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ATLANTA, TUESDAY, JUKE 18,1872.
f3fAn Atiantacorrespondentof She Macon
Enterprise mxkes 'lliis,"comment on Judge
Stephens’ speech:
“A noticeable fcatnre of the address na
that alt iu powen of eloquence, logic, bitter
utm, and scourging were aimed at the Gree
ley 1*1*. while barely a word waa uttered
against Grant, or against those who support
him. It was remarked that this was a very
singular feature of tbe address.”
The Indiana Democracy.
The Indiana Democracy go straight for
Greeley. In the platform Greeley’s enuncia
tion of States rights view is incorporated
word for word, and Its indorsement by such
Democrats as Hendricks, Kerr and others
equally noted for Democratic fidelity, shows
that they do not think Greeley’s new creed
of Democratic principle to hare any central
ism in it- M ■
Central Cordon's Letter.
Do not fail to read General Gordon’s letter,
in another column. It embodies exactly the
views of the situation this paper has been
utgtng. We believe it to be the view of nine
tenths of the Democrats in the land.
The letter is as able as it is patriotic. We
commend it to our Democratic brethren as
the utterance of one of the pureat knights
that ever defended Southern honor and Dem
ocratic principle. A Georgian who would
perish sooner then "abandon principle.’
A Good Joke.
At the Democratic meeting yesterday two
seta of names were presented for delegates.
Each had tickets printed. The friends of the
act elected began to distribute their tickets
when the others claimed that this thing of
printed tickets was unfair, and showed a cot
and dried programme. For a while the pro
test worked, until it leaked out that the pro
testers had tickets printed and somebody had
stolen them. This of course stopped the
protest, and made a hearty laugh, id which
the robbed protesters Joined gracefully.
The constitution's BIrtti-Duy
Turn CostmcnoK to-day enters on its
fifth year, and a lusty, vigorous, thriving
brat it is. Bom in the turmoil of reconstruc
tion, it sprang into the contest for liberty and
right with a zeal that has grown with the
battle. Iu name was chosen in symbol of its
creed and Its cootie. And it stands to-day
more than ever the follower of the true con-
Btitnlkmal faith.
It has passed through varied vicissitudes.
It wears the scars of many a hard fight.
It has helped, and Uved.to see the redemp
tion of Georgia. In the weary bonis of Rad
ical rule, with its oppressions and plunder, it
never lost hope or relaxed effort. The glori
ous sunlight of Slate peace, law and order is
shadowed by no memory of surrendered
fealty, or betrayed faith.
Tun Coaarmrnox has made many friends,
it trusts no enemies among the true men.
It has received the crowning tribute of in
dorsement from its Democratic brotherhood.
It owns this with fervent requital of the
good feeling of that act
The paper baa never done so well as the
last twelve months. Iu circulation and gen
eral patronage have increased beyond expec
tation, and it stands to-day asolkl, permanent,
sustained Joumai,;tlourishing in its finances,
and backed by a gratify log and rapidly grow
ing public support
The paper has had two hobbies—one to
give tbc fall and fresh newai the other to
press the speedy reestablishment of true con
alitutional government
Next month Tux CottanTcnon will be in
iu own handsome and commodious quarters,
it is eroding a Constitution building. Its
own earth and solid piles of brick and mor
tar will attest how It 1a welded to Georgia,
part and parcel of the State, founded upon
and rooted in her soil.
A great battle to before at Tins Cokbti
totios enters it to do iu might for right
It sends cordial greeting to Its many
readers, trusting that another twelve months
will see tho country pompletcly restored
V> right government, and a prosperity that
shall pat us all on tho high road to fortune.
TSs Fulton Democratic meeting.
The meeting yesterday was a very large
one. The room was filled. Colonel T. W.
J. Ilill made a fine little speech. His points
were applauded. He urged forcibly the
great need of unity. While the Committee
waa out, Colonel Cowart was called upon.
He directed his remarks to the great matter
of party harmony, and elicited repeated ap
plause. Captain Jackson was called, and re
sponded in a strong argument for taking
Greeley, betag;repcatedly cheered. Colonel
Huge declined to apeak until the resolutions
were reported. Judge Dennis Hammand
made a scathing arraignment of Grant, which
the assemblage evidently liked, from their
approval. He was interrupted by the Com
mittee reporting.
Mr. Hoyle made a fervent advocacy of the
majority report, and tho demonstrations of
approbation showed strong support. Col.
