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r.iii .in-tom niLian c*csivj | x MMMaf*nui^WHill »««•• AuSiBEni, GA., Feb. If, 1172. FAitors OmstitaVm: As yon solicit ac- counls of passing events, I have concluded to giTe you a meagre account of a tornado that passed through our Yicinity on Friday even- SecKb Constitution. 5p g ^ ATLANTA, 0 A,FEBRUARY 27,1872. I.i.i ta Hina CawUaa. The white people of this Bute are fa about dark. I do not know how far fair war of being drained of all their prop- it commenced, hut I have bard from s&Bssesssz fessasgrsg" are now before the Legislature which In their *£}; it within about , practical working, would amount fa notion* lew than open confiscation. SJgJg it appeared to redouble its violence, , w!ri? ifLnr"' I and unrooted every house of the place ex- Tha W«*M_ I ““ }Ull( , Io dd« house. The dwelling s the reception of a copy jj, e pmf Jjfted clear off and scat- of theal^frum th. publisher., 35 Ittk -*«■ tSSUmSS&S . BUT .T ort , . found threo-qaarten of a mile from the build TbeAlmaotc makes quite a good size |. The hi f rbfP gM tom to pieces snd logB book, and fog iU cdjSIOu. political, financial i*d therefrom oyevaefTO fachea fa dtom- and general autiiUcs I* a valuable acqmsi- fiwooS'taS —- — -*-"s gaaas^sSBgai* com crib, the atablea, yd the weUcuri>Md The rivers West have been closed to usvb 1 all cut-booses entirely demolished and .cat- gallon this winter, the railroads hare been 1 tored.^ farms isnvp Mgereil in like proportion Hocked with snow, and now as spring ap-1 timbCT blown down, fences seat- proschea, and the snow and ice melts, the tied. The body of the tornado^pused in Inhabitants of the trans-Mississippi are an-1 less than half mile of this place. It traveled .JnUaDilauM ot uie inns -»“>• J v n . , nttlc north of Eaat in iU course. It waa ticlparing with alarm the large bodies or |» >~t fin. ranis water caused by melted enow Ilia Isle Adilreia 111 AUanls, Ei* ylalalns Uli Political I career. | He Freely Own. Hla Political Lite . fe leave been an Enigma. ifoo to the library of the editor, the poll-1 tMsn, the lawyer and the business man. Trouble ialifl|Sllt. which they are likely fa suffer. rR6 ,. , I not more than ope hundred yd fifty yards r and Ice from 1 widt j board, and pieces of plank ■. I m( ,re than one mile from whore they were Forest Trees. taken from. It to utterly impossible to de scribe wrest, cs it to. To know bow destine- A measure for encouraging the growth and 1 g”** I? the cultivation of forest trees bss been intro- bouw £ ^ Mr. Mayfield, conabtlngof some duoedfa Maine,where a bill has been re- flfmeomm*?.no*«“*'■» ported in the Legislature exempting from I al”*.relttd ffam the ground by a taxation lands devoted to that purpose for JJ 1 turning up by the root* and the period of twenty yean. Any system or I 4n0 ther bad a large tree fa fall directly acres* plan which will aid in checking the devests- u, and the horse eorf*y.bego«oeVMtil Sou of our forests to worthy of aunmends-11^ goose killed. The aamageaune . field, alone, is estimated at $500. Respectful! v, O. A bili has been introduced fa the New I me Chaap P.lntlng (be People el York Legislature regulating freight on rail-1 Attanra Euj’r- rnads, which proposes two restrictions on I statement showing the rates of Cincinnsti charges: 1. Winter freights shall not exceed, | u^ton and Atlanta, on Standard articles ol by more than twenty-five per cent, those es-1 pHntins for merchants and professional acted fa summer. 2. No more shall I e I mtn charged for carrying frieght part ef tLe Cincinnati—Letter heads per ream, $3 50 length of a railroad than the whole distance. | note ^ ^ rcanli $8 SO; bill heads, per — I ream, $13 00; statements of accounts, per 1,000,$7 50;cards,per 1,000, $0 00; receipU It pains us to call attention to the funeral or checks, loose, per 1,000, $1 50; letter dr- announcement in our columns this morning. I cu i ar , i {qjj sheet, 1 page comp., per 1,000, To aac the young die, at the very thresh-1 g (3 qq. letter cbcnlars, half sheet, 1 page bold of life’s .brightest hopes, to at all times pc- i t coO, $9 00; note drenUrs. full peculiarly sad. We are prepared to see old glietti t page comp . i per 1,000, $9 CO; note age sink flown fa the grave, for It to allotted J dn-qhirs, half sheet, 1 page comp., per 1,000, erty from outrage, end that wherever these disorders dkl occur, they were brought about by men who combined together for the pur est of protecting what they believed to be nice and right, when there was no iegal power to protect them. We have said that our people became a law uato themselves only when the -government famished no other law fa protect Jthe good or punish the wicked. It' to air important now,’ il such lawlessness ever existed heretofore, that our Intent for Fifteen Tear* ta Arrest people should universally remember that the rrara at tha Kaatataa. Vekraika Bill Revolution. replying to a gentleman who had charged me with infidelity to slavery and - unfaithfulness to ihe Squtli because 1 could not sen that slavery ana the slave i»<Rvsls were promoted by that measure, I used the verv language 1 now realT: “Take care. Southern people, lest this mad demand to carry slavery where God decred and your fathers agreedit ahonld. never go, shall end fa destroyieg your right to hold slaves any where !’* Well, fellow-citizen*, I donot paraderthat ^ The Se.ro Question DUcutel. The Erll Spirit of Intolerance— unto all to die. We know that the bereaved family have | the warm sympathy of our community. $7 004 Borrow—Letter heads, per ream, $9 00; note beads, per ream, $8 00; hill heads, per ream, $14 50; statements of account, per Disgracefully Uovetnei. . - - ... ... 111)00. $7 00; canto, per ljOOO, $5 50;receipii The Philadelphia Post, an able and faflu- or ch loose per 1.000, $3 00; letter cir- ential Radical paper, says South Carolina, I CT ^ rli f a n gbeet, 1 page .comp, per 1,000; North Carolina, Lonisiana and Mississippi, $14 00; letter diculara, half sheet, 1 page are disgracefully governed, and to the ignor- comp., per 1,000 $9 00; note drratora, fall ance and criminality and recklessness of leg- jJSlinbludf ahc&’l’pagecomp., per 1.000, toUtors and Stale olBeials much of the suffer- > log and poverty of the Southern people to due. $7 00. Atlanta—Latter heads, per ream, SS oO; note beads, per ream; $3 00; bill heads, per ream, $1200; statements of account, per 1,000, $500; cards, per1,000, $5 00; receipts or checks, loose, per 1,000, $1 60; letter circulars foil , sheet, 1 page comp., per 1,000, $10 50; letter New Orleans, April 23d, to organize a Re- circulars, half sheet, 1 page comp., per 1,000, form party, and to nominate candidates for I $3 00; note circular.. full sheet, 1 page State officeri. Men of all parties, regardless «wnp-. P" 1 - 000 - ®°J .“Si? lial Reform Party. A convention has been called to meet fa I of color orjpreviout political association/. sheet, 1 page comp., per 1,000, $5 00. The foregoing rates have been adopted by who favor a reform of the abases under I printing establishments of Boston and which Loatotona to suffering at the present I Cincinnati. The rates for Atlanta have not time Many of the most prominent men in the Slate, of both parties, are in favor of I da |<_ nuu ] c j,y the leading olllces. It will be this movement. | seen that Atlanta beats both Boston or Cin cinnati. _ The Georgia XVcetera. Wo are happy to learn that the Alabama I ATLANTIC AND CHEAT WESTERN CAN AL. Lrgtolatqru fa a highly commendable spirit ||pM4s| from 0oT e,„or *■ * ’ * “ " ef Kentucky Upon the Subject We give below, In foil, the Message ol His I Excellency P. II. Leslie to the Legislature of Kentucky. This document to able, eompre* bas amended the charter of this road, so as to allow it to Croat the State from the Geor gia line to the Mississippi line entirely with- oat re*trillion m to its course. Great Road, on whichAtlanta to so Intensely fate of Kenttwky. and hope In time, to af- a nnit, to a of the near fntnre. Hr. IlllPs Add re... This speech was reported by Mr. H. C. Corson, who, as a phonographic reporter, can hardly be excelled. But, fa justice to him, wc must say that he repotted the speech un der some difficulties, and this will explain some unavoidable Inaccuracies. Mr. Hill, as he always does, made a capital speech. Me fights back at his assailants fa his usual style. lie claims that he to acting with the Democratic party, bat to no Demo crat per as. lie disavows any desire to inaug urate a new party, but will adopt a hotter, if pmenled. Ho seeks to prove the consistency of bis political life—our readers have chance to lodge with what success. We have not space for farther comment at present. Col. f. w. Avery. Wc take the liberty of making an extract from a letter addressed to the above gentle man. We opened it, as it was addressed to him as “Editorof Toe Constitution,” and we are glad that we did so, as an opportuni ty to thereby afforded his Associate to take advantage of hto abscnco to apeak of him for the proprietors of this journal. “Since 1898, Ih-ve been a subscriber to Toe CoNsmimus. It has furnished me many hours of useful pleasure. And especlally bave I been made to feel pleased and secure under your very marked editorial manage ment You are young in ardency of feelings bat old in their subjection to rules of pru dence May your energies not abate and your strength, hold good for years. lama young lawyer, and have long had a fraternal sympathy for jou.” The proprietors of The Constitution think the above compliment a very just one, happily noting as it does, too, salient traits of character displayed fa Colonel Avery's editorial career, aamdy, an exuberant liveli ness of style and great prudence or judg ment A gallant Confederate officer, bearing the marks of honorable wounds, he pursued bis profession of the law after the close of the war, rill a fondness for journalism enticed will pardon ns for taking this opportunity for expressing our appreciation of hto services, and with the writer of the letter wishing him long and happy years. Condensed News. Richmond, Va., has 48 churches. The Irish is the oldest spoken language fa Europe. Pittsburg to about to construct new water* works. Ole Bull to said to be the last living papa of Paganini. Work has commenced on the great Colts* earn in Boston. The CariKflk churches fa Chicago destroy ed by fire, will be rebuilt fa the spring. On the 14<h, 100,000 valentines passed through the New York post office, and 30,'AX) through the Brooklyn. A Holt Lira in Lrtle Things.