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WEEKLY ENQUIRER.
JOHN H. MARTIN,
. Editor
COLUMBUS: *
TUESDAY', MARCH 5, 1867.
Governor Brown*! Aectcr.
Whatever may b»ve been tha unmen-
tioncd. promptings received by Ex-Gov.
Brown in his promiscuous political asso
ciation during his late visit to Washington,
be presents no new views of the situation
in the letter which we copy on our first
page. Every man who has calmly con
sidered possible political conUngencies is
aware of the great peril that environs us,
and of the difficulty of finding any pre
sent help in the hour of our calamity.
But why is the Ex-Governor so hasty in
urging unhesitating and prompt compli
ance with the demands of Congress ? Can
we, as a people, lose anything by waiting
to Me whether the bill upon wbicb be
bases his proposed action is to become a
law? Is the President of the United
States entitled to so little respect and con
sideration—our respect and consideration
—that we can not wait to see the arguments
he has to use, and wbat grounds he has to
take, in his hourly expected veto message?
Are we so soon to take it for granted that
the bill is a law, and that neither the
Executive nor the Judicial branch of the
Government has any power to reassert the
supremacy of the Constitution, if (as we
all believe) that instrument has been de
struction ~oT oar
political organization ? Why should we
yet despair of a favorable reaction in
Northern sentiment, when no popular
indications whatever have yet been given
of the acceptability of the harsh measures
proposed for our government—when elec
tions are just about to come off that will
afford a better understanding of the feel
ing of the Northern people? Why not
continue in the unmolested enjoyment,
vouchsafed to us for a brief period, of the
State (or "provisional”) Government of
our own choosing? Is the limit of its
existence too Iona, that we must hurry up
the processes for its overthrow provided
by the Congressional bill—that we must
begin to hurry them along even before
the bill has become a law ? Is this un
seemly haste reconcilable with our attach
ment to our old Slate institutions, and
with tbo decent respect for their memory
that should at least restrain unnecessary
baste in burying them out of Bight ? Nay,
should we not, though they may appear
already dead, wait the customary time to
see whether the last spark of life is hope
lessly extinguished?
It is not our custom to question the
motives of public men. But these reflec
tions lead to the irrepressible inquiry,
may not Governor Brown's impatience be
prompted by a paramount desire to place
himself at least above the reach of the
tide which he sees sweeping on towards
us ? Is there no selfish resolve that,
though the mass of the people who have
so often honored and followed him should
be overtaken by the surging waves, he at
least will in time reach a place of safety ?
To-be-sure, he carries a weight that would
seem to render such an achievement diffi
cult; hot we know not all the under
currents that flow even with the mighty
wave of a great revolution. The militia
captain who started first in a retreat,
because he was a little lame, was a fair
specimen of a certain class of politicians,
as wall as military heroes. If it is the
"big scare” for No. 1 that now makes
Governor Brown so hasty in "changing
his base," we can only express regret
that he did not take it before he took
Fort Pulaski
If the legislation of Congress had left
it to ourselves to tear down our old State
flag, we should at least do it with dignity
And becoming respect. But it raises up
aad commissions other agents to do the
deed. We are, aB Governor Brown argues,
powerless to prevent it. But that is no
reason why we should anticipate their
action and hasten the vandal deed. Let
those who claim and exercise complete
power over us destroy our institntions and
organize their new political elements. To
us is left the privilege of passive endur
ance, without the approving participation
that must involve us in responsibility for
the ruthless destruction of a social and
political organization which we believe to
be the only one that can maintain order
or restore prosperity to our unhappy
country.
State Ald to Manufactures.
Though the bill introduced into the
Legislature of Alabama by Mr. Barnes
failed to become a law, there is some rea
son: to hope that it has served a good pur-
poM in directing public attention to the
question of State aid in the building up of
manufacturing establishments. Noticing
the proposition of Mr. Barnes, the Charles-
ton Courier sayB: The bill is an admira
ble one. It affords relief while the State
incurs scarcely any risk of loss. The faith
and credit of the State is given to tha ex
tent of only one-half of the unencumbered
estate of the Company, and this is secured
by a mortgage of the whole.
The attention of the South has been
earnestly tamed in this direction, and we
commend the subject to the attention of
our Legislators. The proper way to re
lievo the necessities of tha State is, by
opeaing up new fields of industry and in
encouraging and aiding the mechanic and
manufacturing arts. It can never be ac«
complished by stay laws, or measures
tending to tha-repudislion of either private
or public debts. The effect of these is to
impair credit, and create distrust. It is a
suicidal policy.
Under its influence the public securities
must languish, and the obligations of the
State are viewed with suspicion and un
certainty. Credit has but to be breathed
upon to be turoisaecl. A.11 doubt on tb»a
subject should be clearly and finally dis'
pel led. A measure like that now pending
in Alabama, is both feasible, and must
prove of great efficiency. Carried out with
ordinary prudence and foresight, it will
enure to the increase of our material pros'
parity, without the State suffering any
pecuniary detriment.
It is at least worthy of consideration.
Among the appointments confirmed by
the United States Senate on the 23d inst.,
wes that of Robert Healy as Marshal for
the Southern District of Alabama.
Tha papers TepoTt the striking of oil in
Ray county, Mo. The St. Louis Petrols,
um Company have a well pumping one
hundred barrels par day. R<y is mostly
a high prairie county, lying on the north'
era side of the Missouri river.
The Memphis Post of Saturday says
Wbarfmaster Wilkins reports the Missis*
sippi within eighteen inches of the high
water mark of the great flood of 1862, and
steadily rising- __
A movement is said to be on foot to lay
pipes from Titusville, Pennsyvania, to
New Tork, for the purpose of transport
ing wsl, in competition with the railroads.
Thedsti mated capital is $5,000,000.
A special to the World says that the
PreaiZsnt has Rendered the Vienna mis-
tion to Peetmaster General Randall, as
(he Beaate jri'l not confirm Mr. Oowan.
a State Convention
his letter which w<
Who Can Call
Gov. Brown, in .—--
published yesterday, calls upon the Gov
ernor of Georgia to convene the Legisla
ture without delays that it may order an
election forsjeleghteato a State Conven
tion on tbo*. basis of the Congressional
bill; and, for fear that Governor Jenkins
should tale a different view of Isis dfilies
Where the Money Goes.
Wo have teen stvertrt-e&lsulaLfons as to
the amount of money the fijeopte of the
South have received ter their cotton since
amount of wealth and improvement that
rpSulfed therefrom. Any con
gratulate na based upon such figures are
entirely unfounded. Whoever witnesses
or powers, he exhorts the people of the j the immense amounts of corn now being
Stele to commence at once a pressure in received in our Southern cities from the
OIBUI W WMUUlBUUe a. UUCU a ..... ,'ir t_•• .». • • . ... .
favor of such a proceeding, by the agency' West, and reflects for a moment upon the also pass the bi.l over the veto.
« . i ’ V ' .‘j M 1 a L — P R- A Li II nl sfe V 11carl
of public meetings.
Now, we would like to know where
Gov. Brown finds the delegation of such
a power to Gov. Jenkins? The gxisti
Government of Georgia is distinctly <
dared illegal by the Congressional bill,
and no intimation is given that any of its
acts will ever be recognized. On the con
trary, the bill says that the "loyal and
republican State governments” contem
plated must be “lcgti.il y established.”
What was that significant word “legally”
used for in this connection ? Can an ille
gal government do any legal act? Will
Congress, declaro the new governments
legally establish d, if the existing govci n-
ments, declared illegal, take the initiative'
in inaugurating them ?.