Ilogc took the stand against tho majority re
port, and the emphatic cheering exhibited a
heavy support on that ride. He referred to
Atlanta’s proud recotd. She had always
stood true to Democratic frith. Would sho
falter now? HU objection to the majority
report was that it contained no enunciation
of Democratic principle. Whatever he
might do as to candidates, Baltimore should
not pledge him to a Radical platform.
The excitement had become very high, and
the antagonism marked and deepening.
Colonel Avery interrupted Colonel Hoge,
stating that be saw both sides were together
in principle, and he thought the difference
coaid bo easily settled. Wo were sll for ad
vancing our principles and only differed as
to the best method. Ho proposed to incor-
porale in the majority report the enunciation
of principles contained in the minority re
port. This snd the substitution of the word
“nomination" for “action" satisfied the objec
tions, snd Colonel Hoge indorsed the amend
ed report. Major Hillycr and Colonel Glenn,
both indorsed the amended report, snd ex
pressed gratification that both rides could be
Urn* united.
The split was thus healed snd tho amend
ed n-sotqtions passed.
This unity was very gratifying in view of
the strong antagonism.
All of the meeting did not writ to vote
for dehqsatc*.
Fulton stands on the right basis, and has
oner more vindicated her fidelity to principle
and her devotion to the Democracy.
Mr. Stephen* Again.
The reply of Mr. Stephens, in yesterday’s
Son, to oar tost article, calls for the correc
tion of a misunderstanding under which he
labors. He says he did not say that we did
not deny what we styled his “ aspersion
against oar sincerity,” bat what he did say
that we did not deny the fact of the al
leged aspersion. We did deny it, as we
meant to deny it We deny it In tola We
have not endeavored to induce support of
SIr. Greeley while avoiding the avowal of
We have urged that the Democracy
should support Mr. Greeley if the party de
clared for him, bat we have not urged the
Democracy-to dedsrefor him. for the reason
that we have not come to the conclusion that
it waa the proper thing. And so far from de-
daring for Mr. Greeley, we have arid that
there were two considerations to be settled
before it ought to be done—one, that the De
mocracy cannot succeed on a straight ticket,
the other, that Greeley moat show enough
Liberal Republican strength to make victory
certain.
Mr. Stephens seems unable to understand
our giving impartially the facta and argu
ments on both sides. His paper gives noth
ing bat what supports hto own views. We
give oar reader the benefits of ail sides.
And as the current has been for Greeley, and
there baa been more to report for than against
him, oar neighbor falls into the delusion that
we are purposely poshing Greeley’s canse,
when we are simply reporting news and opin
ion.
We have not seen the action of a single
county given in the Son, unless especially re
quested, that was not on its own Una . And,
in some cases, as in the esse of Troup county,
and Homy county, we believe, he did not
report the county action, though asked to do
so in the official report of the county meet
ing. We have given folly and fairly the at
tion of every single county. We have not
seen a single communication or fact in the
Son’s columns touching anything but
straight nomination;’ while all dasses of
Democrats have had a fair hearing in oar
columns, and we ;bave tried to keep the peo
ple posted upon the politics! news.
let our neighbor stick to hto one-sided
schedule of Democratic news-giving, as he
thinks best It to hto right. But let him not
incorrectly judge us because we run a more
liberal policy.
Mr. Stephens now acknowledges that we
have in the past struck some good blows for
Democratic principle, and is kind enough to
use the word “gallantly” in application to
us. Bat though wc are drily pitching into
the infamous Radical Ku-Klux measures and
urging every Democratic principle, he sub
mits:
“If hebnot now daUp fatting to do to, when
he ntenilg (to put it no stronger) secs s most
active movement in the country to elect to
the Presidency of the United States, Mr.
Greeley, who holds ait 0} them ltadkat abom-
imitiaiu mentioned by him. not only to be
amstitutional, but rightful, proper, and expe-
De .viartuls,
W. A. Adams, of Hewnan, died Jam; 8th.
Mrs Rufus Johnson, of Griffin, died Jane
lftiiinsL
Mr. Aaron Murdock, of Greenwood Mills,
died June Iltb tost.
Capt Frederick Sandrnc, of Savannah, died
Jane 12th ins'.
Mr. G. L. Odom, of ThomasvUle, died on
the 15 ih inst.
Judge Nestor Pitta of Newborn, died on
the 1 liti instant.
Daniel Thompson, Esq., of Rocky Plains,
died on the 12th instant.
Mr. Abraham S. Cowan, of Walnnt Grove,
Walton county, died on the 12th instant.
