerogative, and if that prero gative is set up, there the Federal preroga ’ tive must end. If this position be correct, j that in such cases State laws would have | paramount jurisdiction, (and it seems to me , | upon principle incontrovertible,) for protec tion of their citizens against the tyranny of | the Federal law, the States ought immedi i ately to take legislative uetion upon the sub ject* “ SOUTHERN. John Mitchell Repudiates Cass and Vindicates the Knew Nothings. John Mitchell, the Irish editor of a Demo cratic paper, the Southern Citizen , published at Washington City, in his issue of the 23d, has an article from which we make the fol lowing extract: Escaped Subjects—Naturalized Abscox dkrs. —It gives us no pleasure, God knows, to harp on this matter of naturalization. It is no g'eat triumph for us to be compelled to acknowledge that the Know Nothings were right all the time, and to retract what ever we may have hitherto said against that philosophical body of men. Our language in dealing with the American party (that title can no longer be denied them) has been sometimes harsh and bitter; we take it back; eat it up; though it goes against the stomach; and mu3t digest it as best we may at leisure. Nothing can be plainer than if a foreign immigrant, notwithstanding his “naturaliza tion,’’ continues to owe—bona lide to owe— allegiance, or military service, or civil ser vice, duty or obligation to any sovereign, he is not fit to be an American citizen, ought not to be entrusted with a vote; still less with an office; arid cannot become, even in fourteen years, or twenty-one years, a full and true American. We request the Ameri can party then—the only rational and con sistent Americans we are aware of —to ac , cept our respectful apologies. We publish these paragraphs without I comment. We offer them to the considera i tion of those naturalized citizens who have heretofore been as abusive of the Know Nothings as John Mitchell himself. Let them read it out carefully, and when they remember the duplicity, hypocrisy and treachery of the Democratic party, who are willing to use and not protect them, we i feel well assured that they will be prepared I to adopt the language of the distinguished Irish exile. —Nashville Banner. Iliglitli District Opposition Con vention. We have the official proceedings of this body, which met in Augusta, Wednesday last. It I was organized as follows : President —Thomas H. Hawkins, of Ogle- I thorpe. Vice ‘Presidents —John Milledge, of Rich mond ; Geo. M. Magruder, of Columbia. Secretaries —lsaac 0. Huff, of Warren; R. W. Carswell, of Jefferson : A. W. Stanford of 1 Columbia. The following preamble and resolution, in troduced by John H. Jones, Ksqr., of Elbert, were unanimously adopted : Whereas, The present condition of the coun try, caused by the miparrallelcd profligacy und i demoralizing policy ol Demccraiic Administra tions, demands in the councils of the country our purest and ablest statesmen, we can but express our sincere and unaffected regret that the Hon. Charles J. Jenkins refused to allow his name to bo placed before the people as a can didate for Congress. In him the whole people could confide, and would have committed to his hands the protection and preservation of their rights, with a full confidence lhat in ev ery emergency he wouid be faithful among the laithless. He lias, however, positively refused to permit his name to be used, and as the De mocracy have, by their nomination, committed our rights and interests, and the rights and the interests of the South, to the keeping of one whom we regard unequal to the high and deli cate responsibility of maintaining those rights : Be it therefore Resolved , That we recommend j to the independent voters of the Eighth Congres sional District, and to all those who would be . ably represented in the councils ol the nation, Col. A. R. Wright, of Jefferson, as the man for ( the crisis. The 7th District. | We publish two communications, to-day, | on the subject of the Congressional candi dacy in the 7th District, one from “Twiggs,” and the other from “Wilkinson,” in which the opinion is very decidedly expressed that i Col. Kenan is the man whom the people of the District will prefer to have as their next ! Representative We feel considerable in- ! torest in the success of the Colonel, because we know lie is the choice of a j majority of the District, and would certain- | ly lie elected, were it not for the inconsistent course of the “Southern Recorder,” which print seems, all at once, to be in favor of a convention to nominate