It looks la us as if the. bill purposely
and carefully withholds for the present say, the other day, that it would beebeap
tha authority to commence the work of
reconstruction. This is one of the strong
indications that it is not the design of
Congress to permit haste in the processes
of restoration; in other werds, that it
does not want the reconstructed States to
come in too soon—in time to vote in Qre
us by the bill, and the existing State gov
ernments are tolerated for the present,
for the purpose of maintaining some sort
of organization until “legal” govern
ments shall have been instituted. But
we nowhere find that Congress has "ena
bled” them to call State Conventions,' or
participate in any way in the initiation of
the new order of things. And if the de
sire of the majority of Congress is to
keep us out until after the Presidential
election, the fact that the existing State
governments took the initiative in the
work of re-organization may be made the
justification for. withholding approval of
the constitutions adopted.
A Cincinnati Judge has decided that all
corporeal punishment in schools, whether
moderate or excessive, is unlawful, and of
the nature of an assault and battery; that
the power of correcting children by per
sonal chastisement belongs solely to the
parent, and cannot be delegated to the
teacher or any other person.
The country has had its indignation
aroused by instances of brutal flogging in
some of the schools of the North. But it
seems that this legal mode of jumping
from one extreme to another is not the
proper correction. To abolisl whipping
altogether in tha schools, would be to de
stroy necessary discipline and to give rein
to passions or indulgences that might
Anally bring upon both the children and
their parents much greater suffering and
shame than a moderate and judicious use
of the birch. The old farmer who set fire
to his barn to rid it of rats cortAinly adopt
ed a most efficacious mode, but the wis*
dom of the proceeding is seriously ques
tioned by people of plain common sense.
An attempt was made, on Monday
night last, to set fire to the store of YVre
ford & Son, on Market .street, Montgom
ery, Ala. The ovidences of incendiary-
design and preparation were unmistaka
ble. Lightwood splinters and other in
flammable material were found placed all
about the store, and saturated with tur-
ifentine and kerosine oil. The fire was
inguished before it had made any- cop-
crnWtJ prvjjmsft -tv-Tww miU a lLo.
vast boshress tfo*r being transacted by the
Western & Atlantic and other railroad
lines, will see the reason why the cotton
crop has not materially advanced the
prosperity of the South. He will see why
it is that money is so scarce, and planters
have been able to make so littio improve
ment. The money realized by the sole of
cotton goes to the purchase of corn and
other provisions. Much of it never went
into the planters’ pockets at aU, being
pledged for provisionsobtotnedinadvance
of the sale of the eotton. No doubt an
extensive business of this kind, for another
year, has already, commenced, and will
greatly increase as the planters’ little
stocks of home-raised corn and meat give
out.
We heard a very intelligent planter
►jocjt of goods was insured in an amount
g^fitly beyond their value. Young Sam'l
Wibford (son of the famous one-armed
merchant, who is now dead) was arrested
on suspicion, and was under examination
on Wednesday. The case excited great
J
Agricultural.—A communication in
the Albany News, from Milford, Baker
county, says:
Our planters are busily employed pre
paring their farms for planting. The
freedmen are doing well. I hear of no
complaints against them. Our country is
very quiet, our town ditto. Wq.have but
little excitement here. With now and
then the exception of a small "wee-bit”
of a fisticuff, a la Ecenan, naught occurs
to disturb the even current of our lives.
The same paper says:
The planters of Dougherty and sur
rounding counties were to have met at Al
bany yesterdry to have organized an ag
ricultural society. A good Aovo, and one
that should be followed in every direc
tion.
The Quitmrn Banner says:
We have conversed with a number of
large and intelligent planters of Brooks,
oounty, during the past week, and are
gratified to learn that they are pleased
with the conduct of the freedmen in their
employ, and have hopes of fine earn and
cotton crops the present year. Thefroed-
men are beginning to appreciate their trpe
status, and the result is a decided change
for the better. They are obedient, indus
trious and attentive—and one of the largest
planters in the county assured usthat they
are getting along just as well as they did
previous to the decree of emancipation.
The Hawkinsville Dispatch spoaks en
couragingly of agricultural pursuits in
that section. It also says the farmers are
busy preparing for planting, and the
freedmen are doing well.
er to raise cotton at 20 cents per pound
than to make corn no land that would
bring net more than ten bushels to the
acre,' provided he could buy Cord at $2 or
less, per bushel. Perhaps in individual
instances this might be so, but it requires
only a more general view of the question
f hi'Amumly^o/' planters'.' We refer "to
the United Stales Census for 1850 (the
latest Census Report we have), and find
that Georgia made the previous year, 500,-
000 bales of eotton, and 30,000,000 bushels
of corn (it was a little less cotton and a
little more corn, but we use round num
bers for convenience in computation).—
The hales of cotton were estimated at 400
lbs. each. At an average of 5> cents per
pound (wo find by reference to other sta
tistics that the price for Middling Uplands
at Now York fluctuated from 6Jc. on the
1st May, 1849, to 12c. on the 1st May. 1850)
this would be $36 per hale—$18,000,000
for the 500,000 hales. Corn maintained a
steady price of about 61c. per bushel at
New York from May 1, 1849. to May 1,
1850. The 30,000,000 bushels, then, raised
by Georgia in 1849, were worth $18.300,«
000—more than the whole value of the
eotton crop of the State, large as it was.—
But the difference was really greater than
this, because corn was worth more in
Georgia than in New Ytrk, while cotton
was worth less here than there. We may
safely say that the cotton oropof tbatyear
would have fallen at least a million of dol
lars short of buying tho corn necessary
for the consumption of the people of the
State. Whence, then, would have come
the money with which to buy everything
else required, if everybody had made cot
ton, and nobody corn? And we need
hardly say that Georgia made no corn for
exportation that year—she never does.
Testing, the theory by present prices
here, the result is very similar. 500,000
bales at 25c. (400 lbs. to the bale), $50,-
000,000. 30,000,000 bushels at $1.G0 per
bushel, $48,000,000. But if Georgia had
made 500,000 bales of cotton last year, the
price would not have been as high now as
25c. per lb.—everybody kpows that;
whereas, had sho made a Considerable
corn crop, her production of this cereal
would not have so much affected its price
as a large crop of cotton in this State
would affect the price of that staple.
Do not theso figures and comparisons
show us that it wik not do to neglect the
raising of corn for cotton; that the corn
crop is intrinsically worth the most; that
Jim Btate which buys all its corn, even
with cotton, must be impoverished ? It is
not essf to make a calculation for indi
vidual results; but these general data are
strongly suggestive that a part : al neglect
of corn (or cotton must also be bad policy.
Tho Atlanta Intelligencer publishes in
full the opinion of Judge Erskine, of the
United States Circuit Court for theSouth-
ern District of Georgia, in tho case of
William Law, Esq., who applied for ad
mission to practice in that Court without
taking the test oath required by act of
Congress. The Judge decided the act
requiring the test to be unconstitutional.
The decision was made nearly a year ago,
but the Intelligencer says that its publica
tion has been delayed in deference to the
Supreme Court of the United States,
which bad a similar case tfndor consid
eration.
Quick Work.