—A holy life to made up of a number of small things. Little words, not eloquent lillle ' ' nor one great, heroic act. or mighty martyr dom, makeup the true Christian life. The little constant sunbeam, not the lightning, the waters of Sfloam, “that go softly"m their meek mission of refreshment, not “the waters of the river, great and many” rush ing down in torrent notoe and force, arc the true symbols of a holy life. The avoidance oT Uule evils, little sins, little inconsistencies, little weaknesses little follies, little fadtocre- ttonsandimprodendes. little foibles, little indolgenciet of self and of the flesh; the avoidance of inch little things as these goes far fa make up at lest the negative beauty ty As to the value of conversions God alone can judge. God alone can know how wide are the steps which the soul has to take before it can approach to a community with Him. to tbs dwelling of Ihe perfect, or to the intercourse and friendship of higher nature. QolU. . .. ford her a still better market for her surplus ptoducts. Should this grand work of internal improvement be built oar h irbors will become her seaports amd our territory her great highway to the sea. We confidently look for a recip rocity of trade matters that will be vastly beneficial to both States. We have one word for our State Agricul tural Convention, which meets today fa Savannah. There to no question so vital to our agricultural prosperity ss cheap transpor tation for the heavy products of the field Let the convention give this matter a careful consideration, and let them take such action, either by a memorial to Congress, or by send ing a committee from their body to repre sent the matter, fa conjonction with commit tees from our principal cities, before the Fed/ era] Government. Executive Department. State of Kentucky, Fbankfobt, February, 1872. OenOemen of the Senate and Unite ef Eepre- tentative* .* In compliance with the request of the Governor of the State of Georgia, I herewith transmit for your consideration a copy of a memorial of the General Assembly ot the State of Georgia to the Congress of the United Slates. The proposed canal therein referred to is of vast importance to the Interests of this Bute. It will give to bur products cheap transportation to the Atlantic coast through a country which » already oue of oar best markets, and it will form a much needed line of cheap transportation between the North western and Southeastern States of the Union. The n&vica’lon of tho Tennessee river to now being improved by the United Sutra government A great deal of work has already been done on that stream, and it will soon be navigable at all seasons of the year by steamers of light draft from its mouth to Chattanooga. The proposed canal connects Guntersville on the Tennessee, with Gadsden an the Coosa river, a distance of but thirty miles. The Coosa river to now navigable from Gads den, fa Alabama, to Rome, fa Georgia. The Canal route from Roiqe is up (he Etowah river to a branch of that stream called Little river, and thence crossing the Chattahoochee to the head waters of the Ocmnlgee and down that stream to Macon, from which point the Ocmnlgee to navigable to the At lantic Ocean. This brings the fine harbor of its ubutariea. The length of the canal and stock water navigation in Georgia on this line is 143 miles. The estimated cost Of canal and river im- provemcnU in Georgia to ten millions of dol lars. From St. Louis to the harborof Bruns- wide—the estimated distance this route to one thousand and eighty-debt miles. An inspec tion of the map accompanying the memorial will discover at once the ease and facility with which this great water-way may be Re made reliable from the great deported pSiiEOzrajdi'.oUlT^tor^The Coaatltat oo bj Ladiet and Gentlemen: i do not know that I have ever appeared before an andience under more embatgaament. The request to make this address was a very recent one, and daring the last twenty-four hours I have con tracted a very bad cold, which X fear will render me, In a great measure, unable to ex press myself as I shotfld wish. 'I certainly thank yon for your presence. There to no political excitement; there to no parly heat; there to no election pending. I hold go position except that of circumstances, I appreciate (he comp.liqept of this very large audience. niS POLITICAL DEBUT. More than sixteen years ago, in lsE5,1 mads my flret address upon formally entering politics, an 11 made Ittn tub »ity. (fa that occasion, I de'.iberately departed from what was, previous to that time, the purpose of my life, never, under any circumstances, to be connected with politics as a public man. That was a promise made on linking my des tiny with one who has had more influence than all other persons in shining that destiny. The only raasbq to* thqt qepartnrewa^ the conviction X then solemnly formed tbit the repeal of the Missouri Compromise inaugu rated a revolution which would serlou.’y en danger the peace, proDcrty and prosperity of the country. That revolution did then begin and has gone os, find now, for the first time since il organ, I feel the tocc it to coming to an end. The occasion Of the restoration of the gov ernment of the Slate to the people of the flute to, to pjc. one that to exceedingly gratifying, as it most he to all goad people In thtocountry. [Applaustj That revolution which I so seriously feared, has more than realised the worst fears of any one. It has swept over us, mid our condition to-night to very different from that of sixteen years ago. It was Cicero, the greatest of Romany and, fa my judgment, the greatest of ancient statesmen, who once said, that ot all human work that most nearly approached the divine which was employed in building up one’s country. tSurely no period fa civilized his tory has furnished a field for the exhibition of this divine work, largar, niore important, and with more immense demands thq^ that now presented fa the Southern country. THE LATE HE VOLUTION. Fellow-citizens, wc have passed through revolution which has’lost us almost every thing we * held most dear. We have lost property; we have lost theory; we have lost children; we have lost thS contest; wc have lost everything but honor, and that, at one time, seemed almost gone. Yet we possess as fine a country; we possess as fine and noble a population as tho world ever saw. Wchave every natural element of greatness and prosperity. And now that thwrevolution to over, and we are restored the possession of our own, and are left shape our own coarse, to fix our own desti ny, the responsibhity to on us to see to it that this country shall he restored to its pros perity, power and greatness. If faff, we alone «b»H now be accountable. Cicero might have said with great propriety and fit ness, when he altered the sentiment I have already quolgd, that of all human talents, that most nearly approached the divine which knew how to build up government; for the science of government to the mo3t intricate and difficult of all human sciences. There are very few people who do not wish to build up government. I am sure that every oao desires the prosper ity of the country—desires that the material and social and political prosperity of the country shall be built up, because we are all personally interested in it. The happiness of onr children is involved in it. It is natu ral, therefore, that all men should desire tc build up the country- The trouble Is that human talents are as various as I;nm in neces sities, and, I might add, almost as variopj ez human follies. And it often happens that men who have great talents have more power to destroy than they have to build up. Per haps they are not responsible for it, because it seems to be the nature of the talent given them. THOMAS JEFFEBSON QUOTED. When Mr. Jefferson was first inaugurated President of the United Slates he expressed a sentiment in his ieangnral, which was fall of wisdom. Politicians have quoted from that inaugural address time and again, hut the sentiment I refer to I do not think has been often quoted. He had just cotfie out of one of the most heated political contests in onr history. Party passion and excitement were raging and vimperation was bitter to the extreme. Jefferson was the leader of one of the parties engaged in that contest. When be came to be inaugurated President, he invoked charity. [Here Mr. Hill quoted the words of Jefferson, hut the extract was lost by tho printer.] We have passed through a revolution, during which, I suppose, no igan can say he did notcommit an error. He tvho says that he haa passed through the last six teen years, with all of its excitements, its wars, its passions and Us contests, and com mitted no blunders, claims for himself some thing beyond human power and human at tributes. We have all donbiless indulged in many remarks that were unnecessary, and which we were heartily sorry for afterward. BEOKETB PERSONALITIES BUT HAS NO FOUCT . TO CUANOE.. For myself, I confess before this andience to-night that, while my heart has ever been right, while I have ever advocated that which I believed to be true at the time, yet in the midst of party contest, 1 have often indulged in personal allusions and personal deprecia tions wnich I regret, and would gladly recall. [Applause.] But so far as principles were concerned, so far as convictions were in volved, so far as lines of policy were at tosne, after taking a calm review of all the varying questions and phases of the revolution, 1 am prepared to aay that if I had to go over all again, I would not vary a sentiment nor no longer exists, and therefore the evil itself must cease. WHAT OEOBGLA MUST Da Let the people of Georgia- show to the world, as I said on a'recent'occasion, that, through their own chosen officers they arc both able and willing to execut the laws im partially and faithfully fa the protection of reason which therhave -offered for this evil 'utterance nowas a projbecy, but to" remind -* *' * 41 ” ’* ’* you that for uttering that sentiment and simi lar sentiments, I was burned in effigy in my native State as an abolitionist 1 But were those statements unsoundWas the warning prompteflaCr a spirit of infidel-' ity to Southern righfaSoathem interests, and Southern honor? _I think not. I