Mrs. Marv Gnill, of Oglethorpe county,
died Jane 10th, instant.
Mr. A. G. Braziel, of Hall county, died on
the llth of June.
Mr. T. P. Johnson, of Troop county, died
June 8th.
Mrs. Dr. H. H. Cary, of Troup county, died
June 6th.
Mrs. James Ktonanl, of Kcwnsn, died
June Sth.
On the 9lh inst, Mr. Wat. Ballard, of Mor
gan county.
Colonel R- H. Hart, father of Mrs. James
Smith, of Rome, was drowned at Gadsden,
Alabama, on the night of the 13th of Jane.
Captain J. M. Cary died, near Stiiesboro,
Jane 7th instant
Mrs. Peter Saner, of Savannah, died sud
denly, June 10th.
w/ihm, bus it^uuui, Jiiu|rtl, ouu VAtrt’
dient iu themselves—he, Mr. Greeley, having
approved every one of them.”
The difficulty with Mr. Stephens is this.
He seems unable to understand that some of
us, his Democratic friends, honestly take
different view of Greeley's status from his
own. We look front a different stand point.
Wc regard Mr Greeley as having discarded
his central heresies, and as standing upon
platform with those important planks in
for which Democrats have so long been
fighting, viz: Local self-government instead
of centralization, the sanctity of the habeas
corpus instead of its disregard, freedom
elections instead of bayonet control of them
by the national authorities, and subordina
tion of the military to the civil authority
instead of subjection of the civil tribunals
the imperial caprice of the despotic soldier.
Mr. Stephens argues that Greeiey still
sticks to his old heresies. But we argue dif
ferently. We take Mr. Greeley's word that
he is for the Democratic batch of doctrine
on this subject And thinking differently,
while Mr. Greeley is not ap acceptable can
didate, yet if the Baltimore Convention, in-
structed by the aggregate Democratic senti
ment, thinks him the most available candi
date to nvU Democratic principle upon the
Administration of the National Government,
we shall support the movement with all
'onr zeal. *
Mr. Stephens again fails to answer the
complaint that his course has tended
to disintegration of tbc party. He says
that our quotations from him, showing
his lilieralily, refute the compliint In
frankness they do not, unless they are ad
hered to, and those other complained-of
positions of Mr. Stephens yielded. If he
adheres to both, as they are in conflict, one
does not answer the other. His liberal views
show that we have gone no farther than he,
while he has taken us to task for our own
liberalism no greater than his own. If we
have favored an alliance with Liberal Repub
licans, so has he. If we have expressed wil
lingness to support a Liberal Republican
candidate, Greeley, so has he the man Davis.
If we have abandoned principle, so has he.
Oar quotations from him show that when he
attacks us he assaults himself.
And these liberal quotations from him do
not refute, silence or have anything to do
with those other declarations that -we and
Others have complained of as setting the ter
rible example of disintegration, viz: clamor
ing for men to speak out, whether ready
not, under menace that ..waiting was treason.
Inviting Democrtas to a conference, whose
result he would not abide unless his will was
done; resolving to bolt if others' views were
adopted; and inciting bad feeling by a dero
gatory characterization of good men for
willingness to support Greeley, when he has
offered to support Greeley's coadjutor, Davis.
Mr. Stephens seeks to show a difference
between Davis and Greeley. We see none.
They both stand together on the same plat
form, supporting the same Liberal Republican
principles. They have both been long time
Radicals, both have supported bad measures,
both have objectionable antecedents. Gree
ley has been a little more active in his Radi
cal rascalities, but Davis has been Radical
enough to stick to the party and fatten on
public office, which he still holds, through
his Radicaltam. If you go to raking in the
past, the whole tucking of them will be found
soiled enough.
What wc have to do is with their present
status, and are they men of personal honesty
and c*wnpctency. Davis and Greeley stand
together, as we understand it, on the Cincin
nati platform, which, barring the plank about
the amendments, has eood enough Demo
cratic doctrine for anybody. They are both
honest and capable men. If, as has been re
ported. Davis is now for Grant, then Greeley
ts the best man of the two.
Mr. Stephens says:
“Should not Democrats every where, with
out any more wrangling or disputing anv
themselves, stand to their “own colors” i
in solid phalanx—shoulder to shoulder—fight
ever for those principles on which alone free
institutions were founded, and on which
alone they can be maintained and preserved T*
We say most heartily, yes. This has been
the burden of our entreaty all the time.
lie adds in conclusion:
“If our neighbor is of this spirit, and will
thus charge the enemy, he may be assured
he will find in us a most cordial co-operator
and ally, without the slightest feeling of ill-
will or ill-temper on account of anything he
baa said in this or any other controversy be
tween os. We have said nothing in anger,
nor have we been angered at all by anything
said by him.
