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SATURDAY, June 7, 1788#
i-AAAIA.J
GEORGIA STATE GAZETTE
OR
INDEPENDENT REGISTER.
FKEE DO M of the F R ESS. and T R I A I h. 1 IT R v
i Rt A L br JUR Y, to remam ...violate forever. CcnJUtuU. ./ Cnriia.
*U GU ST A: Print'd by JO.HN E. SMITH, Printer to the State; Mays, ArUclet}
, Intelligence, Advertisements, &c. will be gratefully received, and every kind of Printing terfermd.
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Mr. SMITH,
fy giving (befollowing a place in yhur paper ,
you will oblige several of your fub/cribers.
H circular Letter from his Excellency Gene-,
ral Washington, Commander in Chief of
the Armies of the United States of Ame
rica.
(CIRCULAR.)
HeaJ-£>uarters, Newburgh , Jupe 18, 1783.
SIR,
THE great objeft for which I had the ho
nor to hold an appointment in the ler
*ice of my country being accomplished, I am
now preparing to resign it into the hands of
Congress, and return to that domestic retire
ment, which, it is well known, I left with
the greatest relutfance; a retirement for
which I have never ceased to sigh through a
long and painful absence, in which, (remote
from the noifs and trouble of the world) I
meditate to pass the remainder of life, in a
Hate of undisturbed repose ; but, before I car
ry this resolution into effeft, I think it a du
ty incumbent on me to make this my last of
ficial communication, to congratulate you on
the glorious events which Hdhven has been
pleased to produce in our favor, to offer
my sentiments refpefting some important fub
yefts, which appear to me to be intimately
connetled with the tranquilicy of the United
States, toT take nfy leave of your Excellency
as a public charaftcr, and to give my" final
blcifrags to thatfcountry in whefe fcrvice I have
spent the prime of my life * for whose fake
I have confomed so many anxious days and
watchful nighttf, and whose bappmefs, being
extremely dear to me,' will always constitute
no inconsiderable part of my own.
ImprefTed with the Kvelieft sensibility on
this pleasing occasion,• I will claim the indul
gence of dilating the more co/lioufly on the
iubjeft of our mutual felicitation. When we
confider the magnitude of the prize we con
tended for, the doubtful nature of the contest,
and the Favorable manner in which it has ter
minated, We shall find the greatest poflible
reason for gratitude and rejoicing * this is a
theme that will afford infinite delight to every
benevolent and liberal mind, whether the e
vent in contemplation be considered as the
source of present enjoyment, or the parent
of future happiness; and we (hall have equal
occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which
providence has aflrghed us, whether we view
it in a natural, of a political, or a moral point
of light.
The citizens of America, placed in the
Xtioff enviable condition, as the foie lords and
proprietors of avast trail of continent, com
prehending all the various foils and climates
of the world, and abounding with all the ne
ceflaries and conveniences of life, and now
by the late fatisfailory pacification’, acknow
ledged to bepofiefled of absolute freedom and
independency, they are from this period to be
considered as theaftors on a moftconfpicuous
theatre, which seems to be peculiarly desig
nated by providence for the difplayof human
greatneis And felicity: Here they are not
only surrounded with every thing that can
contribute to the completion of private and
domestic enjoyment, but Heaven has crowned
all its other bleiTmgs by giving a surer oppor
tunity f*?r political happiness, than any other
nation has ever been favored with,. Nothing
c> n il’uftrat? these more forcibly
than a recollection of the happy conjuncture
be adduced to prove, that without an entire
of tijnes and circumfiances, under which our
republic assumed its rank among the nations.
Theioundation of our empire was not laid in
the gloomy age of ignorance and fupcrftition,
but at the epocha when the rights of mankind
were better understood and more clearly de
fined., than at any former period : Researches
of the human mind after social happiness have
been carried to a great extent: The treasures
of knowledge, acquired by the labours of
philosophers, i'ages and legislators, through a
long fucceflion of years, are laid open forufe,
and tbeir collected wisdom may be happily
applied in the eftablirtiment of odr forms of
government: The free cultivation of letters,
.the unbounded extension of commerce, the
progressive refinement of manners, the grow
ing liberality of sentiment, and above all, the
pure and benign light of revelation, have had
a meliorating influence on mankind, and en
creafed the bldlings of society. At this au
spicious period the United States came into
existence as a nation, and if their citizens
thould not be completely free and happy, the
fault will be entirely their own.