be lieved that that unfortunate measure would bathe cause of building up the'Republican party and of massing tha North, which is the iarger power in this dDntry, into one solid vole against us, and tint thereby our rights under the govemment'would be endangered. If such were my convictions, ought I not to have uttered them? I lelt that I ought, and I thank God that he gave me the courage to do it. Was it wise, was it prudent, tvns it an exhition ot moderation and ot euliglitencd liberality In those patriotic gentlemen who thought they were serting their country in burning a bundle ot rags with my name on it? Doubtless they thought they were doing the people of the South a great service. I have no persbnal feeflug in the matter I only mention it because.it illustrates the prin ciple about which I am speaking. In August, I860, addressing the Bell and Everett Convention fa Milledgcville, I used this identical language; "It is the slavey ag itation that is rushing us to ruip. The pro cured and northwest to Savannah and Brunswick, is safe to assume as a basis for calcnlat charges per mile on this route, those fi upon U>e route by the lakes from SL Louis to New York, less the cost of transhipment and on this data the cost of shipment of a ton of freight from SL Louis to the Atlantic coast of Georgia by the proposed new water communication will be $4 5C, whilst the cost of transporting a ton of freight from SL Louh to New York by the lake route to Important public and Legislature of Kentucky will heartily co operate with the State of Georgia and other Sutra fa their effort to consummate the eo- tW . "yff&LESLTS. A Saatbera Facile Scale. A short time back the snow blockade an the Union Pacific Railroad reached that point as to almost suspend travel. Wes? cf Omaha the weather has been fearfully cold, and the deep cots through the road passes were com pletely filled with snow. Trains for the West were compelled to atop at Cheyenne; and trains were snow bound at Harney Landing. This delay and want of regularity in the running of trains as a matter of course caused great inconvenience not only to trav elers, but also all classes of the commercial community. The people of the West cannot endure the annoyance and pecuniary loss in cident to an interruption of all bosinraa from a snow blockade. In fact the experience of this winter with the Union Pacific Railroad has demonstrated the absolute necessity of a more Southerly rout* which can be traveled at all aeaaons of tha yaar without the possi bility of being blockaded. ] leraon and property, and, by the blessing of God, they mean to douL [Applause ] Sach aoliofi upon onr part removes all pre text for those outside interferences in our affairs which the revolution has produced, I hope never again, in my flay, to see the pres ence of Federal, power fa the State of Geor gia to regulate our private local affairs. [Ap plause.] See to it, my countrymen, that if such interference ever does come, all man kind can see that It to wanton, gratuitous, oppressive and inexcusable. From thto day forth, let us show to the world that we are able to execute our own jqwa UfjiMq our otyn border*, qqd tq pfalput tlig person and property of quEd^q pxJfae.ol every color, caste and condition. 1 dojbeltsvg that all the iqoplp of our State, of every shado of polit- cal opinion, are now for the complete su premacy of law and order. WHAT THE REBELLION HAS DONE FOR US. Again; Thto revolution has made many slop to discuss—have been forced upon u>. X am dealing with practical facts. The essence of stateinanshlp to practicability—the power to take facts as we find them, and use them to advantage. This revolution nasmadc fac slave a freeman, the freaiuaii a ctlttetq the citizen a vow;, [lie yotdr a rtjlcr. The politi cal and civjl nfia'poqs'of the colored raceare, in my opinion, the least Important of all their relattous towards us, and,so f it as l am concerned, they present the least difficult problems for solution in the future touching : .hto race. I am fully satisfied that a com pact, harmonious, white race need never fear soy trouble or difficulty with the African race, so far as its civil and political powers are coneezned. Whichever way the whites go, the African will go ip those respects, if ou now heed my suggestions) Buf what to to -ejtio faje qf tlio African? How can he be made useful without fqrccf I[ow civilized and improved, and kept (reef Are questions which any philoso pher may foel troubled about, and no man, I believe, can now determine them cer tainly. I am free to confess that I have my fears, and I have never yet arrived at any conclusions on these questions, that are en tirely and thoroughly satisfactory, WHAT WE OWE THE AFRICAN. This much, however, I do say—that tho obligation rests upon us to do everything in our power to promote the advancement and tl»e ”” can What . their capability for improvement may prove to be, to a problem, and a serious problem. How they can exist with another race wholly different, in the same country, not subordi nate, and yet not antagonistic; whether they pan prosper, in pomLcUljqn wijh tlje fyliite race; and whether their civilisation can bo advanced, are questions for the future. If they fail ;Tf their destiny be barbarism and superstition; if their destiny be—like that of tLe Indian—exclusion from the country; if their destiny be vagrancy and extinction, in the name of the people of this State, and in the name of all that to noble and true, let not the responsibility of such a fate rest with us. [Applause.] pop MADE THE NEOBOA WEAK BBOTUK1L. He is a weak brother. God pptje hju so. Theologians tell qs he to a brother. He needs your help; he needs your guiuance. This Af rican race has never reached, in any portion of the world, in any period of human history, such a Cugfee fif cjyflixajiop as be attained under ilie tutellage of the South, in ttig (Jay; of slavery. [Applause.] Power and force, whether for better or for worse, have loosed bis fetters, and I do not believe that the people of the South will ever re forgo them updep apy circumstances. Whatever may be the fate of the African, i am convinced that the Southern people wil never consent to take hhn hack again into slavery, even though he were to ask und beg iL Still he to here among us. What to to be come of him I do not know. But let us see to it that if evil docs come upon him, we saall not bo the authors of iL Let us inculcate that spirit and' feyiiwg asjqfi/j all classes of our people. B LET THE SOUTH BE THE SOURCE OF THE NEGRO’S ELEVATION. It to to your advantage; for, if the negro can be elevated, can be educated, can he im proved, let the honor of doing it be ours. And, gentlemen, when you look back over the lost four years, you must feel kindly to wards the African race, for there to no other portion of the human family which could rccciye what to called the boon that that race has received, ant] qopld bp taken charge of by stranges and foreigners as tfiey hare been, and encouraged In every way to hate the Soutnem population, their late masters. Isay there to no other portion of the hnmah race, that planed under the same circumstances and conditions that the African race has been, would have made fewer demonstrations jbap they have made against the pcnplo that for merly held them in bondage. Un4er the cir cumstances, I think they have done re markably well They are a docile race. They are naturally inclined be obedient, and while [ confess that I have fears for the future of the Afri can, while I concede that he to exercising trusts for which he to not now qualified, on the other hand, I aay that, until Providence in hto wtodon shall solve the question of what hto destiny to to be, I, for one, am fa favor of giving him all tho rights to which he to enti tled according to the laws of the land,and of slavery antj:slt|i for the agitator [3 aa much onr enemy as the —’ agitator, aid there to no remedy but in the defeat of both parties, by the election of Be^ and EvcretL [Ap- plauie.] If thto be iol done, wq stand within six months w a icfcdqtlon which will sweep away thevMon, the Constitutio: ' Cfid' interpose, tlie system change an opinion. I should only regret, as I do regret, my utter inability to make my convictions more practicable and available. no bartizan. I am free to confess again, that if any gen tleman looks upon my political course during the periods alluded to, in a partisan sense, if he reads 4t in the light of party effeckand de sire to bnild up and promote the interests of a mere party, he wilt not understand it So, also, upon the assumption that I was fa the field of politics, banting position and desir ing office, his political life an eonixa. I freely state that my political life to an egnima. There has much been said, doubt less, of inconsistency, of fickleness, of im- practicabilitv, or something of that sorb But only judge me from the true stand-point that I have never ottered a sentiment, nor ex- nor done an act to build up a party, or to se cure office, and all will be plain and consist- tent [Applause.] THE KANSAS AND NEBRASKA BILL. Since the Kansas-Nebraska bill, to which I have referred, formed fa my mind the con viction that it inaugurated arevolution which was exceedingly dangcrons, and which I feared would sweep over the Southern States and take from us our property, and would endanger the Constitution and Union, I have been intent, for fifteen year* of the time, only upon doing all in my power to arrest and mitigate the berm* of that revolution, and for the last year.ef the sixteen I have had no political purpose, no political end and no political desire but to se», what wc now gloriously witness—the government of the State fa the hands of the people of the State; [Applause.] HE MAKES POLITTCAL SUGGESTIONS. What shall we now do? What policy must we now pursue? the crisis to full of im portance. There are a few plain, practical suggestions which I wish to make m s con 1 vereatlonal way to thto audience, and espe cially to the gentlemen of the General As sembly ; and 1 hope they will be received In the spirit fa which they are intended. I believe there is a general sentiment of moderation, justice and fairness pervading the country. I believe that the troubles we have bad. arising from passion and from an ger and from hate, have all very nearly sob- sided. I trust so. I hope if there ever ex isted fa this State, fa whose welfare and rep utation I have just pride, a disposition on the part of any to take the law of tha country into their own hands, and to encourage dis orders of any kind, the time haa come when, the reason ceasing, such a spirit will no longer exist. We have said, fellow-citizens, during the terrible ordeal through which we have fait passed, that our people were not responsible for the administration of the State govern ment. It was not onr government This to true, and history will declare it true. It has been a government over ns. but not of ns nor forna. .We have said that if the disorders to which I have alluded existed, they were at tributable to the fact that the people had a lack of confidence iu the power and disposi tion of the then existing State government and its authorities to protect person and prop^ anq, unlflss* slavery.” In January, 1801,'I used this iden tical language: ^ ' “Secession to a remedy for no evil. It to an aggravation of every evil. Itto prosperity madly committing suicide. Itto made to de fend slavery, and yet It fa the only possible plan for destroying slavery.” For uttering those sentiments fa 1860 and 1861,1 was de nounced by able, wise and doubtless patriotic gentlemen, os a traitor to my own section and to the Commonwealth.