A great crisis is upon ns. The liberties of
the country, as we have proclaimed foryears,
are in imminent danger, and we will hail as
brethren all who will join in their rescue
upon those principles upon which alone they
can be saved and perpetuated ”
Every word of this we can endorse. This
spirit will keep the great brotherhood of Dem
ocrats a united, and make it an invincible,
army to crush out Radicalism.
The receipts thi week arc 12,000 bales;
12.000 than last year ami lJjpJO less than
two years since. It is likely the receipt iux
next week will be 8,000 bales compared with
24.000 last year and 12,000 the year before,
and receipt* at interior towns 2,000 com
pared with 8,000 last year and 2,000 the y< ar
before.
The average of the thermometer for the
past week has been seventy-nine degrees at
noon; one day cloudy and showery in tLe
forenoon; balance of the week dear and
pleasant
We do not expect much rain until July,
and the garden* and corn fields are suffering
some from dry weather, but there never was
better weather for cotton, and the prospect
for a fair yield was never better, except that
some fields are late because the seed did not
come up in tim& The amonnt of land
planted in cotton this year is fully equal to
two year* ago and fourteen per cent more
than last year.
We do not expect more than 38,000 bales
to be received for the balance of the cotton
year, as of 33,000 bales which have been re
ceived in the past three weeks, 21,000 came
from interior towns, which shows very clearly
that there are bat very few bales tjiore in the
interior. The receipts this week exceeded
our estimate, the cause of which was the
loading of the interior towns, 5,000 bales
having been received at Charleston and Nor
folk, which were shipped directly from Men:
phis. Prices for cotton have been dull and
dragging all the week, without much change,
bat gradually settling down; but we would
again camion our readers not to sell short
now, as this maybe only the a im Vcfore the
storm.
All danger of an overflow of the Missis
sippi river for this epriug in now past, as the
river is five feet below high water mark, and
falling.
The sales of cotton in Liverpool should
not be less than 12,000 bales per day for this
summer, but for the p -st Week they were re
ported seveial days 10,000 bales, and Man
chester has reduced her stock 10,000 Ules this
week. The total supply of American for
Manchester for five months to come is only
23,000 bales per week and they bought this
week 26,000 bales and last week 81,000 tales.
Following out these figures, some will say
there will soon be no more American cotton
lo buy, but we do not expect to see this
state of things, There is always in Liver
pool 25,000 bales of American cotton which
is too poor for spinners use which will re
main for stock until sold slowly to makers of
battens and waddings.
The receipts at our ports have been fo
steady .for several weeks that Manchester
spinners believe that there is still cotton held
bock in the interior, and that tbc receipts
may still be as large as two years ago from
this time on, but if, as we believe they will
do,they should wake up some morning with
the knowledge that there is no more Ameri
can cotton to be had, they' will begin buying
so rapidly^that the price will quickly go up
beyond their limit, and then they will buy
other sorts to run their mills only four days
in the week, and in this way there will still
be American cotton for sale, but it is not
likely spinners will resort to short time until
the price goes above 12$d in Liverpool. And
this country Is now, and will be until Sep
tember, perfectly independent of Europe.
It is likely that the price here will go np
when Liverpool rises, but will not go down
much when that market declines, for the ar
gument with holdera cf cotton will be: “Liv
erpool is going np, and the price in New York-
will soon be thirty-five cents a pound ” or,
“No matter if Liverpool does decline, we
have no more cotton to sell her, and not
enough for our own spinners.”
The*stock of cotton in spinners' hands in
Manchester is now 105,000 bales, one-half of
which is American, and they require at pres
ent prices 32,CO) bales per week.
The stock at Northern mills is 150,000
bales, and they will require 21,000 bales per
week until the price goes above thirty cents
per pound.
Many persons believe that all the cotton in
the Southern ports will soon be shipped to
New York, and so break that market down.
Our opinion is that if alhjhe jetton was in
New York to-day it wotna make the demand
so large at that port that the price would ad
vance at once.
JOHN B. GORDON.
A Temporary Alliance to Rescue tbe
Conatitut'ou no Dishonor—In Unity
And Obedience Lien the .night of
married*
June 9th—Mr. Y. Bw Tatum and Miss Lu
cinda Kelley, of Floyd county.