a candidate in op- . position to K., though opposed to a Guber natorial Convention to nominate a candidate ■ against Joe Brown ! We confess wo do not understand the reason of this course of our contemporary, unless some private malice is at the bottom of the whole affair. And the 1 only advantage of the action of the “Recor der,” in both cases, will enure to the Dem- j ocracy. Throwing cold water on any oppo i sition to Brown, with one hand, and praising | him on the other, as well as favoring a Con- : vention of the 7th District to place an Amor- I ican in the field against Kenun, will profit ; the enemy only, because the Democracy will i be sure to have a candidate, and elect him, | too, provided there are two Opposition can didates in the field! Why then have a Con vention? Why not let Mr. Hill, or any other gentleman take the race independent ly of a Convention composed of Delegates from one half the counties of the District ? This, it seems to us, would be fair and hon orable . For the Ga. Citizen. Tli<‘ till €.’i|sr*N<*ioaal District. .Hr. ©rule’* Call lor a C'onveu tiou! Dear Citizen : I notice, that the Editors of the Recorder, are making a third effort, to get up a Con gressional Convention. Where were they upon the Gubernatorial Convention ? Why, against it, as “ inexpedient and unwise.” I They are in for the re-election then, of i course, of Gov. Brown, Well, may be they are right; but as they are with the Demo : crate in re-electing Gov. Brown, the Ainer j icans of the 7th District need none of their dictation. The course the editors of the Re- Recorder are pursuing, will inevitably lead to the defeat of the American can didate. When the candidates are all out, why not leave to them, the delicate op eration of one or the other’s coming down. This can be more harmoniously settled by them than by the interference and dictation of a Convention, gotten up by a few in the villages, and to which the people have be come utterly opposed. No, we say, hands off, and let the people at the ballot box make their own selection. Who, for instance, I would feel bound bv the action of a conven tion, composed of delegations sent by meet ings numbering only six ! Six men, it is j 1 true, have a right to hold meetings, and to ! dignify them with the names of delegates to the 7th Congressional District Convention, but whom do such meetings bind ? Certain ly not freemen. The editors call upon those , counties which have not appointed delegates to send them forward; and they say the Convention lias Leon agreed upon, to take place on the 17th. When and where was that agreement made, and by whose author ity? We know that the counties of the Southern section of the District have not agreed to anv such thing. 1 his makes the third effort in which the Recorder men have attempted to palm ofl upon the people a Congressional Convention. Hie people are capable of taking care of themselves and need no ptejudiced interference. Kenan is < our choice, and we do not intend that he shall be sacrificed longer to the malignity or prejudice of enemies. 1 WILKINSON. A Young Giil Oiitrtged by a Prlnct! — The Czar Avenges her Wrongs. Last December an officer in the elegant uniform of the Chevalier Guards galloped ! along one of the most tashionable streets in Peteisburgb. Passing a moyasin de modes, he saw r a charming young girl enter. He followed her, aDd, was struck by her cheer- j ful but modest grace, and the freshness and ‘ tenderness which distinguished her. On her retiring, he learnt that she was the daugh ter of a poor chinowick , (civilian,) that the shop-people worked for her at a low rate, from admiration of her youth and character, and that she would return at six. That officer, with two of his friends, in dulged in a sumptuous dinner, inflaming his passions with costly champagne. But ex actly at six, a large and gorgeous troika, (a double-seated sledge) stopped near the may asin, harnessed with three ppletidid horses. The poor Olga advanced, was instantly half stifled in a fur cloak, lifted into the troika, carried on to Czarsko Zelo, where a conve nient and lonely house of entertainment awaited them, and was there brutally rav ished, after indignantly rejecting every kind ! of bribe. But her resistance was so violent j that she disfigured the faces of her assailants. ! On her return her lather appealed to the hated police, but in vain. The police-master assured him that the criminals could not be identified. On this her brother, an officer in the country regiment, was written to.