- But was I a traitor? Look at it fa the light of events and tell me rbat the answer is. When, however, seces- sion w»; aq afpqmplisjj iaq;, 1 submitted to it. I sb>l] never forget that day, when the resolution declaring that Georgia should se cede from tha Uuiua was passed by the Con vention. It was a dark, gloomy, rainy, drinly day, but therowas more dar-ness in this n&rl than was in the heavens. The night that succeeded the passage of the reso lution, Hillidgcville was illuminated. There was scarcely * window which did not have a Tght in it, and a joyous crowd was parading tho streets, calling upon every oody for speeches. It was the saddest hour of my life, and I confess IL Why, I do not know; hut it was so. I felt that my people were hurrying themselves and thefr property to destruction; and when :; went homo Hint nifcfit. aa l stateJ In q letter at the'time, whlqh'wits published, when the whole qity was blazing with bonfires'nud illu mination," I put out every light, and fastened every window, and locked every door, and spent a restless night there alone. What should I do? To go with secession waa to gq for tim ruin of Rtf pporJuT To go against secession was to go against ray own people. I finally arrived al the conclusion that I would go with my own people td ruin, and go to the gallows and to duatb. If need be, rather than go against them and go anywhere. [Applause.] I had resisted secession as long as it was possible to resist iL I had used every effort and had exhausted cverv argument against it. But the fact was accomplished and I submitted to iL I offer no apologies for my course. My worst [oars have town realised. I do not regret the part [' acted. Boms of my kind Union friends thought I was very wrong, but I thought to tho contrary, and I think so now. The tvar did come, ana a fierce and terrible war it was. Contrary to tny expectations, Ion, for the fljst time, ofljee and sent'rpg to irncry under the new government Everybody was fierce to go into the war. The volunteer spirit was strong among our people, and everything went well, and I coufiss that before the war had pro gressed very much I,had hopes of our suc cess. I began to believe that God was bless ing our arms and would bless our peoplewilh independence, and that my fears had been groundless But iu one year after the war began the volunteer spirit began to flai Every effort was exhausted to help it up. F nally the propositiorewas announced by the head of the government, that compulsory ifaeang, to sopufesuppllca for the army and to flu up its ranks, wav an aiV-oluto' ilcc'v!;y. My own opinion was that if the fact existed, and impressment and conscription were neo- essary, It was all-important that they should be executed through the states, and the joum- nafa of the Senate, will show that I advocated that policy and voted for it, and I did so for the purpose of preventing controversy and dissens’on. But the majority differed with me. Conscription was adopted and impress ment was adopted; and, after those measures bc^atpe acpoujpjisked fopts, my opposition to then)'ceased. 1 wenf through the revolution upon one fundamental iqca, which qms, that, when measures were proposed in the Senate, I should exercise my judgment ns to whether they were right or wrong and should advo- patp of oppose them as [ thought bast, but wlipn they became laws I intended to sup port them, for that qros the on]y way to sup port the government Therefore the moment conscription and impressment were ngitqted I opposed them on the ground I have men tioned, But when they were adopted, and were believed by t|;e GoyernnieRt to be the only measure/ by which the war could be . carried on successfully, J gave them my full support, and I did not hesllalo to maintain and to act with the Government in the matter. I deeply regret that all other gentlemen did not view the matter fa the same light, but right there dis sension began, and the result was that our people and soldiers were discouraged, our armies were defeated, and final surrender was the end of alL How did the spirit of intol erance then mauafest itself ? It was said that Haws of nations; I looked attliem hi every light:.and from every stand-point, and I * ’o toe conclusion that the whole his- pHL )f the w'orld’s revolutions furniacd nothing indie -infamous than were tho;C measures us they were proposed to the South ern people.! It was not my- purpose, how ever to say anything. I expected other pub lic men to do lhaL- I expected those who bad claimed to he the only patriots and the only wise men up to that time, would cer- tamly come-out. andrmanlfest. their abhor rence of these measures, and point out their effect upon the people. To my great morti fication and sorrow they did not do so. They kept silenL Those measures were pass ed. The military was sent down here to en force them. Confiscation, exile and banish ment were threatened to those who opposed them, but never A word was heard from those gentlemen to whom I have referred. And, right here, fellow citizens, I will say that no greater injustice has been done me than that which has been done by my friends and the professed admirers of my writings upon the subject. I have been charged with indulging in the same spirit of bitterness and intolerance iu those writings that I ant now condemning. I beg to say that there to no such spirit in them. There- are some per sonal allusions of a very severe character which I regret and would recall, but the purpose sought to be accomplished, the arguments used, the end proposed, and the spirit which animated me are with me to-day, and will be with me while life shall last. [Applause.] Did I say anything fa a spirit of resistance to the government? I tell yon no. I tell you now, that if those who claimed to be ourconquerers had framed a constitution for each Southern State, in Washington City, and had sent one to this State, and had tent out their officer* to administer it, I should not have opened my mouth. I should have obeyed iL If they had passed a law disfran chising every white man fa the South, and enfranchising the negro race as the cnly race worthy of the privilege in this southern I country, and had ordered them to assemble and frame a constitution and make laws for the government of the State, I should not liavo opened my mouth. It was not the power which I was resisting. ■ While I did not recognize their right to do those things, yet I did not seek or attempt to resist tho power which could make them. I was opposed to the Congressional measures of reconstruction because of the conditions which thqy imposed, and I determined, after that as’onc Southern man, and in view of tny respon.ibilily in tho future, I would put my protest on record against the certain infamy which they proposed to place upon us. Do you ask fa what the infamy consists? Why hero it was: The federal government pro posed, by theso reconstruction measures, to disfranchise.thogreat holy of our intelligent, educated lhca, who were formerly masters and slaveholders under the system of govern ment under which they had previously lived, and to enfranchise their slaves and then set them to work to form a government for their former masters. But these measures did not stop here. They demanded the assent of the former slaveholder-—of these intelligent, edu cated men whom they disfranchised to the infamy proposed, under threats of o indica tion and banishment if they refused.- In other words, it was a deliberate proposition by tbq federal government, that the white race of the South should lie down volunta rily and allow the negro, race to. get on them, ff they had proposed to lake the leader* of what they called tho rebellion and cut off their heads, they would have found historical precedents for that; if they had proposed to confisoato the property of our people, they would have found prece dents in history for that; but to take from the educated master* of this country, all tbelr political rights; to enfranchise their un lettered slaves; to set them at work to form a government for their former masters, and then to demand those masters to consent to it and to admit that the government had a right to do all this, was a refinement of infamy and cruelty for which there to no precedent doing all in my power to promote hto welfare and advancement. Bat all must be done for hhn in hto position, of coarse as a separate race. no negro social EQUAXiTy, j was in favqr of making Davis military dic- The worst enemy lie can possibly lave to vVby! Simply because I gave the that enemy who shall dare tospeak to him of - social equality with the white rate. When ever that , is attempted—whenever the flat shall go forth that the African to to be the social equal of the white man, I will have no farther doubts as to hto destiny, [t to inev itable, speedy, eternal extinction, or exclusion from the country. [Applause.] Such a thing as social equality between the two races cannot be. God haa forbidden it, and man cannot order iL THE EVIL OF INTOLERANCE. There to one other subject to which I wish to call your attention, and I feel intensely up on iL I