It appears by our dispatches th»t Hi
President sent to the House hi veto of
From the New York Sun. j also denounced os one of my "flagranti Tl^e New frrench Constitution
Private Opinions of the President, j usurpations’^—tho object evidently wot to | Paris**!). 8) Correspondence of the Puli Mall
Tho following account
by 4 o’clock the same afternoon we were
informed of tho passage of the bill over
the veto, in the House, by a vote 135 to 4X
No report'd the action of the Senate had
reached us when we wrote this, hut there
is no reason to doubt that the Senate v, : jl
divest too National Government of its j
coatraliaing power, and restore that power
vi;litarv and, Rec the New York Citizen, of a. \ eeatranaing power, and restore that power
the Military Government and: Lecm, persong , interv1ew with President John- | ns “early and promptly as circumstances
struclioa bill si - o clock yesterday, find son, will be read with especial interest at ■ ^’^uld permit to the people of Ibe various
the present time, sinco there U a general I CI -;;r® t, el Stales. ... ...
curiosity to khow whether tho President ‘ South is to-day in our bands a
has modified, in any important pnrticu- beaten, ne ploss, well nigb hopeless ceun-
lars, the views he has heretofore express- ; try—“Pd the power wo wield should he
od. It will bo seen that lie holds to his ; beld . BS a f acr,id Gust. We should not
original ground firmly on the question of i uso |S v| Pdiotively I will oot argue, bo-
reconstruction, and repeats the same opin
cause we profe.s to be Christians, and
these men ace, our. brothers; But, if .un.no
higher ground, then upon the ground of
solf-inferost. AH the legislation proposed
for the South proposes to multiply offices
Tho New York Evening Post (radical)
says that it has information that as soon
as the military bill passes over the veto,
the "loyal” citizens of North Carolina,
Arkansas, and perhaps South Carolina,
will “commence the work of re-organi
zation under it,” and that they will de
pend upon tho United States to protect
them in “holding the elections prescribed
by the act.” This goes to confirm our
suggestion that tho radical Congressmen
did not intend that the present Southern
State governments should initiate the re
construction movement under the bill,
and will not recognize their authority to
act in the premises.
Chio Too!—On the 26th ult. a resolu
tion introduced into the House of Repre
sentatives of the Ohio Legislature, pro-
■** » -w»~ ' I posing to amend the State Constitution so
Much is said in tho papers about a ; as to strike out the word "white” (and
"Congressional Temperance Society,” at allow the negroes to vote) was defeated
which a number of radical Senators and
Representatives figure prominently. It is
hardly necessary to say that it is only tem~
perance in the use of liquors that is em
braced in the pledge. In politics the lead
ing members are more intemperate than
any who ever before went to Washington.
An extension of the scope of the pledge
would be more beneficial to the country
than anything else the Society could do.
The Reporter is tho name of a semi
weekly paper just started at Apalachico
la, Fla.—G. YV. Pratt, editor and proprie
tor. It is an interesting little sheet, of
sound political views, at $5 per annum.
We wish it and its city much prosperity.
A call appears in the Atlanta papers for
a public meeting to bo held in that city on
Monday next, "to take into consideration
the duty of Georgia in the pending crisis.”
It is very respectably signed.
The Tribunes special says it is conceded
that there will be no opposition in the Re
publican party to the foilowi.ng-named
gentlemen as officers f <r the next House:
Colfax for Speaker; McPherson, Clerk;
Ordway, Sergeaut-at-Arms, and Given
Postmaster. There probahly will be a
new man for Goodnough’s place as Door*
keeper.
The Tribune's special, of the 2Gth, says :
“General Grant has expressed himself to
Senator WilBon and the Secretary of War
as warmly in favor of tho Reftonstruction
bill; contrary reports are unfounded.’’-.
Sharp Practicii.—Congress has vari
ous "investigating” committees at work;
but the Coe that is investigating the frauds
at New York has diet with an accident—
the peculiarly ‘‘sharp ’ citizens of that
place having stolen a great part of .the
evidence which bas been taken. The com
mit toe, however, intended to coll the wiU
nettae over again.
by a vote of 26 yeas to 50 nays 1 And yet
the Representatives from that State in
Congress vote atmost in a body to give
the right of suffrage to negroes in other
States than their own. They are deter
mined that they shall vote in the South,
bnl not in Ohio. We be-ieve, too, that
the laws of Indiana (another furious-radi
cal State) prohibit negroes from even go
ing there from other States to live. One
reason for this inconsistency is, that the
Southern radicals are so clamorous for
negro votes to give them offices in the
Southern States. The salvation of the
country depends on their having the
offices !
The Senate of West Virginia has, by
vote, decided to locate tho capital at Park
ersburg. The Heuse of Delegates has
not acted upon the question.s'
Tub Dunderberg.—Mr. William H.
Webb, tho designer and constructor of
the iron-clad screw ram Dunderberg,
having had an opportunity to dispose of
her to a foreign government, at a priqe
very fur in advance of the original con
tract, sought to be relieved from bis coa- #
tract with.the Navy Department, but the"
Government refused to grant tho release
upon tho grounds that the Dunderberg,
being the most formidable engine of war
ever constructed,should not be allowed to
pass from tie control of this Government.
Mr. Webb, in consequence, requests
Congress to authorize the Secretary of
the Navy to appoint a board of naval offi
cers to fix a valuation upon her, and pay
to him the sum so fixed, and in order to
test the qualities of the ship, ho proposes
to make a trial trip for t wo or three days.
[New fork Times.
- —
Tine Prussian Conscription.—A"
letteffrom Haderiieben says : "You can
not form an idea of the emotion caused in
Northern Schleswig by the conscription
for the Prussian army. Nearly four
thousand youths have left the country to
escape wearing the Prussian uniform;
they bams token refuge in Detfmerk,
where they will enter the Denilh army.”
ions as to the status of the Southern States
n o m*. j .. c- and the duty of the North towards them.
P. 8:—The bill also fussed the Senate
on Saturday, over the vyeto. Tfce navs Washington, Feb. 21, 18G7. . . - - -
were 10 Messrs RneV-tinw Cowan I* The trouble is, said the President, that i at the expense of the General Govcrn-
wro e O Messrs. Buckalew. G wan Da. instoad ot j nv ,; rins w hat we are and what I meat, while not adding the productions of
VIS,. Dixon, Doolittle, Hendricks, Ne&. : U ur present powers, wo insist on making j Southern industry to the general stock for
mitb, Norton, Patterson, Salisbury, ourselves something else, and inventing 1 the redemption of our national debt and
Three conservatives anil ope radical w*re ! new P°wcrs which it cannot be frr our i the support ef our annual burdens. My
Ifk. .. 1 - T.-.8 „.. - henclit to wield. We make the mistake i object is to reduce tho assumed and really
absent Tbo uumber ot yea* is ,not yet j D f becoming inventors instead of applying l usurpations! powers forced on the General
reported to us. r*-—V ourselves to become discoverer. | Government during: the war—powers that
l -7^ vj ^ j There are now a score of plhn3 for re* j were then essential to meet a desperate
y v A Banter to Brownlojt. ” • constructing the Southern xStales before j emergency, but which cannot be much
i’he following letter was addressed hj-j the country, and the public mind is un- | longer continued without vitiating tha
, . , r , . ! duly agitated as to which shall be adopted, i whole fabric and theory of our represen-
Governor Brownlow, of Tennessee,_abou U Amendments ere proposed to the Const.- I tative and popular system.
tulion—amendments of every possible
character; whereas, if people, instead of
two weeks ago. At that time the Legis
lature of Tennessee (so called) had belore . ... -
it a hill allowing the negroes to vots, ^vefwbrt auJfdytdSrthoywduIddSm
not permitting them to hold office or sit - 1! *>— ■ - -■ ■
on juries, and an amendment was pro
posed by a "rebel” giving them also the
last named rights. Both branches, how
ever, passed the bill as originally intro
duced, all propositions to allow the negroes
to bold office or act as jurors having been
defeated. The radicals, knowing that
were fn irminority even of-the whites
disfranchised, wanted the negro vote to
. - find
all the powers they need to accomplish
their legitimate wishes in the Constitution
as it &tanCaS.