— He was indefatigable in his inquiries, dis covering that three officers had suddenly announced themselves sick, to hide the scars in their faces, wrote a petition to the Empe ror, and succeeeded in awaking his sympa thy. The police-master w'as summoned, and the Czar charged him instantly to procure a true report of what had passed. This was done. The criminal wa3 Prince Galitzin. But mark the punishment. The Czar in stantly compelled him to marry the sufferer, endowed her on the spot with hall his world ly goods, making her at once very wealthy, and then immediately issued a ukase of di vorce, leaving her entirely free. All the i three officers were transported to a country regiment, deep in the. heart of Russia, and were refused any rise in military rank. Never was poetical justice more rapid and more complete. The sentence does honor to the Emperor, and almost makes us long, in certain cases, for an omnipotent des ‘ pot But this is not the only instance in which Alexander 11. lias given proofs of a good heart and great vigor. The circumstance lias excited an immense sensation in the Russian capital, and will doubtless have good results. Derangement of the Mails. We see from our exchanges, that the present dr any emeut of the Mails are de nounced hy the Press in unmeasured terms, and we think deserveuly so. We have here tofore been accustomed to receive a daily Northern J fail, and send forward from this Office a daily Southern Mail. At present we receive but three way Mails from Fort Valley and North of that, and the mails which are sent from this office, as we are informed by our Post-master, are returned every other day. The fault evidently must lie with the Pqst-rnaster General, and a remedy for this ungenerous yrievance seems to be beyond our reach. We can regard this impediment in no other light but that of yross and wilful negligence on the part of the Department at Washington, and a thorough and complete reorganization of that Department would be hailed as a bless ing by the people. The mail from this point to Irwinville, a distance of about forty miles, has recently been changed from a direct to a circuitous route by Troupville, over 100 miles extra mail service, by which means the mails will probably reach that point once a month.— These are not the only routes that suffer by inconvenience in this regard. YY'e now call upon the lion. Martin J. Crawford to use his exertions to remedy an evil which is as objectionable, if not more so, than the present regulations of the Post office Department.— Alb. Patriot. Ben Hill's Letter. | To the Editor of the Ga. Citizen: I have just read the able letter of Ben i Hill, upon the abuses of the Government, Ac. He characterizes the Kansas English Bill, as “that degradation of legislation, and ! abomination of hypocrisy /” In this section we think with our gallant Ben. Hill, and will vote for no man for Congressional hon ors of the 7th District, who favored or vo | ted for it, or paired off upon it. We were withSenator Crittenden against this abomin able English RUI. Even the Democratic Senator Iverson now denounces it. Did not r the Hon. Joshua Hill support it ? Do not the Americans, with thousands of Demo -1 crats, denounce it? In this section we do. Did not our American papers support Mr. Crittenden’s course upon and against the English bill ? How then can any suppose that with this weight upon his shoulders, we can re-elect the Hon. Joshua Hill in the 7th? | This bill is one of the great points of assau It | upon the national Democratic party, and in j loaning ourselves to the course of the “South ern Recorder,” we would be guilty of an in i consistent, suicidal policy. We notice that Mr. Orme is for a third i time trying to get up a Congressional Con [ volition lor the nomination of Mr. Joshua i Hill. We say we have had enough ujxin the inconsistency of Conventions—let the )>eo ple, (as they are determined to do) make their own selection at the ballot box. This they intend to do, in despite of u'ire-paUrrs and irresponsible conventions. For tweuty years, our section has beea paseed unnoticed in the political honors of the District. We now stand for equal rights and an ojien field, and are determined to have them. We are not for rule or ruin, but we do not intend to be ruled by a Convention if ruin be the con sequence. The southern section of the 7th Congressional District is entitled to a partici pation in its honors, uud, as freemen, we not only assert the right, but will maintain it, irrespective of all die ation. Our choice has long been, Kenan, a id we do not intend that the personal spleen of the