look npon it as one of more impor tance than either of the others to which I have called your attention. You will say, wbat can be of more importance than seeing that the laws are faithfully executed,and thatper- son and property are protected ? Wbat can be of more imbortsnea than a just concep. tion of our relations and of onr doty to the race that God has placed among us, and which so much needs onr help ? Fellow citizens, I am going to touch upon a subject which has been more instrumental fa bringing onr troubles upon us, than ill the others combined. I hope that as thto new brought us into that revolution and broke us down in it will not be continued, but will be abandoned. That evil to tho “spirit of Intolerance." I mean decidedly what I have said. That spirit of intolerance that takes possession of too many of onr, leading politicians North and South, has done more to bring all evils we|have suffered upon us than all other agencies combined. Why, thegreat difficulty now fa the way of any gentleman. Republi can or Democrat, who feels inclined to fade pendent action and independent thought, and who would, could he fredy express his Views, benefit the country, to this spirit of intoler ance which allows no independence and which, on its first appearance wags wilSly its slanderous tongues and frightens the man back to party lines or thrusts him fa a posi tion he never dreamed of taking, and charges npon him motives that never entered hto mind. HIS OWN LIVE ILLUSTRATES INTOLERANCE. I will Qlnstrate more folly what I mean, and you will pardon me, fellow-citizens, if, in order the better to make thto fllnslration I refer to my own history, because I know thto spirit of intolerance have felt, despised and de fied, its bitterest assaults. I take the il lustrations too, from my awn experience, be cause I will thus be enabled atov to present to your view the true eolation of my political life, and without which no man can jndge me rightly, namely: that in politics I have always been independent, and acted as I be lieved it was right to act for the best interests of tho people of the State, withontrefereuce to personal ends or party promotion. We have had, and I fear still have, amoDg ns gentlemen-who assume to themselves infalli bility both as to correctness of doctrine and parity of nature. They never err in judg ment, they are never wrong, and everybody who differs with them, to consequently de nounced as a fool, or knave, or traitor, or trickster, or alL Hr. Jefferson, who has been made to father many extreme theories, certainly never tanght thto spirit of arrogance, intolerance and self- sufficiency in hto first inaugural. BURNED IN KFFIGT. In 1856 I was unable to appreciate the value, to the South, of what was called the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and upon one occasion, Government' my support fa all measures which were adopted, because 1 believed it was the only way that we could be success ful fa our struggle for life. Was it true, fel low-citizens, and \fts it right to say that I Was fa favor of putting the South Ruder a military dictator * But God being . my judge, [ would have had n thousand | military dictators rather than defeat [Great S t use.] And fa relation to the dtotfa- ed gentleman to whom I have jnst re- I, and who was theChtcf Executive of lyoRr government, fat slanderous tongues point their shafts at hint as they may, let others censure him as they may, but in the hour of hto misfortune I bear witness thst a] nobler, purer soul, and one u ore devoted to hto country, never animated a human frame (Applause.) - Would that all of our public men had been like- bin). If they had been, perhaps you and I would not be sitting in ssrrow and humiliation tiwlay. (ApplauseJ Well, the war to or. r, think God. J But 11 say to-night that the repeal of the Missouri compromise and the excitement and bitter ness which attended the discussion of the measure, were brought about by this spirit of intolerance to which I have alluded. It was made a test of fidelity to the 8outh and to I slavery, and thereby caused the- sop 4 preswuu -^-independent , q,ougLi ana expression among our public men. So the secession of the State was accomplished in the same spirit and by the same means. When men opposed, from patriotic motives and beause it was their honest conviction, the secession of the State and the commencement of a war, for the reason that they did not be lieve it was the best remedy, why could they not have been allowed to exercise and ex press those opinions freely, without having their motives Impugned and without being denounced as traitors to their country? So, while I admit that we went into the contest upon unequal terms; while I admit that wc did not have the resources which the enemy possessed; while I admit that the system of slavery to which we had so long been ac customed had nol developed the industries of tLe South to the extent which L-. been attained fa other countries, (and we felt the pressure terribly during the war,) yet it to my honest conviction that, with all the advau- tages which the enemy had over us, such was the courage, the chivalry, and the devotion of our troops, and such was the skill of their leaders, had onr publio men been willing to sacrifice opinions, to sacrifice property, and to sacrifice life itself, if necessary, and had they been animated by the same spirit which animated onr glorious chief, we should have gone through the struggle successfully. [Ap plause.] These are my opinions, and I ex press tticrn freely to you to-night. HISTORY OF NOTES ON THE SITUATION. The war ended, and soon after its termina tion I changed my residence from LaGrange to Athens, intending to carry out the original purpose of my life, to which I have alluded, never to have anything to do with politics. I moved to Athens for the purpose of de voting my life to the practice of my profes sion and to the education of my children. But affair* assumed a new shape. Scarcely had the first fite warmed my new home be fore the Congressional scheme of reconstruc tion was proclaimed. As acitizen of Georgia and of the United States, I felt It my duty to give the subject some attention. 1 did give those measures a calm, dispassionate, thorough examination and investigation. I compared them with the Constitution of the country; I compared them with the terms of the surrender and with the issues made daring the war; I compared them with the in history, cither Christian or savage. [Ap- -fause.1 That was what I was opposed to. lur honor was at stake. That was it. To consent to our own degradation was to dis honor ourselves. Tha) to Ufa whole spirit and purpose of the “Notes on the Situation.’' 1 will read you on extract from them. “I admit then that we ara in daneer of cQnqscatibn. Those vflio out Ufa patriotism arid intelligence would' not 'scruple to rob. ’[bp representatives who violate the Consti tution they arc sworn tq support, fa order to abrogato State govpmmeqt aqcl reduce the people fa military bnqdago. could not add to their iniquities by takfag the tittle property we have Itf*." * * * “A. people, however, who are willing to sacrifice honor to avarice, are beyond the possibility of re demption. If tho very statement of the proposiiion docs not awaken a feeling of ab horrence, we are indeed fa a sad condition. If anything be baser than degradation, it to such a motive for stoking to it Lost prop erty Jnay be recovered; burned cities may be rc-built; devastated fields may blcpm again; ftycu hurfad cljitdrcn, faifeqTur tlfair cottuby. Will live ujpun fa tho quiokened spirits of new generations. But as with individuals, ao with people and communities—the eente of honor once lost to lost forever. Yea, more; the history of human nature, singly and fa communities, teaches, without exception of example, that when self-respect to once lost, self-abasement once accepted, cities, lands, libtrty, country, cannot be retained. “It is natural, too, that all other* should lose rssppct [or thosq who lose respect for them selves. If we consent to the humiliation proposed for us, all mfakind will be ashamed of us, our children will be ashamed of us, and our very enemies whose hatred prompted the shame, will mock and deride us.” I nttured tho fame sentiment fa a speech made about that time. It to in thto language; “ It is better, far belter, that tre permit our pnemics to dig ten trillions b[ graves and bide within therq the ten millions o[ people who inhabit these Southern States, thin [hat wc, with our op;n hands, stiouht dig tlie one S rav'e of our sense of honor a* a people and fe [orcvei the world-Ustcd, and self-bating sentinels of its hopeles', wakeless death.” Ah I my countrymen, he who mercifully E avo me being will more mercifully take uck thst being ere I take back those heart- warm words [Applause.] After those “notes” were written a commit tee cf gentlemen addressed me a letter thank ing me for writing them. They said there was such fear npon our people, that nothing could convince them that thuy hod a right to speak upon the subject and to discuss it, ex cept a speech delivered iu the city of Atlanta under the shadow of the military authori ties. I declined to make a speech then. I suggested to them, however, that they ad- dre.