The Constitution guarantees a republi
can farm of government to every citate,
and declares that no State shall be depriv
ed of its representation in Congress with
out its own consent. Well, on the other
hand, some of our people say that they
will not allow men who participated in
the rebellion to be their peers, and to have
voices in the great council of the nation.
They therefore demand a constitutional
help thqm to office ; hut they knew.at tha I amendment on this head; and so likewise
same time that the negroes thus entrant ! for every other evil which they can find i
... , U or fancy as existing.
/ma^iv,/T 0 a^-,H ta ^ cr l ^ clu llt But does not the Constitution itself pro-i
1 • ouietg£ jl - liiB1 ^jL 0<aTr Jjv-j 0 a rcrae dy for this very evil, where it.
the freedmen the right to elect IberfcMjiLjl faJys ihat each House of Conero« shall bo
YVbat Congress, in its wisdom, may see
fit to do, I cannot say; but my own course
is clcu r. 1 shall exercise every function of
my office in defence of tho people and
their rights, according to tho best judg
ment that Heaven has endowed me with.
I shall execute all laws scrupulously, and
perhaps most scrupulously those which
have been passed against my judgment
and over my veto. But for alt such legis
lation Congress must bear the undivided,
responsibility; and the days cannot be far
distant in whieh the terrible logic of events
w-ill force the people to ask themselves se
riously, and not in passion, “On which
side lay the tendency to usurpation ?’
The Iudispeusable Duty.
It is in every sense imperative, says the
Richmond Rnquirer, to lest, nt the earli-
e&t moment, tho validity of tho Sherman-
Sbeiiabarger law—if it shall become an
Uaxette.
Mcutteur published a decree this
»g containing the douses onttM.Mw
utidB. The flaw abuts observable
the presence of Ministers in the
nmbers, thedfiscussion of laws, thero-
btishment of the tribune, tho right of
terpellali&ttihd tho supptesston of the'
address. Anrraportantinnov&tidn is de
creed in as far as tho discussion of laws is
concerned, by the abolition of the secret
committee on bills. There is no reference
in the Moniteur to the changes contem
plated in the political role at present per
formed by the iSenate, hut these changes,
which seem to have been resolved upon,
will only be communicated to the Senate
at theopening of the session and be the
work of a Henatus Consultum, not an im
perial decroec. Rulo 85 re-enacts the old
injunction against members being perso
nal, or indulging in any marks of appro*
val or dissent. Several Presidents under
both the last and present regime have
vainly reminded the House of the exist
ence of this article in the constitution.
The committee charged to inquire into the
right of meeting has begun its sittings
under tho presidency of M. Barocbe.
The order issued by the General Post
Offiee.iustructing all country postmasters
to keep a sharp’ look out for the Chambord
Manifesto has created a bad impression in
Paris, oven amongst the adherents of tho
Government The order places the whole
private correspondence of the country at
the disposal of the authorities, and this for
a document published a couple of months
ago, and which should have been inserted
in tbp Moniteur. f / . ,
The Alabama Claims.
The London Times, reviewing the para
graph in the queen's speech which retera
to the settlement of American claims,
says: ...
■Whatever may have been the divisions
among us during the war, all parties nr
now equally desirous to ‘‘'emoxro all
grounds of possible misunderstanding,
and promote relations of cordial <” end
ship’ with the American people. Noth
ing but a perfectly sineeie impression tb»t
no colorable warrant existed in la* or
precedent for the c.ainis of the I n 1 tod
States, and that it would, therefore he in
consistent with our national honor to en
tertain them, ever interfered with the
frank expression of this desire T inle "» 3
since doneits healing work, and has trans
ferred the dispute Horn the sphere of in*
tornational law into that ol Internationa
morality. When negotiations between
private friend? are conducted through the
medium of third parties, it sometimes
happens that tho points which the princi*
pals would cheerfully have waived are
pressed by the agents until litigation be
comes imminent. In such cases, it tne
principals can be induced to resume P er *
gonal communication, tho adjustment oi
the affair generally proves much simpler
than it appeared. So it is with nations.
So long ns an international dispute is pro
longed by diplomatic correspondence, it
often looks quite insoluble when it really
admits of an easy practical settlement.—
The concession which a .Foreign Secret
tary feels bound to resist on legal grounds
may be made by the ration whose repre*
sentative he is on moral grounds, not only
without humiliation, but with true digni-
We are far, indeed, from supposing
ington letter of the 22d, says of an infers
view between John H. Surratt and hissfs-
ler:
Miss Annie Surratt visited her brother
to-day. The guards thinking it best to
prepare tho prisoner for the visit, one ot
tf Jdunit
Sif^R^ , T“’XKjt) HiSf^SnrfER. A U .;‘tb|4^io grudge against this country is liar*
them informed him that hi
lirter would
act of OonRTeaE—by
to office. The letter copied below wsa the absolute judge ofthoelections, return? ' court?. The whole case lies there. Whilo
J of lts own members? I that 1BW £tandi a3 BUt bority, we can do
appeal to the ' ba U P in a moment, when he exclaimed
W .. and fjualiliuuLlulls
May not each House, under this, while ;
written by an intelligent fre^iman
Governor Brownlow while the bill, was i rejecting any prominent ex-rebel or man
pending. He uupVudently announced
himself a candidate for Governor, against
Brownlow-, ir^the event of the success o£J Slate of representation, but merely say:
the amendment allowing bis class to bold j " Tfais man " -e .inject under our constitu-
obnoxious lor disloyalty, who shall bo
sent from any of the so called Confederate
States, at the same time not deprive the
office and it W wrnhnhlo ih-i tv,;- I tional prerogative. We do not, however,
, . p obable that tins an-. deny the right of your State to represent
nothing except in conformity with it. If,
indeed, our State government is illegal
and invalid, as therein alleged—if it is but
provisional, and dissoluble at pleasure—it
is at once bound by the instructions of tho
law, and liable to be swept out of exist
ence at a word, if it depart from them.—
We will have no right to call a conven
tion or hold an election of any sort, ex-
‘Great God,” and burst into tears. In a
few moments the sister wus shown to the !
coll, when they met io- the first time since I
the assassination, and embraced each !
other, both giving way to tears. They
finally became more composed, and en
gaged in conversation, during which lie
expressed himself as prepared tor the
worst. He says ho was treated by the of
ficers cf the Swatara as well as be could
....... , i , , . , . . j —- --B-- — j--- —“v. — : .... .. notn an election ol nnv ®ort ex- i have expected; but was not allowed to
nouncement had a good deal to do with | ation whenever you shall send us a proper j cept in and upon ^tho terms i bold any conversation with the officers or
the defeat of the amendment. i m ?. n \ ! therein prescribed; anxi to attempt to do j crew, other than as to his personal wants.