Such is our situation, and fuclrare our pro
fpefts ; but notwithftauding the oup of blefling
is thus reached out to us, notwithstanding
happiness is ours, if we have a difpolition to
seize the occasion and make it our own ; yet
it appears to me, there is an option still left
to the Unred States of America, whether
•they will be refpeftable and prosperous, or
contemptible and miserable as a nation ; this
is the time of their political probation ; this
is the moment, when the eyes of the whole
woild are turned upon them ; this is the mo
ment to efiablifh or ruin their national cha
raf.ersfor ever; this is the favorable moment
to give such a tone to the federal got'ernment
as will enable it to answer the ends of its in
stitution ; or this may be the Hl-fated moment
for relaxing the powers of the union, annihi
lating the cement of the confederation, and
exposing us to become the sport of European
; politics, which would play one state against
another, to prevent their growing importance,
and to serve their own interested purposes.
For according to the fyflem of policy the dates
ftiall adopt at this moment, they will stand or
falland, by their, confixnnfirm or laffr,—
it is yet to be decided, whether the revolu
tion must ultimately be considered as a blefling
or a curfe; —a blefling or a curse, not to the
present age alone, for with our fate will the
destiny of unborn millions be involved.
With this convi&ion of the importance of'
the< present crisis, silence in me would be a
crime ; I will therefore speak to your Excel
lency the language of freedom and of sinceri
ty, without disguise. lam aware, however,
tbofe who differ from me in political senti
ments may, perhaps, remark, I am stepping
out of the proper line of ray duty ; and they
may poflibly aferibe to arrogance or ostenta
tion, what I know is alone the refolt of the
purest intention ; but the reftitude of my own
heart, which disdains such unworthy motives;
the part I have hitherto afted in life, the de
termination I have formed of not taking any
share in public business hereafter ; the ardent
desire I feel, and shall continue to manifeft,
of quietly enjoying in private life, after all
the toils of war, the benefits of a wife and
liberal government, will, I flatter myfelf,
sooner or later coavince »y‘cou»tryiaen f that
THE
... V ... . _ .!* _ .. 7‘ ’ ' ' - *
fNo T yyytt i
I could have no finifler view# in delivering
with so little reserve, the opinions contained
in this addrcfs.
There are four things which I humbly con
ceive are eflential to the well being, I may
even venture to fay, to the exigence of the
United States as an independent power.
isl. An indifloluble union of the Hates un
der one federal head.
adly. A sacred regard to public jnflice.
3dly. The adoption of a proper peace
eflablithment, Andy
4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and
friendly disposition among the people of the
United States, which will induce them to for
get their local prejudices and politics, to make
those mutual concefiions which are reqmfite
to the general profperiry, and, in son e in
i fiances, to facrifice their individual advan
tages to’ the interest of the community.
These ard the pillars on which the glorious
fabric of our independency and national cha
racter mull be supported —Liberty is the ba
sis—and whoever would dare to sap the foun
dation, or overturn the flrufture, under what
ever specious pretexts he may attempt it, will
merit the bitterell execration, and the fevered
punilhment, which can be inflicted by his in
jured country. ,
On the three fir ft articles I will make ft few*
oblervations; leaving the lall to the good
sense, and serious eonfideration of those iin-*
mediately concerned.
Under-the firft head, although it may not
be necessary or proper for me in this plate to
enter into a particular disquisition of the prin
ciples of the union, and to take up the great
question which has been frequently agitated,
whether it be expedient and requisite for the
Hates to delegate a larger proportion of power
to Congress, or not; yet it will be a part of
my duty, and that of every true patriot, to
assent, without reserve, and to infifl upon the
following propofitionß:—That tinlefs the Hates
will fuffer Congress to exercise those prero
gatives they are undoubtedly invefled with by
the conflitution, every thing mufl very rapid
ly tend to anarchy and confufion. That it is
indifpenfible to the happiness of the individual
Hates, that there Ihould be lodged, somewhere
a supreme power to regulate and govern the
- —general luiiceiim of the confederated repub
lie, without which the union cannot be of
long duration.
That there mnH be a faithful and pointed
compliance on the part of every Hate with
the late proposals and demands of Congress,
or the mofl fatal consequences Will ensue.
That whatever measures have a tendency to
diflolve the i nion, or contribute to violate or
leflen the sovereign authority, ought to be
considered as hoflile to tbe liberty and inde
pendency of America, and the authors of them
treated accordingly.— And laHly, that uniefs
we can be enabled* by the concurrence of tho
Hates, to participate of the fruits of the re
volution, and enjoy tbe effem.ial benefits of ci
vil society, under a form of government so
free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded
againH the danger of opprefiion, as has been
devised and adopted by the articles of confe
deration, it will be a fubjed of regret, that
so much blood and rreafure have been lavished
for no porpofe ; that so many fufferings have
been encountered without a compensation,
and that so many facrifices have been made in
vain. Many other confederations might her*
.