-s Idler* t" every promiuent man in the Stale of Georgia upon Ihe subject, and urge them to make till) awiirus. They di 1 so, and they invited mp to be proseqt and 'hear the answers read. I came up be e for that pur pose. V«'c met in a room fa this city—not very public nor very secret-—and we opened oud read those letters, and such an exhibition of cowardioo 1 never saw. nor ever wish to see again. (Applause.) Not one consented to make a speech. After [ read those letters, I consented tq hiskc a speech, and [ did make a speech, and the proqdesl hour of my life, which nothing coaid buy the memory of, was that day on which I stood fa Davis' Hall fa thto city, and looked the uniformed minions of power fa the face, qnd told them that their masters, who had trampled upon the Constitution to insult and outrage an unarmed and a conquered people, were “tl ' perjured assassins of liberty.” (Applause) I had fa all these things bat one purpose, and that was to save the honorof the South and so that I accomplished that purpose, ] asked for nothing more. There was no spirit of revolution fa it, no disposition to disregard the laws, xxv purpose to cncORrsgO tha spirit ot Intolerance, but aim ply a great purpose to save the manhood of the country and the sense of honor of our people. That was all, In 1868, when these measures had been proclaimed, and enforced by the bayonet, os I always said they would be, and after the nominations for the Presidency had been made, I was called upon to deliver an address, which to commonly called the “Bush Arbor” speech. It has been said that that address was intolerant and severe, hot what was the purposcofit? It was not to bnild up sporty, nor yet to elect Mr. Seymour. I knew if be was elected it would be without us. I did not think the South should meddle fa politics at that time, for I knew that the whole strength of the party and the whole contest lay at the North. But, fellow-citizens, you must remember there was a new order of things here. An other race had been set free and had been clothed with civil and political rights and with civil and political power, and it was believed that there were some men willing to try and bring about also social equality, which course I knew would disrupt and de moralize society and would make the coun try uninhabitable. I may have overrated the- danger, but it seemed to me to be very alarming. The evil was worse than war, pestilence and famine, and it was to prevent that evil and to avert that danger that the Bosh Arbor speech wasmade. Tne only way to prevent the evil was to consolidate the white race of the South; and the only way to con-, solidate the white race of the South was to make Radicalism odious; and gospel minister never labored more earnestly and religiously to save the souls ofmenthanldidwhen I sough t to accomplish thto purpose. [Applause.] It was fa that speech that I uttered severe stric tures upon the men snd the party I believed were -advancing the evil I have spoken of, and expressed the idea that social fa return for political ostracism was the only means, fa mr opinion, calculated to save the people from that evil. By these means I sought to make Radicalism odious fa the eyes of our people, and if I have succeeded, then I have 1 i ved for a great and glorious purpose. [Ap plause.] And I will say right here that many of those gentlemen who have recently pub lished abusive anoymoua letter! against me were poor creature* who wanted to be Rad icals in 1868, hot became then alarmed and would not he. After the fall J868, I said nothing more. I retired and did not make a speech frpm the fall of 1868 until recently. This to the second speech I have made since then. I have given you a history or my political action and I ask yon the question, what motives prompt- edme? It has been charged that I was seek ing < ffice before the war. If I had been seek ing office do you not suppose I would have gone along '-with "the current arid changed when it chang'd ? If I had been seeking office, would I not have joined with the cry which made the Kansas and Nebraska bill the only test of fidelity to the South? Ifl had been seeking office, or seeking to build up a party, do you believe I would have been willing, fa the position to which I was unex pectedly called, to have uttered the senti ments to which I have alluded ? Certainly not, and you will find out, people of Georgia, yet, that whatever else I have done, thank God I have not been a dciriagoguc. 1 have intended and still intend to tell you what I think to good for you, and take the conse quences. I had rather be the humblest of those who would save you, and perish amid your curses, than be the chiefest architect of your ruin and [live forever the on worthy re cipient of your deluded huzzas. [Applause.] It to better to merit the applause of wise meu to-mnnow than to receive tho plaudits of fools t o^l ay. When thto work of reconstruction was over, I hoped it was the end of the revolu tion which has swept over thto country) Thto revolution had destroyed slavery;'it had trampled npon the constitution; it bad forced its measures by the bayonet; it sought to de grade the white race of the South and it had failed, because degradation cannot be iufiicted upon any man unless he consent to it. It to oppression when not consented to, but it is not dishonor. But the work Was dune. Re construction was announc'd to bo over. It was their work, all their work, and it was their infamy, all their infamy, and none of it was ours. [Applause] Wbat wns the next step to lie taken ? Was it to resist an accom plished fact? Was it to manifest the same feeling of determined opposition which wc had exhibited when asked to consent to our 'own infamy? No. The case wa* now far diflereut Rightly or wrongly thto work had been done, and thto work bad to remain until, fa the opinion of the American people, the time should come to change iL In themean- time, what we*p we to do ? What would wis dom and common sense suggest ? I think just what 1 suggested, that we should recognize the work which had been done, obey the Constitution as amended, and go to work to build np our own fortunes and get possession of onr own affairs. [Applause.] And right hero that same spirit of intolerance, which accused me of being unfaithful to the inter ests of the South fa 1856, which denounced me as a traitor fa 1860, and which declared me as being fa favor of a Military Dictator fa 1863 and 1861, now came out and said I was a Badical t! a Radical 11! I am willing that some people shall call me anything they please; but the men who, like the cowards they were, refused to do their duty fa 1867, and whose tongues were silent when the honor and manhood of onr people were at stake, shall never call me anything. [Ap plause.] When that old Federal military lion, with siyonl* for his teeth and bayonets for hto laws, came down hero and demanded with ito fii'tce roars, that the white people of the South should voluntarily lie down and let tlie negro race stand upon them, all the big politic;’.! dogs dropped their tails between- their legs and ran under the house nud left me to do the fighting, as heat l could It was a very unequal fight, but I did no: get alarmed nor runaway. I have told you what I did do. I begged the people not to lie down. If they must go down, let power pull them down. Never lie down vol untarily. Never consent - to your infamy, degradation and dishonor. Let it be oppres sion, but don’t fat it be infamy. The people determined to do so, and let the old lion roar as much as he pleased. The old lion pulled them down, but they did not lie down of their'own accord. And then came aloDg a peat troop, of carpet-bag wolves and scal awag skunks, and they began to prey upon everything they could find, apd it seemed that they would diiyour and stench the whole land, aqd what Ufa end was- to be wc conld not know. It w 03 then I said to the old lion, “ yoti are ifa infamous usurper; yon are over riding Uic Constitution apd yon are insulting and outraging aq unanned and a trusting pco- g e, Let Ha have possession of uur own before eae gnawing animals shall utterly devour us, Wc will abide and obey your amendments to the 1 'institution, not as rightful laws, but accomplished facts, and will give every in of every color as we always would have done, hi- righ's, dicta e»l by our own ta- t rest So go, ami go q lick. Well, the uld Urn left,-and the wolves were leaving, and tlie skunks were hunting their holes. 1 lagan "• fed viry joyousand bope- ftiL Onr state was but a s[:ejclp,n, hu[ there was still li[c iq iu Jijst ibeq [ heard a ter wolves, and then I iot Z'vo'u‘to'approve of Uiosq results. I Win run again. And with noolher sueffi not - {jja right I would lose my a? The revoludon^has 1 endedfand with it right aim before I would say they are ail the lingering echoes of a dead system. I do Kiuoui-oiunii™ r-iiZ, fair- in li'.s'.orv than that power Is the chief ele- engendered end also. n °“ or ;J^^f)s that ment-of- law, and power has wrougbtreiults, ne-s, moderation, these j sn fae virtue* fa«t^ meo^ ^ tr - a w|m slatcstuaa gui le the future destinies ol this country and iuild up iis prosperity, tvho does not rocog- nizo these facts and go to work accordingly. Why, fellow-citizens, there to scarcely a gov ernment on the face of the earth that to not the result of usurpation. The time will come, I believe it will come, I have faith tliatit will couie-^modcralioD, prudence, dig nity, forbearance,kindness to ta*h.otber, ab staining from abuse of each other or of anvbodv will. hasten it; when a dark ’ line' will be drawn around thto infamous chapter in the history of mankind, and when reconstruction wiU be blotted cut from Uic records of the coun try. It may not be in your day, it may not be in mine, blit I.boiievc it will come at laiL It to not in y<*r power to accomplish it, but you can promote it You cannot promote it by passion, hatred or intolerance, but by good will toward each other, by forbearance, charity and moderation, by going to work and building up your own material interest —your own universities, your own schools and by engaging in all those noble works for the revival of yonr prosperity. If you do this, the time will come when passion will subside and a reaction will take place and there will be a sense of ituiicc in the North ern people, and they will say “we repent that in the hour df onr malignat passion, wo offered such an insult to our brethren of the South, and •“out damned spot,” they will crv. At least, let us be charitable enough to hope it; let us be kind enough to believe it;* let us have faith enough to act upon IL As for myself, vou cannot tie me to any partv. I hare no use for party except aa I can a’c- complish good by iL I liavo no use for any organization except as I can promote the in terests of the country by it Faith fa God and hope for men are the only fundamental principles iu my hilmnn creed. To worship good and to elevate man arc the only funda mental obligations I admit. Everything else is subordinate All things else are simply menus to accomplish these glorious ends and to discharge three duties. Those are the prin ciples upon which to acti That great Roman to whom I have referred said, shortly before his death, that he had one thing to ask of the goda, and it was, that, dying, ho might leave lib country free. Fellow- citizens that to my ambition. God knowa it to not office that! want. I want yourcon- fidencc, hut 1 do not want it expressed fa that way. I have a yearning