so would be considered contumacious and j says that at times, when the ship was
rebellious, and would provoko and be al* ! in fl storm, they took tbo irons off him to
leged to justify an instant sponging out of i prevent him from being injured, and says
our whole system. We counsel no sudh ! that at one time there was danger ot the
The Jackson (Tenn.) Whig says that tlie ! «r * nr j* ^
^ . j ellect of this course. We at once divide
writer of the letter is a good speaker, very , the public opinion of the State so treated
popular where known, and more than a i preeenf. made a unit under the ban of
match for Brownlow on tbo slump \ indiscriminate exclusion. We hold out a
would have been r vpfv intpra-iinv i £ reat reward for the election of loyal men,
woum nave been a very interesting fight, and attach a penalty, which the people of
baa he been permitted to canvass the State the State themselves impose, for the
with Brownlow in the manner indicated i restraint of active participants in tho late
in the letter: .‘rebellion. There are scores and hundreds
r *; of ambitious men of loyal record in every
Jackson, Ienn., Ceb. 1(, 38b,. j state, who would tben^be naturally forced
To Governor Brownlow : \ to the surface; but under the present sys-
Sir—I learn that you and the loan.- \ tem of indiscriminate exclusion, it can
house of your Legislature have passed „ make no difference whether loyal or dis
law to allow the colored peopl# ot tiii.. J loyal Senators and Representatives shall
State to vote. So far, so good. But, sir. 1 be sent.
you have, Ht the same lime, provided iri L Even let us take an extreme case. Sup-
tbe law that they shall not hold olll^a^linsB lhn State of Georgia should send
Now, what does such legislation mean i Alexander H. Stephens to tbeSenate, and
I am a colored man, and have wool on ['‘at the Senate should say : “Weackoow-
my head, but you and your white trash ( T d ^ u lhe r: - ht ol Georgia to representa-
can’t pull that wool over my eyes. The i Ion * we acknowledge that the credentials
darbies in Tennessee, generally, will u-n-j ol iir - Stephens are made out in proper
derstand what you are after, and will put *® rrn > hut, in view of his connection with
tbeir broad feet down upon you. th ® rebellion, and bis former connection
This act reminds mo of the case where w i lh llie United States, we, in the exercise
a white man and an Indian went hunting , our constitutional privilege, do not
They killed a turkey and a buzzard, andl clu ! 0SB t0 ? c cept Mr. Stephens as our peer
when they came to divide, the white man,i Bnd must insist that some man of loyal
to satisfy the Indian that he would do the rt 9”, rd * , l -ie sent in bi3 place'
fair thing, marie this proposition- “I’ll \v cud not the Georgians atoncocom-
take the turkey, and you may take the rae °« e looking around for some one who
buzzard—or, you may take tho buzzard could f^sty these_conditions ? and would
and I’ll take the turkey.” The Indian not an immediate impetusbegiven toward
hung his head for awhile, then looking up, building up a loyal sentiment in that
he said to his sharp companion: “Every l 51 ~ te ' . ^ de wou 9 d ® ^bat our country has
time turkey for white man and buzzard | F | 1 Acred are not vital, though the deple-
for Indian.” Oh, yes, you want us lo go ! l| on ot blood has been great. There were
collision. Let us ascertain if tho pro- ! ship goftig down.^
posed i -w will be recognized by the Uni- ! —
ted States Churls as binding upon ttaeobe- I N^iViayrtosTbl-' the GrerN and Col-
diencaof citizens. If they so decide, we j oralio Rivers.—A recent partial explo
have nothing to do but submit to it. If
they i uie otherwise, we stand as we are.
Tho acceptance of the law without de
mur is to accept its suffrage tests and its
proscriptions; is to acknowledge that the
State is dead; that its laws are wasto pa
per; that its decrees and judgments and
title-deeds are idle words; that its impris
onments were assaults; that its death sen- 1 tween Denver, Colorado and San Fran-
tences were murders; that its taxations j cisco. For this purpose, Lieut. Colonel
are robberies. We repeat, the first ques- Mills, of Fort Bridger, proposes to send a
ration of the Colorado river shows that it
is navigable for small steamers a distance
of five nr six hundred miles, and proba
bly to the Pacific. A further and more
thorough exploration of this river and
Green river will be made during tho en
suing summer, with a view to ascertain if
water communication cannot be had be-
n tho minds of American politi-
6ians. Y’ears may pass before they can
forgive tbo sympathy manifested ior lhe
South, or will cease lo attiibuto)o us an
unworthy jealousy of tho t;nion. It
would serve no good purpose tourgeonee
more against this fixed conviction, or to
estimate the proportion of truth which it
contains. A more just appreciation of the
sentiments which have at ways'animated
the great mass of Englishmen, and pre
vailed over self-interest under a long and
severe ordeal, can only be inspired gradu-
7 ] ally, if it is to bo inspired at all. In the
meantime, however, both the Government
and the people of the United States have
every tnolivo, selfish as well as honorable,
for welcoming a favorable arrangement of
the Alabama claim?. There is no longer
any material obstacle loan agreement on
the basis ot arbitration, or—what, per
haps, involves fewer objections—to a re
ference of the whole question to a joint
commission, with full powers lo make
such un award as would he within the
province of an arbitrator. The principle
of arbitration being once admitted, it
makes little difference which of these al
ternatives is chosen. If the intervention
of a European sovereign would be un
palatable to the United States, iL would be
a sufficient reason for preferring the sec
ond, and it was in prospect of this contin
gency that we ventured to recommend the
revision of the neutrality laws by the
sarr.3 body which is charged to adjudicale
on the Alabama claim.?. At all events, it
is to be hoped that a joint commission, if
appointed, will comprise laymen of emi
nence as well as lawyers.
tion. and the vital and absorbing question
until it is decided, is, will the proposed
law bo held as valid? Those entrusted
with the affairs of the Elate are bound by
all the honorable obligations of their trust
to test that question thoroughly. They
have no right to concede that the State is
dead, until they have exhausted every
moans of vindicating its vitality. Their
uuties are now narrowing down to that,
Lieutenant and twenty-five men to Fort
Mohave, to go himself to San Francisco
and have made a double strength twelve
ton boat,!Xiih double stiength engine, ca
pable of jpving twice as many revolutions
of the wheel as usual, and drawing twelve
to fifteen inches of water, and lo be car*
ried to Fort Mohave, to start up river by
July, with two months' supplies. Lieut.
Mills is satisfied that ho can ascend Green
voting with you, bit every time o#ee foTf*° ne °< the Breat bonei broken - (or Die
white man and vote for nigger! !
I learn, further, that the hilt has been
sent totheSenate, where, it is tobehoped,
the restriction against my people will be
wiped out. In that event, and at the
warm solicitation of many friends, I do
hereby announce myself a candidate for
Governor. I expect you to be my com
petitor, and I propose to open the canvass
at an early day, and will join you in a list
of appointments from Carter to She 1 by.
I propose to conduct tho eanva-s lit:
statesmen, hut I dtotify you, in advance*
that I will hold you personalty ri ';J
Me for any insult you n.-fiy oiler af ., ,
transpired in this city—the killing of Mr,
C. O. Howell by Mr. C. 1). Green.
Both of these gentlemen were good citi
zens. They had been raised in the same
neighborhood, and were named after the
same man, Gov. Clement C. Clay, of Ala
bama, were playmates when boys, and in
timately connected in tbeir business rela*
lions when men. The fathers of these
two men were tho joint owners of a ferry
on the Chattahoochee.
