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junj 16, i ysy.
KEORGIA STATE GAZETTE
■ O R -
I INDEPENDENT REGISTER.
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?RE SS t aud TRIAL by JUR Y, to remain inviolate forever. Conjiilvlicn ttf Georgia*
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| T JGU ST A: Printed by JOHN E. SMITH, Printer to the States F£ il )' s * Articles ts Intelligence*
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MMf. PRINTER,
|l T is with fame difficulty I persuade mvfelf to
B become an author iu your .paper on the pre
ftt occasion ; however, I hope, the ferioufnels
B the lubject will plead my excufc, and what may
B offered will neither be imputed to arrogance or
■ dangerous presumption. 'At a time like this,
fcen our country growns under the severe prefiuie
B a bad Ccuji.tutiouy and that conftitutiou aided
Bid supported by fume who call theinfelves/i/Wr
■ this country, in direct violation of the lecoiu-
Bendatious of the supreme power of this state, the
Wtgiflature •—I fay, at a time like it becomes
Be immediate duty of every good citizen, who
Bs fought and bled for their independence, (in
checking the ravages of a cruel and brutith enemy)
jtO hep forth and tell his honest countrymen what
fe the real happiness of the people, by established
Irefidents, supported on the broad basis of plain
■talon and truth.
J Whatever may be adduced by the several
Bithors iu opposition to the recommendations of
Be Legillature, I hope, and hill feel, we have
Brtue enough to support pur laws, and our Af
fcmbly. For what doth it avail, however good the
Bws may be, if the yare not supported ?—Then, if
Be pay an implicit obedience to the sovereign
flower, surely we will not diftegard its recom-
Bendations by a contemptuous conduct.—Shall
Bie man put up, and bring forth his /ingle opinion
Bifupported but by the mere flights of fancy, in
Bppofition to the colle&ive wisdom of the state,
Bpported by die inherent right of a free people ?
my countrymen, fuppoit your freedom and
■pur laws, and diftegard the man who attempt
m advise you from it. I would ask every one of
Bit seriously, that Ihould you be so unfortunate
■ pofiefs an evil, would you not willingly get rid
■ it when in your power ? Then, iball we argue
Hd fay we know we have a bad constitution, and
lie afraid to remedy it, left we get a worse one,
Btd the attempt is dangerous. Very sublime rea-
Bn indeed ! We are become so contemptible, as
B be afraid of trusting ourselves. —O, my coun-
By, whcie is all your boasted virtue now?
ißhere has that difmteiefted valor and honor fled,
Bhich supported you through a trying war, and
went hand in hand with true fortitude ? Let us step
pbrth, my countrymen, (endeared by the tender
fjfcjpnneftion of friends and brotheis) and a Cert our
tights in a fteadv determination, yet to be fne t
dby acceding to, and signing the recommendations
the Legillature, under a full reliance that, that
Iklonc, is now the only remedy left far us to bebe
jjjefited by. Much might be said to support the
■ecommendations of rho House j but the matter
has beenfo fully difculTed by your Representatives,
(die whole Houle being unanimous on the qucflion)
too fureiy spoke your language, and had your
good at heart, that I lhalf not take up your time
by argument in their favor ; nor will I gratify any
pedantic inclination I may feel, by a laboured ex
poftulat.on on the fubjedt; for lam well aware,
that to endeavour to contravene the sense of the
Resolves of so dignified a body as the House of
Afiembly, is to do an injuflice to the sacred obli
gation in which we aie ail, or ought to be bound
to each other. The arguments, however, made
use of by Virginias, I cannot help taking notice of:
In rcfpcit to the firft article, I take it, it never
was meant “ merely to alter the mode” of appoint
ing the Executive, but what was comprehended
by every individual, I believe, in the House, and,
which I am sure was the intention of the Commit
tee who brought in the report, to mve/i a nega
tive' power in the Executive, which would add
dignity to that department, and be of fulficient
energy to give it consequence :—Whereas, at pte
fent, it is common for the House to appoint thole
members, whom they think have the mo ft leifurc
on their hands, disregarding the abilities of the
persons so appointed. Were they to be appointed
by the people, there would be candidates for the
Aftembly, and canditates for the Executive, and
the people would then vote accordingly; those of
the molt executive abilities would be put in that
department;—for I do aflert, that it availeth no
thing however good the laws may be, (as I said
before) if they are not decisively carried into exe
cution, and which, in my opinion, is not of so
trifling a consequence to this country. Again, in
reipelt to the lecoud recommendation, he fays,
“ that lhould a county which sent ten Rcprefen
“ tatives be divided, and each part so divided sent
“ five, then the burthen for the support of the re
** presentation will be equally as great as when
** the whole sent ten.” This to be sure is a plain
question indeed, and requires no great rhetoric to
find out. However, suppose the question was
thus put, and we will then find that the quejlion is
a goodxne : Every body (who has been but a little
while here) knows that this state labours under the
great grievance of too large a representation, then
we will suppose that all that county which now
fends ten members, no matter how divided (in
quarters if you please) ftiould only sent four, and
two for the Executive, —I wonder if this would
not be diminiftiing the representation, and save
the little which has from time to time been col
lege d into the treasury. As to the third exception
which Virginias has made, I confefs, I am not
| I.avvye; enough to s:ncr fully into its m?rit3 or
TIIE
demerits ; and if his heart is full as well governed
as his head appeals to have lecn, l make no doubt
but feme of the objections might (laud good -
Yet I would alk if we do not tepol'c an equal conj.-
den.e in the Hoife of Aficmbly, as <u* are now
about to ao it in ike ftt-flr, when vve fuffer them to
make laws for us. And, in the name of eommo i
jetiji, how can that be a death warrant to our liber
ties, when the government of the law is no tnorcr
than executing what the AU'emhly has said lltall
be } and it matters not, how or in what manner
the law is executed, so the coufequences ate the
fame. Therefore, upon the whole, I know that
it is ueceifary to alter the confl.tution for the fafe
ty of the people, and which if not tone, will in
fallibly end in a mod dangerous and lUtittioi t
republic ; and as I (land as independent as any ina i
in this country, in refpeft to my political prin
ciples, I hesitate not to declare, that I fee nothin,;
foalarming in signing the lecvmmeuclations of the
Houle :—Nor were we adi.ated by any fear, on \
mote serious and trying occalion than the prefeiu,
the /e-vet iig turfd'Ves from the ujurqat ion (f Great -
fir.turn. —“ When the gales of liberty blow too
boisterous, the political lulls may he reeled, and a
bad pilot'be thrown over board;” and when we
labbur under a grievance, the duty we owe to
God, to p'jftrity , and to curfclnjes, demands a ic
paratiou :—“ Hut when the hctmfman has to »
inudi power, nothing but an infurreftion amon;
the crew can save the political ved’cl.” So on the
other hand, ty inveffing a negative power in the
Executive, is equally dividing the power of that
body r and which will lave helnjman , crew, and all.
I am Hill for adviiingthe figtiing the recommen
dations of the Iloufc of Aflembly, as follows:
First That the boundaries of the counties ihould
not make any part of the constitution.
Second. That the number of Representatives
from the different counties be diminilhed, and that
the mode of appointing the Executive be altered.
Third. That the time and manner of holding the
Courts, and adminirtcring justice be left to be re
gulated by law.
A SOLDIER.
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Quantity of CCRDUROY. Wliofoever lias loft
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A3IA CLAY.
May 27, Tr2‘.
[No. XXXVIII.j