and an absorb ing ambition to build np the country fa which 1 was born and which 1 have seen devastated before my eyes. And if God should spare my life, I hare, too, one thing to ask and that to that when at last I shall die, and my spirit shall start oa its flight through the air, let me look down and see on every square of Southern land, a beautiful cottage filled with a liappy family and surrounded with every evidence of virtue and thrift Let me ace upon our hills and in our valleys the factory, the furnace and Uic foundiy. with their smoke curling toward heaven, and filled with busy multitudes bringing to our people a steady stream of wealth und prosperity. Let me University of my riblb rg'-if iq iqy rc-fa, gnd t Stoked around anti there were all the dogs, mongrel puppies, wlielpand hound, and curs of low degree, scrambling from under the house with their tails erect and barking very loud and very fiercely. Barking at whom ? At the au thors of tho reconstruction measure? No. At the big lion who oppressed and insulted us? No. At whom were they barking, then’ At whom do you suppose? Why at toe! [Applause.] And all the pack, toothless hounds, yellow ‘curs, and little lice ail over the State—all at once became very brave and barking “radical, radical, radical r [Just at this point, a Newfoundland dog in the middle part of the hall barked loudly several times fa succession. The effect was instantaneous. The whole'audience was con vulsed with laughter. A scene of humorous excitement ensued, shouts, clapping of hands, stamping of feet, exclamations of various kind* completely drowned the voice of the speaker, and he was compelled to stop for several minutes. Mr. Hill, pot in the least embarrassed, stood, with a smile upon hto tape, regarding the scene with evident enjoy ment- A> soon as he could be heard, he saiit] Fellow-citizens, I do not wish it to be un derstood that I was reflecting upon that dog’s character. He to an honest dog. [This happy remark was the signal for re newed laughter and cheers, and the do; added a otiief bark. When quiet was restore! Mr. Hill proceeded ] Fellow-citizens, to te\l you the truth fa my hu nbie way has always been my purpose, but it has' been my fortune or misfortune, during the 16 years of my political life, to tight various animals. I have wrestled with the lion, charged the wolf, and killed skunks, but the meanest animal 1 ever yet saw to a band of yellow dogs who are always running when there are dangers to face, and always snapping when there are bones to divide. [Great laughter.} I want you to get rid of this spirit of in tolerance. I want yon to discountenance it It has created more bitterness; more acri mony, sod more ill feeling m this country, than all other causes combined. It to un worthy of you. Wc are fa the beginning of a new era. Our material prosperity must now begin. Wc have been socially disorgan ized. Our system of industrial labor to to be improved, Important problems concern ing the civil and' political relations of the two races will sooner or later come before for solution. We need new laws fa every shape and form; we need all the wisdom we can command; we need all the virtue, intel ligence and honesty we can command; wc need all the fairness and moderation, and courage we can command in the discussion and consideration of these various questions; and let us do away with thto spirit of intol erance to which L have alluded, so that the people can feel they arc independent and have the right to think and act npon all questions as they may desire. [Applau . Therefora, I exhort yon ha tha beginning thto hew era to leave behind thto spirit, and to no longer, fa our social or political affairs, proceed upon the proscription plan. Let us bo willing for each other to act freely and independently fa all matters of conscience and opinion. Let ns be content to differ with each other without assailing motives. Fellow-citizens; in saying all that I have said upon thto subject, I have not intended to he personal I have Intended to strike at the great public evils to which I have alluded, and not to attack any man. And while I think it is the duty of the General Assembly, through its committees and otherwise, to ferret oat every crime, and to bring every man to punishment who has been guilty of crime, at the tame time I am free to say that I am In favor of universal political amnesty. State and Federal I believe that we should forget mere difference of opinion where mo tives have been honorable, as daubless they have been fa many cases, and where any bit terness has existed heretofore growing out of these differences of opinion, fat us lay it aside. And now fa the beginning of thto new era, when we arc again a free people fa the pos session of onr own State government, fat ns declare ourselves fa favor of political am nesty throughout the State of Georgia. There another subjects that I wish to ad dress the General Assembly upon by your permission, and, above all, I desire to be heard upon the great question of the education of our children. But thto grand theme requires a separate address; and by yonr leave I hope to make it before you at no distant day. I wish, before concluding this speech, to say a few words to you by claasea. And, first of all, I begin with you, my good friends, who have made It your business to abuse me for the last twelve months. I know what your desire was; I know that the wish was father to the thought when you said I was inclined to be nntrne to the record of my life. You desired to make it so, but let me tell you now that neither bayo nets can frighten me, nor power cup buy me, nor calqmny can slander me one Inch from what I believe to be my dntv- Great applause.) You can abuse me "ntil doomsday. I care- nothing for than I care nothing for your barking. I know yon won’t bite. IVhat I' fear to that your noise, continued with the same spirit of intolerance you have always manifested, may bring back the lion and another crowd of skunks should be inculcated and practiced among all classes of our people. A WORD TO DEMOCRATS. A word to my secession Democratic fr* c °<“- I know bow honestly you went into secession. Yon remember the proposition was made m t-GO—I made tt—that we should firstmake fight for our rights in the Union, and ifthat failed, that then we would make a light for them out of the Union. You didn t accept that proposition. You insisted that the fight should be made out of the Liuon as theory policy your party would adopt. That policy was adopted, and the experiment was tried You failed and you see tho evils which have been brought upon the country, and rcme“- ber tlie precious lives which fa'Ye bcen sacri- ficed, and now let uai lock bauds and lock hearts, and contend for our rights in the Union. [Applause.] It requoia a degree of patriotism and exercise of self-abnegat-on rarely exhibited fa human history, but let us forget our wrongs. Let us again exult in the common struggles of tbo better ■bridging tho chasm of blood with memories of the better before, let us again look up to the flag of our fathers and endeavor to feel how-patriots can love IL and how heroes can die for it. [Applause] By adoplfag fats course, you wifiatonco join issuowith the Republican party upon the construction to be Disced upon the amendments to the Con stitution. and you never will join issue with them upon that subject until you have ad vanced to that position. .... And now, my Union Democratic friends, and you, my old Whig brethren, to whom my heart has always yearned with affection arid love,you know how earnestly wc resisted this resolution. You know what Inals wo underwent, but I bear witness to-day that there were no men fa the army or in the civil service who afforded more relief or were truer to the South fa her darkest hours than were the old Whig* and UnionTJcmocrats of this country. [Applause.] And it to a fact, which 1 will slate here, and which to known by mo to lie true, that in tho last two years of our terrible struggle, the Chief Executive of the Cofcderacy hail to depend almost en tirely upon, the Whigs as hto best and truest friends and supporters. When others failed, when others wearied, when others tired, theso men who liad been dragged into the revolution were faithful to Uic end. You have shown your manhood and you have nothing of which to be ashamed. Yon were like myself, you “dinn t, [O to bo Democrats,” but you are. Rcmem- >cr that tlie present Democratic party was or ganized since the war. It was organized under new conditions and upon new issues and there to no party fa thto country with which Southern men, in my judgment, can affiliate with any self respect, except that o the present Democratic party. [Applause. With tho views and tho sentiments which entertain I could not as a Southern man, under any circumstances, affiliate with the party which insulted the whole educated peo ple of the South by disfranchising masters and by enfranchising their former slaves to govern them. [Applause.] It to very certain in my honest judgment, lual no parly can carry thto country ogiun and restore the Union and preserve the Union, except upon tho principles of the old Whig party as pro nounced by Mr. Clay. [Great applause.] I do not allude - to hto mere domes tic policy. I do not propose revive that party. I do not propose to revive any party. I am going with the Democratic party as long as It to the only- party that ia opposed to the Republican »rty, bat I am ready and willing to adopt a letter party whenever the country shall pro pose it [Applause ] It to my purpose to make the insult offered by the dominant party to the white race of the 8oull> so in effaceable that it will descend to our children for generations to come. I say that thto br ing my great purpose outside of questions of politic-l policy, 1 am willing, on thto grand platform of honor and self-respect, to adopt any policy and to unite with any party that will accomplish this resulL That Is all I have to say on thto subject After all, the fundamental principles of llic old Whig party arc Uic only ones upon which the gov ernment can be safely and successfully administered. The Federal government to a limited government, with po\V; expressly delegated, and within those powers the government supreme. The States have also certain powers and reserved rights, and within those powers and reserved rights they are supreme. That was