Wo were not able on yesterday to as*
certain the precise origin of the difficulty
‘What*we need—w^ha'Twe^vittilly need- whict ) ^ w0 1 he »" 1
1th for tho payment of the national debt ' “"7 6t * em . ents ,l would not be Prudent lo
to ent.bie usio a.-.-uino a prope'- for-
JRi policy, too long, I confess, delayed—
harmony, internal peace, and a condi
or rather that duty now overrides all otb- i river lo thirty miles oast of Bridger, in
ers, and its successful discharge is the con- thirty days, and that for four months in
dition of all others. It demands, there- the year Green river is more navigable
fore, their first and their most zealous at- j than tho Missouri, to far above Bridger.
tention. > . ’ | The opening of both of these rivers must
, ■: I mark an important epoch in the history of
AiNoTHYiGMan K^tlJOb.—YVo have to 1 <>ur Great Western mining Territories.—
chfonicte this morning one of tho most : Their communication with all partsol the
painful and unfortunate affairs that over ; Union will bo more perfect and secure,
framework of the Constitution still re
mains, and is sufficient, if wecould abstain
from further irritating surgery. The best
healing in surgery is that which doctors
describe as by “the first intention,” or the
force of nature; but our violent doctors
in Congress—and these word? aro spoken
with no disrespect to that body, but as a
fact of observation—will still insist upon
tearing open tho wounds afresh, in order
forco a faster healing by caustic appli
cations and the actual cautery.
mention them, as’ the matter will be ia-
shall take along your donate wit!. policy, too tong, t coniesB. delayed—| f'acri^'eonnectert^wUli the mere act
friend Mr Vrvnonnd »h»II *mm> wdiarnioD.v, internal peace, and a condi-' r , .f, conneciea wmi uie mere act
inena, Mr. I ryne, and shall prove m» f re;t .ored confidence that will draw ° r k,ll:l ‘K' * s n aar| y could be ascer-
it that you have been a greater persecutor * . re -v° rL u connutnee mat, wi,i uruw t , , follows • About two o’c'ock
of mv rar e in Tenne^on th«n \,nv other capital to develope the industrial resour* i la,nau > ar( - - adouiiwo o c.olu
ot my race in lennesseo than any other tha Sm|th and to assist Southern i parties met at Massey, bwanson &
planters in reorganizing the shattered 0<v ^ d . ru " store ' a ‘ Roark s corner They
relations oflabor. We need all this to "'ere in conversation some time before
make the national burdens endurable. | an 5”-“ IB - unusual was observed between
Every bale of cotton, every barrel of |
sugar, every tierce of rice, every hogs- I
head of tobacco, raised in the ex-rebel |
Ciiates, must furnish a proportionate
reduction to the taxation of the North,
and must go, so far as it maybe worth,
toward restoring an equilibrium in our
foreign exchanges, which must he the
first fundamental step towards a return
any
man; and 1 charge that your present
course is one purely of selfishness.,
It may not be amiss to say here, that I
am in favor of “equal justice to all tho
people of the State”—that 1 am in favor
of relieving the colored people of tho
State from paying taxes for three years,
and in favor of their having all the vacant
lands in the State, by paying surveyors’
fees—that I am the friend of ail religious
denominations—that 1 am friendly to all
the secret orders in the State, but only
belong to tho “Order of the Lone Star.” , , , , ,
I have held tho constitution of that order bard mo "cy basts, instead ol the
in my bands and have sworn to support it. ! P ft l ,er currency.
But more of my principles hereafter.
When 1 get you on the stump you will
learn who I am and what I am.
Respectfully,
Your fellow-equal
Are
the Indians of tile tost Ten Tri
Tribes |
of Israel 2
As for myself, my convictions in poli
tics are things that 1 cannot change to suit
tho expediences of this or any other mo
ment. They have grown with my growth,
they have strengthened with my strength,
and they are to mo only less sacred, and
as much to be preserved, as my religious
faith. Attempts are made to make it ap
pear that my words at different times have
a u i been inconsistent; but were not the eir-
; y^ 6 *tw 1 S m! 0< Vn D oP h l0 r,fhhT 'i' um s'.amstancbs inconsistent, under whieh
letin that some Jow.sh rabbi, living la i LUe apparently contradictory words were
Memphis,Aalteves the word Arkansas,” or 0 ^ ini0DS Rivon f Goring the
r rn w n „ a r£ C ’ w ° d °r r, T»n : ^torm of the rebellion, or in the first
from two Bebiew word*.. Wo can teJI i h ea t of its subsidence, words were proper
him something that w more Israel,Ush j be saidi which wou , d ba uUor f
lha “ d8 tl ?‘TnHi c 0 A Proper in time of peace. We put a broken
gard tothe Indians. Among the Gbero- { im £ in splints ^ bold it M iet whether
kees there are many customs which seem tho aU J t wiu or bu * t to insist on
L t0 i h T “ t S w Ce “ f d0atS 0 ,^ a0 ‘- holding the splints there when the limb is
For instance, they had, at an early day,
established among them three cities of
refuge, where any one killing another
could flee, and if ho reached either of the
towns he was free from the vengeance *f
the manslayer. These towns (ga-too-ha)
were situated some distanco apart, in tbo
nation, and we can only recollect the name
of two of them, Echoli and Tahlcquah—
the other name we have forgotten.
There is another custom among them
which looks Tery much like they are the
descendants of Jacob. Tho old Indians,
who livqd years ago, and followed impli
citly the manners and customs of their
fathers handed down by tradition, would
not eat the sinew or the hollow of toe
thigh, which was a custom of the children
of Israel, after Jacob wrestled with the
angel all night at the place he named Te-
niel. The account of this matter may bn
found in Exodus, 32d chapter, beginning
at the 24th verse.
Wbat will the Israoiites say to those
matters of history? We have mqrq of
the same sort.—Fort Smith,Heraldt *
Another tradition of the Indians
kansas tends to strengthen tbirslKri 1
ory, though we never beard it mentioned
in that connection. They have a trtdi-
tion of the flood, and one tribe (the Choc
taws, we believe) think that they can point
to a remarkable vestige of it. YVe heard,
while living in Arkansas, that some of the
Indians of that region had attended
preaching in Camden, while on a trading
visit there, and the flood and Noah’a ark
ware prominently mentioned in thgdis-
course. One of tho Indians manifested
his belief in this part of the sermon, and
said that the flood did not only occur, ac*
cording to Indian history, but that the re
mains of the big ship were still to bfrseen
an one of the mountains in the Territory,
And it was said that a white man 6r?two,
visiting the nation aflerwards, were point
ed to a rock on a mountain out there, that
bore so striking a resemblance to the hull
of a vessel as readily to account for the
ImUau superstiti
_ xefiange
says the following is tj|e list cf officers
from which the selection of Generals io
govern tho people of five militflVj dis
tricts will have to be made :
Major Generals Ualleck, Ghoiman,
Meade. Sheridan and Thomas—5\
. Brigadier Generals McDowell, Rpseds-
craffs, Cooke, Pope, Hooker, Hancpck’,
Schofield and Howard—8. Besides '.heso,
there are, os heads of departments, on
staff duty at Washington, with the rank
of Brigadier, Generals Lorenzo Thomas,
Meigs, Eaton, Dolafleld, Dyer and
roslorod, or when a further examination
shall have proved that tho wounds though
deep were only flesh wounds, leaving-tho
bones uninjured—this would not be wise
surgery, but cruelty; not statesmanship,
but barbarous usurpation.
I am accused of usurping power, when
my whole life has beeD one continual bat-
,U.e against the tendency of bureaucracy or
aristocracy—the concentration of power in
the bands of tho few. I was accused of
usurping powor for my veto of the first
Frecdmean’s Bureau bill ; although that
veto was voluntary putting away from
me of a patronage and power more un
limited than was ever previously offered
to any Pre ident! I am for bolding all
possible power in the bands of the people
permanently; I am in favor of always
finding the minimum of power necessary
to be delegated to any official, or to the
General Government, and only allowing
that minimum to be given.