editors of the “Re corder ” shall, by such meetings as Mr. Orme presided over, as chtirman, composed, as we see published, of five besides himself, 1 oDger, by such unusual and feeble efforts to prevent public sentiment, control our action. TWIGGS. Conversion to Spiritualism. —The Bos ton Courier announces editorially, without contradiction, the fact of the circulation of a report that Prof. Fellon, of Harvard College, distinguished for Greek scholarship and his controversial ability as a writer against Spir i itualism, has become a believer in that doc trine, if not a medium—“ Laving found, in the course of his researches, that the evidence was irresistible.” GEORGIA CITIZEN. L. F. W. ANDREWS, Editor. MACON, AUGUST 5, 1859. FOR CONGRESS, Thos. Hardeman, jr., OF MACON. OPPOSITION mi nifiiTiu Will be held at ATLA X T A on Wednesday, August 10,1859. The following resolution was unani mously adopted by the istate Opjosition (_ on vention, at Macon, on the 20th of July: “ Resolvod, That we recommend a Mass Convention of our friends be held in AT : LANTA, on the Second Wednesday in Au ; gust, and that this Convention will adjourn to said place and time, and the counties not now represented are requested to send Dele gates. And that we postpone the nomina tion of a candidate for Governor until that time.” To Correspondents. “Caught by a Laugh,” an original story, by “Aunt Jennie,” in our next. “Anti-Berrien”—too late for our present weekly edition, but will have atten | tion in our next. Cr<*(lit. — The article copied by us last ! week, on the subject of State Aid to Rail j Roads, and credited to the Brunswick Her- I aid, should have been credited to the Albany Patriot. Death of T. P. Stubbs. Our whole community wa* shocked, at the announcement of the sudden death of THOMAS F. STUBBS, Esq., at his resi dence in this city, on yesterday inorning ) about 3 o’clock, after a brief illness of a few r days. On Thursday of last week Mr. Stubbs came down to his office, hut had to return, from inability to attend to business. His disease was Typhoid Fever, which final ly seated on his bowels, and his over wrought and exhausted constitution rapidly sank under it. He was 48 years of age on the sth of July last. The funeral obsequies will take [dace this morning at 9 o’clock, and will be participa ted in by the Masonic and I. O. O. F. I ra ternities, and by the Macon Volunteers, of all of which deceased was a member ; also by the members of the Court and Bar, and citizens generally. The death of such a man as Peter Stubbs is a public calamity. No man was more generally know'n—no one more respected. — His extensive practice, at the Bar, brought him into the closest relations of friendship and confidence with a large class of citizens, and he won the regard of all, bv his devo tion to their interests, by the untiring faith j fulness of his friendship, and the unselfish nature of his services in behalf of those who i were unable to pay him, otherwise than by ! their gratitude. Hundreds of the widowed ’ and fatherless who have shared his constant benificence, will weep tears of sympathy with his own immediate family, in this their sad bereavement and desolation. Oh ! death, how ruthless, often, is thy coming! The dearest ties of affection arc suddenly broken —the “ silver chord is loosed”—and “the mourners go about the streets.” And yet there is a drop of balm to each wounded and crushed heart. Our friend and brother has only laid aside his earthly tabernacle—an immortal has been born—he “still lives.” But we cannot, to-day, pay a fitting tri bute to the character and memory of the deceased. Personally, our loss is irrepara ble. He was a reliable friend, “ a friend in need,” and the blow has fallen upon us with such terrible suddeness, that we have not words to do justice to the great loss that has befallen our community. For Congress. Ist. District. 2d. “ Marcellos Hotiglass, of Randolph. 3rd. “ Tlun*s Hardeman, Jr., of Bibb. 4th. “ Mm. I’. Wright, of Coweta. sth. “ 6th. “ 7th. “ f#\ A. 11. Ecuan, of Baldwin. Bth. “ A. K. Wright, of Jefferson. Alabama Election. From the returns received, there is no i doubt of the entire success of the Democracy of Alabama in the election, on Monday last* I Clopton beats Tom. Judge several hundred voter. This is contrary to all expectation, and proves that the dominant party is joined to its idols—and must be let alone. Mojre leads Samford several thousand votes, and is re-elected Governor, of course. Columbus Sun. This sprightly Daily, comes to us much enlarged and improved. We are gratified to witness such an evidence of its advancing prosperity. Atlanta Convention. Delegates to the Mass Convention at At lanta, on the 10th of August, can go and re turn from Macon, for five dollar.