the Old Whig doctrine. It further declared that when questions arose concern ing the construction of the Constitution which were judicial in their character, they had to he settled fa the courts, and that they were the final arbiters, and whenever ques tions arose of a political nature the Old Whig doctrine was that they should be set tled in a spirit of mutual adjustment and honorable compromise and concession. That to the only principle npon which this Ameri can Government can stand, and it fa the only principle upon which It ever did stand. And right here i want to atnto to my Democratic friends OR historical fact Those heard it claimed liy them that the Union owed its prosperity, before the war, to the democratic party, but I gay now, feoilesaly, end I will be austafaed W history, that the American \Jniop owed forty years of its most prosperous existence to one man, and that man was Hoary Clay. [Applause.] He did more to shape the policy and direct the destiny and advance the prosperity of this country, than ali ° f (he Presidents combined who were fa office during hto life. You got the country into all the trouble which came upon it by undoing hto work, and yon will never get the ooomiy out of its troubles un til yon return to the principles of Constitu tional construction which he advocated. The old theories of the democratic party will not do now. They will have to be abandoned. The party has been defeated again and again and upon its ultra secession theory, and yon have nothing left but to adopt the old whig theory of our government ta oppose the tendency to cop trql tom and empire. Call it by wltyteyer name you choose, that is wbat you arc - coming ta You must whigire the democracy. I do not know that there will beany new party formed, 1 am not turn my gaze toward the 1 Stale, und sec there thousands of noble Georgians learning by art and science howto make great and prosperous their grand old native Slat 4 . Then let mo pause for one moment fa my upward flight, and, binding tny cars, catch the sound of la mentation coming from this free and pros perous people, for the recent departure ot one wbo had done hto whole duty In this, -lorious work. Then will I raise my eyes icavcn ward, and with their ascending voices a holicr escort than thatof angeto,wUl proudly go to the gates of Paradise and claim admis sion there. [Applause] ETThe London John Bull says: “Among the things generally known to tkn fact that the periodical literature of America to assum ing a higher tone, and -to even now, at its best, fit to stand aide by aide with tlie best Which to being done fa Eng]aud to-day.” NEW ADVESTISEMbNTSL Tunnel. Button llt.lt* Cat!c and other article*. Saco Novkltt Nwx*. Me. gSBsggisra^&caaffiiaff ,n?cn for oar life-atm «EIL\L LEK, “oTONBWALL" , ... her Historical and ltd Irion* CHARTS! I Onr Maps; Cha t*. rt f .. hare a nwm* taltale. NorUk!! Large ptoAiat! ll.\Ab|ji & LUBHECIIT. Empire Map and Chart E«tabli»hmfSit; 107-Liberty street. New York. rpmsi bright, c By eendir; _ A won Will reff irt by return mail, a correct pi dure of y«ur mtnre baebaad P '-ynil. LOdtG Fawtaatioa or Seal Ckaia- ing, 400 peter, bj Herbert Hamilton. B. A. Hav to nae l hi. power (Which all poncw)u will. Divina tion. spirtMnliem, Sorceric. Dcmonolnry. and n thon/and other wondera. Prirc t>r mail SI *\ In ctnth; paper covera tt 00. Copy free to a-enta onlr. *1,000 rnan'hlj evilly made. Addroe. T. 'C nrivs Pith. 41 a. 8th 8'reet. Philadelphia. Pi. advocating that—I care nothing for name, I am for prtaclplof-but I tell yon now that there to butone way or earth to. arrest the growing tendency to centralism. You cannot do it by preaching about the old theories of tlie Democratic party. You can only do it by unilfag the Democrats and the old lino Whigs upon the old constitutional principles held by Mr. Clay and the old party. There to no doubt of it; that to where you are coming to» [Applause.] I have given you what I be lieve to be a solution of all of our troubles, if there be wisdom and virtue enough fa this country to adopt it I have been charged frequently with intending to revive the Whig party. Well, I certainly would not be ashamed of the work, and the only reason, perhaps, why I have-not attempted it to be cause I am afraid there to not political vir tue gnd intelligence enough fa the country for a Whig party. That to alL But I will tell you another thing. Thto present Democratic party fa Georgia to my party anyhow. I began it, and 1 am the father of iL I was present when it was or ganized. It was fa 1867. I heard that some of our friends at Macon proposed to reor ganize tho Democratic party, and I went down there and there was not one of yonr old Democratic leaders there. They were under the bouse. I was chosen President of that convention, and I reorganized the Demo cratic party, and I am the father of it [Ap plause!] I tell you it to the best Democrat party thatever was formed', and it U the only- one I ever wanted to belong to. [Applause.] Myold Whig friends, you need have no fears about it. I have christened it and washed FREE TO AGENTS. PICTORIAL niBrtmihwM. CjTlopedl? explanatory of tb.? Profitable Employment. Weicfto® to engas* a few mnre a rent* to aeR tho World-Renowned Imnrored BUCKS* E EWING MACHINE, at a liberal salary or on comaiMkm. A_ norse and Wagon Riven to agents. Fa’l psrtics’ars f^l^donapplication. Address W. A.IIKNB2R- SON A CO., General Agents, Cleveland, Ohio, and bt. Louis, Mo, . I .. OOQgEWAHDlaoffeml b # the proprietor of l>r. Catarrh Remedy tor ccdco tfchf to Head” Vaturtha Ol*j$a,which be canmn cur.*. I The Pen Letter Book for copying letter* without Prrsaor Water, entiaars to grow in favor wherever inuoonecd. and tho«os»d» now using it altert It* w ondcrjttl merits. All probe its simplicity and convenience, and a public test of >e*r» hns fully established ita gcuaineii’we end relia bility. It has only to bo-properiy shown to beapprs- cUted by all burinc-s men. Price *3 *5 and upward. Address P. GARRETT A CO., rbilade’phia. Pa. Agents wanted- 40. F. Yeah Pub* C Agents also wanted for Chicago and the great Confla gration, by Oo'.bcrt A Cham be? 11 n. editors Chicago Tribune, &8 octavo pages. Tally Illustrated- 38,000 SOLD. Ad Ires* a* above, or J. 8. Goodman, Chicago, or Edward F. Horny, Boston, or Fred. M. Smith, Au- bnm, N. Y., or Walton A Co.. Ind anapoUs, lad. Wells’ Carbolic Tablets lets presuit tbs Arid tal*mbiaaUou with other efficient remedies, la apopalar form, for tho Cure of all THBlMT and LUNOdMcmea Iloarso- nc«* and Ulceration of the Taroat are Immediately relieved and statements are constantly being seat to the proprietor of relief ia cases of Throat dUflcaltles Uric Tablets. Price S3 cents per Box. JOHN Q. KELLOGG 18 Platt at, N. Y., sole AgeatfortbeU.tt. Aflenta Wanted for the Life of GENERAL R. E LEE. The Only Authorized and OflteUl BlograMiy of tho GREAT CHIEFTAIN. for fm-Uig. Hon oa! roe oar Unas, sod a foU de- of tho work. Addnor, NATIONAL PUS HING CO., Philadelphia, IV, Atlanta, Ua., o; Si. it clean, [Applause.] were hard to get out, t Some of the spots admit, but they areal! out and it to the best we can da Fortbccvils of the times there to no better party snd its principles now are right if they are only ad hered to. But I warn you now, that when ever that dragon of intolerance lift* it* head again and seeks to rule thto country by a sys tem of brow-beating, the party will be fa danger. Don't allow it to lift ita head again lest you fall. Let ua all fed that we have a common destiny. We will not charge you with the failure you have made. You thought you were doing'what was best for the coun try, but if you have failed, you owe it to us, to your country, and to yourselves, to exer cise this spirit of moderation, fairness and kindness. A WORD TO YOUNO MEN. And to you, young men, I desire to aay few words. The young men who have not acted with any party, who are not identified with the Whig party or the Democratic party, and I believe there are no yonng men fa this country, thank God, who are identified with the Republican party, [applause,] arc the hope of our BtiU* There never was a generation of young men that had a greater responsibility resting upon them than rest* upon you. I came to thto hall for several days after the first assem bling of the Legislature for the express pur pose of watching the young men, and of seeing who they were timt would be promi nent in the history of the State fa years to come. I also watched each graduating class at our University, and put my mark upon every young man whom I thought was going to be distinguished fa the future. Thank God there are men coming forward who are going to be shining lights, snd are going to be the strong men of thto country. I feel a great pride .fa them, bnt let me worn yon now, young men, don’t commit the blunder of tying your necks, as you enter the bois terous sea of public life, to the millstone ot defeated theories. It to cruel; it to nnkfad; oh, it to terribly cruel for those who are old and gray, and who have been wrecked upon their theories, to spend the remainder of ibeir days in urging tha young to follow in their un fortunate footsteps. I tell you the revolution has wrought results, and .such men are hut ladMt. Bvn.1 for Clrouan and •crlpti ' ' ISM, Lonli, Mo. T 3a. o wi b o n’s WORLD-RENOWNED PATENT GLOVE-FITTING CORSET. TIlOBISr,!*** GENUINE PATENT G L 0YE-FIVTI NO. No Com* om ever attrised neb a reputation, either in till* or any other coontrv. A* soi{ made la length astd fall- nocaof host It Cannot be Improved. Every Corset la Stamped with the name Taoxsox and the trade u^ark, a Caowx. Kept by all artt-daes THOMSON, LANCDON & CO Sole Owner* of Patents. 391 Broadway, New York* OS, WOULD I WERE A CHILD AGAIN! (iahattw weary an! rxhaaste! one, aa tbelaagwr and la.tlta!« of eprlax comes apoahim- Come And receive vigor an! atrenctk from ike woadixfnl floats American Tor Ic JUHUBEB4. even to the anticipations fondled oa W repatatkm. According to the medical aad eclcM'iflc periodical* of Loud n aad Pari*,llpoe- ■eeeee the Most Poweutl Toxic propertie# known to Mattox* Melxca. DR. WELLS’ EXTRACT OF JURLBEBA oT the LIVES, SP^EN^INTESTINES, UTERINE and URINARY a Itto •trehgtkeafMsad nouriahln?. Like inrtrlc Iona food takra iato tbei* - — • •• — vigorous action to the who’e extern. John q. BMMOQQ,tttkttal.NewYork. Sole Agent fQI-the United State indistinct print