But look, even at this bit! of Senator
Sherman’s, and see what it does, or pro-
“poses doing. It is only less objectionable
than the House bill, in that it does not
openly “uporsodethe President, represent
ing the civil power, in favor of the Gen
eral commanding the armies of the United
States. But it violates the constitutional
provision guaranteeing a republican form
of government, and substitutes a military
despotism over the lately revolted States.
It disfranchises nearly all tho intelligent
whites, and gives universal suffrage tothe
ignorant blacks, thus overriding the posi
tion that each State shall determine who
shall be entitled to its suffrage. It also
nullifies the constitutional amendments,
by practically declaring the existing gov
ernments of the Southern States illegal, so
that their adoption of the amendments
must be without validity.
Everywhere there is a tendency to sub
stitute the ‘Government’ as the source of
power, instead of the ‘People’; and it is
against this tendency I am at issue. The
Sherman bill denies the writ of habeas
corpus, whenever, such shall be the pleas
ure of an arbitrary military commander,
in whose power to rule over them the peo
ple of the subjugated district shall have
no voice. It also strikes down the right of
early trial by a civil court, and by a jury
of tho peers of the accused. In fact it
fundamentally uproots all thoso popular
freedom
them. The first remark that attracted at
tention was made by Bowell to Green :
“Would you swear to that?” Green an
swered, “I would.” Howell then roplied,
“Then you would swear to what 1 would
not.” Upon this. Green struck Howell
with his fist, and a general fisticuff’bo-
tween tho two ensued. Groen finally drew
a repeater and fired a couple of shots in
the store, but without effect. The scuffle
was then transferred to the street, where
another shot or two was fired, also with
out effect. The parties thefi clenched, and
while in this position Green fired again,
the ball taking effect in the back of the
head, passing entirely through and com
ing out just over the right eye. The un
fortunate man expired at once, bleeding
profftely. Green made no attempt lo es
cape.—Atlanta Era, 28fA.
and their prosperity will be greatly in
creased.—N. V. San. ,
Anothup PpfoJKcy.—Tk
Great Northern Railroad charter has been
so amended as to extend that road from
Pollard to Troy. Under the pres.-nt sys
tem, adopted by the Legislature, with re
gard to State Aid, we see no .reason to
cotno to any other conclusion than that
this road will reach Troy in a reasonable
time.
Mobile bas at last found out the fact
that Southeastern Alabama has untold
\YCaltb, and that it will ba profitable to
tap this mine. Thousands of bales of
tbn will go direct to Mobile, and tejs of
thousands of goods brought tbence by
sans of this road opening up tho trade.
We are glad that Mobile has made this
discovery as to its own interest, and for
coming up to our relief; we shall be tied
together as with hooks of steel.
Wo are confident that there is yet a
bright future for this section of the State,
which hitherto has been greatly neglected
and “left out in the wet.”
uy (Ala,) Messenger.ya.,
ei^s,
Barnes.
Eaton, .
We are not sure whether we
ought not to add Holt, Judge Advocate
General, and Fry, Provost Marshal Gen*
oral; nor certain whether any of these
last eight are within the scope of the act. 1
Impending Revolution in Spain.—
Tho cable again brings news cf threatened
difficulties in Spain. The banishment by
the Queen of her disloyal husband does
not soem to have ended the insurrection
ary danger. Thero are rumors of deep
plots and secret organizations, and the
Government is endeavoring to hush tip
all alarm, and at the same time to thwart
the designs of the insurrectionists. The
people of Spain have long been discon
tented under their present form of gov
ernment, and aro largely in favor of
something more in accordance with tho
progressive spirit of the age. The power
and importance of Spain at the time of
the discovery of America gave her a high
rank among the nations of Enrope, but
since the 16th century the dominion and
glory of that land have been constantly
on the wane. Her colonies, onoe of im
mense value and extent, have been wrest
ed one by one from her until the remnant
is insignificantly small.
0lr commerce, under tha narrow policy
of the Government, has dwindled in a
corresponding ratio; while as a naval and
military nation she has long since fallen
into imbecility and ceased to fill a promi
nent place in the councils of Europe.
With a large debt and small credit, with
burdensome taxation, with deficient and
unfair representation, and with but little
education among the masses, Spain is illy
prepared to withstand internal dissensions,
and the chances are that the kingdom will
soon fall into oblivion. With a liberal
Republican form of government, the
country might yet rise and regain a por
tion of its former wealth and strength;
but from present appearances it is on the
high road to bankruptcy end ruin.
[New York Sun.
American Bonds Held Auroad.—
There is some difference of opinion as to
the total amount of Araeriean bonds held
by foreign capitalists. Mr. McCulloch
estimates it at $600,000,060—the New York
Tribune at $1,000,000,000; $800,000,0000
would probably be about correct. In 1854
the amount of American securities held
abroad was estimated at $450,000,000; and
in 1860 at $500,000,000; and, as the United
States national debt at that time was but
$90,000,000, at least $450,000,060 of the
estimate was invested in other than Gov*
ernment stocks. Add to this the Secreta
ry’s estimate of United States bonds now
held abroad, and it will make np a present
aggregate of about ^00,000,000.
The United States Court—Xk Ad-,
miralty—Judge Erskine Presiding.
This Court met at 10 o’clock yesterday,
when the following cases were tried ana
disposed of c United States vg..U8 38-100
acres of land, formerly sold to the so-qelf-
ed Confederate States, and on which the
Laboratory was erected, near Jlacen, Ga;
United States vs. steamer Nashville, in.
|. tbo above cases verdicts and decrees of
! nt\r. rlrrm nnftnn tunPR AntoMfil in farrAi*
and’constitutional guarantees ot
which wero extorted from King John by
Barons of Bhgland in the signature of
Magna Ch-arta—thatbasis ot our common j United States
'“itisfor the principles of our common
law andcommon }usucei-and for therigbts j { bo ^jtiU e d Slates,
of the whole people as against wbat is
called tho "Government,” that Lam to
day contending. It is tor this lam called
a “usurper;” while the fact is, it is because
I will not usurp power, nor have excess
ive power thrust upon mg, if 1 goo help
act
my whole aammissraiion wuiuu has
aimed to increase my authority os Presi
dent! Even iii constructing provisional
governments for Am Southern States—
After the transaction ojf
niiralty business, the
till-ltlB’clock to-flOy.—i
_ Iff
Concerning Barnum and Ur<
sional aspiration*, a Gooneciieatj
say* that “sewing a neenhg^r 1 **^
fish’s tail together, tomihka a
a performance wail a '
man notorious, hut Ik
of statesmanship.’
•1
Detention in '
The Detention in Travel.—Col. L.
P. Grant, Superintendent of-the Atlanta
& West Point Railroad, has requested us
to state that tho schedule from West Point
to Mobile was fixed and determined by
Messrs. Cram and Jordan. That if the
Atlanta & West Point trains are held
back to connect with the Western & At
lantic trains, which arrive at 1:15 p. m.,
passengers from the Western & Atlantic
and Georgia Railroads must remain over
twenty-threo hours at West Point. Col.
Grant has bad no intimation that Messrs.
Cram and Jordan are willing to change.
They declined to do so when the last
schedule of the Western & Atlantic Rail
road *(eiM foto effect,—Atlanta Intell.