-, on pro curing tickets at the Depot in this city. This reduction in the regular rates of (are, will, we hoje, induce full attendance of Dele gates from all the counties east, south, and south-west of us. Next Wednesday is the day for the meeting of the Convention. Bibb Democracy. There was a meeting of a |>ortion of the Democracy of Bibb, at the Court House on Tuesday, for the purpose of placing candi dates in nomination for the Legislature.— On consultation, however, the meeting de termined to call a county meeting on the 4th Saturday of this month, composed of j Delegates from each District, to be chosen on the od Saturday. According to Demo- j crntic parlance, this meeting was a “fizzle.” ‘ The “State Press” clique that desired to place certain ambitious young men in the ‘ field for Legislative honors, must feel some what disgruntled :>t the postponement of their wish -s. Murderi- By a private letter just received from the Post Master at M'Queen, LaFayette Cos., Florida, we learn that a double murder was committed on the 16th of July, at Pumpkin ! Swamp, in that neighborhood. One James Mundav shot and killed Elijah Locklayer. Subsequently he (Mundav) was shot by two men supposed to be Geo. Hunler and Greese Bustle, from which he died in half an hour. Mtinday was trying to get back Looklaj*er’s daughter to live with him as his mistress. She had became dissatisfied with her paramour and had returned to her father’s. The same correspondent says that another man was killed at Lake City, on the 15th nit., in a drunken brawl. Fulton County. On Saturday, Col. James M. Calhoun w nominated for the Senate, and J. J Thi>-i w, Esq., for the House, ly the Opp ( , s j tl(j party of Fulton County. —-——. 8 h. District. It gives us pleasure to announce that H , A. R. Wright, of Jefferson, has l>een f,| ufVl in nomination by our friends of the gjj District, in opposition tooneJ. Jenks for a seat in Congress. If this nominate is not equivalent to an election, it will he a burning shame and disgrace to the State as well as to the District. Let the higk. toned and gallant Bth not condescend ton,,, humiliation of being represented hy any such an ajtoloyy for a Congressman as the mar. of three J’s to his name. Why even the fastidi ous and finikin Augusta Dispatch, a Denm. erratic neutral print, repudiates Jenks. at„| goes for “ liansc .” “Straws,” At-.. The Southern Me'hcdist No. 3 of this new weekly paper has juq beeu issued by Rev. Dr. James Stewart, Ll itor and Proprietor. It is in contemplation by the Doctor to purchase the materials ne cessary to do bis own printing, after the is. sue of his next number, August lfitli JI„ will thus remove out of his way the preju dice which some mean and bigoted persons have entertained against his enterprise, be cause of the paper being printed at this of. lice! Strange as it may appear, there are professing Christians in this city, who would, directly or indirectly, filch the bread from a neighbor’s mouth, solely, for the reason, that said neighbor holds a different faith from them ! Is there any charity in the religion of such men? We have some doubts on the subject. We have. However, let the bigot scorn and the hypocrite squirm—if they are happy in such manifestations, we will trv and lx- content. One Way to Make an “Amende” The Literary Editor of the Southern Field & Fireside, one Wm. M. Mann, thus makes his apology to his readers, for the publica tion of a scurrilous anecdote, entitle 1 “ (h,- : ing it Blind,” which was specially offensive | to a large class of his readers, and on which we made some comments, in our last week's ; paper: “ We published, last week, upon the au thority of a respectable correspondent, whose name we have, an original religious anecdote, entitled “ Going it Blind,” which the writer averred to be “a true statement of • tacts.” A western editor, a Thersites of the press, the fear of whom we happened not to have before our eyes, has taken prompt and wrathful exception to the anecdote.— i Our equanimity shall not be disturbed by the characteristic, unbecoming manner in which our critic has administered his repren f. YVe will not even allow it to deter us from ad mitting that we were wrong. Be the anec dote in question true or not, we believe up on reflection, it would have been better not to give it place in the columns of the Field A Fireside ; and in future wa shall be more careful. Ours is a family paper which we are striving to introduce as a welcome guest into every Southern parlor. We wish it to be read, approved, and supported by men of all political parties, and of all religious sects. To this end it should be, and we mean that it shall be, patriotic, but not partisan; reli gious but not sectarian. We would not wil lingly give place in it to anything that could ’ reasonably offend any class, however, small, of good men and worthy citizens. YVe know that there are many such in the religious sect at which the invidious anecdote of last week was particularly aimed : and therefore regret having published it.” Now, we consider this apology quite asof -1 fensive as the first aggression ! It is evi dently made with very great reluctance, and : only under conviction that his own bread and butter, as well as the interests of his employer, demanded some answer to our ex posure of this man's sectarian malignity.— In making that exposure, we simply denoun ced the anecdote against the Universalist people as “false and slanderous,” and ask ed for the proof. Our sense of duty required this much at onr hands, not only in defence ! of our own religious faith, but in rebuke of that foul spirit of fanaticism, which stalks abroad through the land, through the aid of the pulpit and the Press. And for so doing, this Literary Editor of the “Field and Fire side,” charges us with being a “ Thersites of the Press,” guilty of “scurrilous criti | cisir.s,” and as “flinging missiles” against him. In other words, we are denounced as a scurrilous blackguard, because we thought | it right to denounce this newly-fledged and j unknown scribbler, for admitting an offen sive anecdote into the columns over which j he has been employed temporarily as over i seer. Tie thus proves himself to be incapa ble of entertaining that sense of right and justice which leads all honorable men to re tract an error, without manifesting any re gret at so doing. We need not sa v to our readers, that we have not assailed this “ Literary Editor with missiles—that we have not been the aggressor in this matter—but we have only acted as the defender of ourself ana others of like faith, from what the editor hini>-lf admits to be invidious and wrong. Our con* i elusion, therefore, is that though this “Lit* j erary Editor” may be a Man by name, he has not shown himself to be a gentleman worthy of any further notice from us. Still Another Version. A communication having appeared in the Columbus Krquirer of the 30lli July, signeil, “A Frieud of Gen. Hull’s Family,” in which there are palpable misrepresentations of the facts connected with the “squabble about the j negro girl,’ of which I am owner, I feel it to be my duty to make the following statement: i It is positively false that Gen. Hull ever pur chase! the girl in question, or ever owned her I by any legal title, and to give the gentlemiiU . and his friends au opportunity to make some thing out of very small capital, I hereby pledge myseif not only to relinquish my claim to the girl Adeline, but to transfer the whole of th 9 lamiiy to the ownership of Gen. Hull, provided he will prove to any respcctablecitizen of Rus sel county, Alabama, or, of Columbia, Georgia, 1 by legal evidence, that he has or ever had a bill of sale or other title to said girl, or will show any receipt or voucher from me, sot any payment made by him to me, on account of said girl. Here then is a chance for “A friend j of Gen. Hull’s Fam ly” or the General himself to make at least $5,000, without any capital whatever. To my friends anil the public I will say, for the last lime, that the ingratitude of Gen. Hull i for favors bestowed upon him for several years past, is as base as imagination can conceive. He came te Columbus, broken down in name and fortune, and has foryears been sustained by my bounty, and now he wishes to rob me of my property, to which he has not a shadow of title. This I say, publicly, and am responsi ble for the allegation. I will, for the next ■ mouth, be found at the Indian Springs, where the “Friend of Gen. Hull’s Family” or any other person aggrieved by this expnsure of meditated rascality, can have a satisfactory in terview, in any way which they may select, for the adjustment of the difficulty. p. McLaren. Killed by Lightning.— We learn that on the 2Gth inst., at Hamilton, Harris county, Ga., Dr. John Irby wa3 killer! by lightning while seated in the Hotel of that village. Others sitting around were stunned by the lightning. Dr. Irby was well known in this county and leaves a family.-