Tntf EffECT of It.—
Commerce is dwelling upon the paralyz
ing influences of tho schemes of recon
struction now agitated in Congress, as
already felt throughout the South, and
which, eventually, must react seriously
upon Northern industry. A. single fact
shows how powerful are the influences
thus exerted in discouraging the invest
ment of capital in that section of the
country:
We are reliably informed that, to-day,
several English geutlemen, who visited
this, country with the full expectation of
purchasing cotton lands to the extent of
£2,000,000, have abandoned their purpose,
in view of the uncertainties of the future,
since the designs of certain Radical poli
ticians have become more fully disclosed.
Planters are ready to make favorable
terms for the sale of real estate, but, at
present; find few who are willing to buy.
They are apparently doomed to a still
more hopeless poverty, and there is gen
eral gloom and discouragement, in that
section, am*Dg all classes of people.
yt “President knows, as iocs every one else
tov'ivbo is conversant with
Radical Morality.—Governor Stone,
of Iowa, is in a pretty fix. Last year a
committee of the Iowa Legislature was
appointed to investigate a deficiency of
$35,000 in the Governor’s accounts, and
took the testimony of Governor Stone.
Recently the same matter was brought
before a referee, and the Governor again
called as a witness, when ho swore to the
contrary of what he had previously testi
fied before the committee. Being asked
by counsel the reason of this discrepancy.
Governor Stone replied that “he regarded
tho investigation by the General Assembly
merely os a political investigation, and
the present as a legal investigation, and
hence the difference in hfs evidence.”
If the above be a fair sample of "loyal”
morality, 6ays the New Yoek Express, it
is suggested that all Radicals—certainly
all such Radicals—be put under oath. It
might put an end to the fictitious tales of
outrage*at, the Booth upon the freedmen
and “loyal” white citizens.—Louisville
Courier.
Emigrants.—The Bremen ship Laura
and Gertrude, which was detained at
Quarantine station for several days, ar
rived in port yesterday, and is now at her
landing, opposite the Water Works, First
District. IShe had on board on8 hundred
and-eigbteeh emigrants.
Hardly had the vessel been made fast
when one of tb» agent* of the Bureau of
Immigration boarded her and did all in
his power \A induce them to remain in
the State, and succeeded to a certain ex
tent; Twenty of them went te Texas,
with a family from Austin.who bad made
•rraegeiMMk *rith them previous to tbeir
leaving Bremen: twenty more went up
to MitsmiiSewAMliakisto join their tela-
Correspondenfe Richmond Dispatch.
Washington, Feb. 23,1807.
The preparation of the message return
ing tho reconstruction bill tf Congress is
now in progress, and tliose*wlio have tho
confidence of the 1’residentassert thattbe
reasons for the President’! objection will
be urged in a most elabor»te and conclu
sive style. The friends of Mr. Johnson
contradict every assertion that he is in the
least alurmed at the prolpect ot Congres
sional action should tie pocket the bill,
and not veto it, which will give a chance
to the Radicals to m/ike it a law. The
tho declarations of
the majority in Cong/css, that should this
bill be defeated by its being retained in
the Executive Department, the next Con
gress would, immediately alter assem
bling, frame one much moro rigid and ob
noxious in its provisions—admitting that
to be possible—anti press it to a passage.
The objections which will bo urged to the
present measure are all to bo based upon
constitutional grounds, and will be elabo
rately sdt forth; but thero is no idea in ex-
t.-'ence that they will bo considered. If
thej should bo (in a fair manner) it is very
possicfo that some who voted for its pass
age Wu,],i change their votes upon the
nnal reckling.
V?r Finances.
Tho action of t,^ j^ ouse on Thursday in
respect to issuing n , rf , greenbacks to pay
for matured compou,q s no thing but
giving expression to w-, t tbo po ij oy „f
Congress on othor politiea. Ile cti 0 ns im
peding the restoration of the c-j on x b j 3
expense can only be met by im.^ na ] and
exterral taxation; the latter eaKi n v urn
only be made productive of the r\nisne
results by a condition of present buii^gjj
activity in the Northern States. If m\.
u fact tires are dull, if trade languishes-, in
speculation droops, if commerce is dried
up, if investments are unromunerative, if,
in a word, all the numberless acts for
which stamps are bought, and the count
less transactions which give a rich harvest
to the tax gatherer are not in lull blast,
thero will be greallv reduced internal
revoiue. So, too, if there be business
losses, reduced profits, stinted incomes,
pinching economy, there will he ne pur
chasers of foToign fabrics and little exter
nal revenue. Contraction of the currency
cannot ex ist with execution of the policy
of the Republican party in other matters.
One must give way. Increase of cur ex-
peaditures by holding the South under
quasi military sway will thus bankrupt
the Treasury, unless we submit to give to
the government out of the principal of in
dividual property, or unless more pspor
money creates an unnatural and, in the
end, ruinous condition of temporary pros
perity. The Rubioon is passed, when it is
settled that the South is to be kept out of
the Union, impoverished and will) no
hope for the future. If tho Republican
party dares to do justice and refuse emis
sion of more greenbacks, it is dead in six
months ! It can live only by tho violation
of all the recognized laws of political
economy.—A’. F. World.
Restoration.—Tho Mississippi papers
publish the following letter, which is
stated to have been received by Governor
Humphreys, of that State:
Peoria, Ili.., Jan. 27, 1867.
Governor of the State of Mississippi .-
Dear Sir—I wish to inform you that 1
have the sword of General \ an Dorn,
resented to him by the State ot Missis-
i for meritorious service. If you wish
if. or if Mrs. Van Dorn wishes to
con get it by paying SSCO for
..get about that much !«>!.“
not want to buy it- I lease
ow of its whereabouts.
U GEO. D. GllEE.VtZAF.
o. D. GREENLEAr,
1 >oria, IBS, Box So,
■
I
Correspondence of the Charleston Courier-
Washington, Feb. ‘^4.
It is now believed that the President
will not communicate his veto message to
Congress till the middle of next week.
But bo will allow time lor its considera
tion by Congress before they take the
question upon ‘.be parage ol the bill over
the veto.
The Northern Kadical organs infer from
the vote of Senator Johnson, of Maryland,
in favor of the bill, that it must be a prac
ticable and proper measure. But the
more the subject is considered, the fewer
will be the lriends of the measure. The
project is generally admitted to bo im
practicable. It can lead to nothing. It
tends to defer restoration for seven year?
at least. Many members who voted for
the bill did so for the very reason that it
would keep the South out cf the Union.
again, feeling that the bill will
be inoperative, will desire some other
measure.
The President, as is still said and be- j
lieved, would willingly yield much of hU j
original position for the sake of concilia* j
tion and restoration. He would, as is S
thought, advise and assent to, some pro- r
ject based on the pending constitutional t
amendment. But the majorities in Con- fl
gress will listen, at present, to no modili« C
Cation of the terms ot the vStevens-Sher- m
man frill.
Among the prominent, men brought lom'
the city by the state of business affairs
the dry goods prince, Mr. A. T. StcwartJK
'#
rehabilitated, politically, business can not&
revive, and he declares that he can not®
continue his business for another year,®
unless thero be a great change.
Tho Bankrupt Bill verges chiefly on the®
disagreement between the two Houses out
the provision demanded from theMassa-B
chusetts Bankrupt Law, to wit: that no®
one can take tho benefit of voluntary®
"TRUrkruplcy, without foregoing fifty per If
cent, of his indobtednesss, unless a majo- W
rity of his creditors assent to hi* release. ]
Lao. f*
IN
I