June 10th—Mr. \V. L. Edraundson and
Miss 3.3. Crenshaw, of Washington.
May 30th—Mr. Charles Wadley, of Wash
ington, Georgia, and Miss Mamie Dan forth,
of Eufaula.
On the llth instant, Mr. J. B. Moore, of
Augusta, and Miss Marion B. McHenry, of
Greenesboro.
Hr. T. E. Massing*!(\ of Gunn’s Mills, and
Lillie Rush, of Talbotton, were married June
Mr* U Wayne Wilson, of Bavairaah, died 11Ul -
of heart disease on the llth June. Mr. Thomas B Cabaniss, of Forsyth, and
An infant child of Mr. and Mrs. W. A- De- Mmb Mary E. Howard, of Cartcrsville, June
weree, of Cartel*villt died June 1st. I 5th; at the same time and place, Mr. IL M.
Mr. E. C. Hough, Teller of tbe Merchant* I Clayton, of Cartersville, to Miss C. V. How-
National Bank of Savannah, died June llth. ard, of the same place.
The New York Tribune of the 10th inst
having announced that General Gordon, Gen
eral Bate of Tennessee, and other prominent
Southern gentlemen, bad expressed sympathy
with the Cincinnati movement, and were
favorably to Greeley, General Gordon was
inquired of touching the authority for such
announcement, as to him. The following
letter was received in reply to that inquiry:
Baltimore, May 24,1872.
My Dear Sir: Your letter addressed tu
me at New York is received; and I hasten to
give a frank answer to the questions it con
tains, since not merely the compliment con
veyed in the request that I define my posi
tion upon the matters now absorbing the
thoughts of Democrats, but the duty incum
bent upon every man in this crisis to see that
his position is neither misunderstood nor
misrepresented, demand both frankness and
promptitude.
You ask me first, whether I have “declared
for Greeley.” I answer, “No.”
You ask, also, if it be true that I “favor
his election V If you mean by this question
to ascertain merely my individual sentiments,
I again answer emphatically “.«o.”
barely I need not te 1 you how gladly I
shall lend all the aid in my power to thesuj*-
port of a Democratic nominee, upon a Demo
cratic platform, if the assembled wisdom of
the party, in Convention, shall decide upon a
nomination. -
To elect such a ticket, upon such a plat
form, would be to bring back life again to the
Republic, readjust the balances of Slate and
Federal authority, and restore to the people
the Magna Cliarla of their liberties.- Indeed,
were I to consult my impulse* alone I should
advise a Democratic ticket, a Democratic
fight under Democratic banners, even though
we might not win a Democratic victory.
But if you ask me whether tl&is be wisdom
—whether it be the best mode to secure in the
end the triumph of Democratic principles
and the freedom of onr sister Southern Slates
from a military despotism—I reply that this
is a question which I cannot os yet—which
no man can as yet—presume to answer cate
gorically, until the situation, its responsibili
ties, its opportunities and its perils, have been
dismissed by tbe convention of delegates, not
yet assembled.
Bat I will say briefly, that I think it is well
to have a National Convention. It is more
than well—it is vital that the party organize
as a Democratic party! It would be a na
tional calamity—it would be a crime against
posterity to disband an organization which,
for seventy years has survived foreign and
civil convulsions; which has now the proud
satisfaction of seeing some of its funda
mental principles recognized by the * isest of
its former antagonists and whose history is
the history of whatever is beneficent, patri
otic, or glorious in the political career of the
country. Let no Democrat, above all, no
Southern Democrat, talk of disbanding. So
long as there is anything left of the Constitu
tion, there will be need for the party which
has always defended it
Finally, let me express an earnest hope that
with the freest discussion and most caudid
avowal of opinions, no rash judgment may
be formed of the motives of any. jVo man
is infallible. All in the Sonth seek, doubtless,
the common good. They have been too
recen ly purified in tbe fires of affliction to be
other than honest; and suffer too keenly nous
to be long in discussing the best mode of relief.
Sorely every man most see that all onr
strength lies in unity of action. Let us not
divide into detachments, alienated and embit
tered by controversies, previous to the assem
blingof the Convention.
If it be thought best, in order to defeat the
destructive party to whose misrule the S<’Uih
owes her rain, and from which the whole
country suffers, to vote even for Horace Gree
ley, let no Democrat strengthen the hands of
bis enemies by declaring that he will not
heed the voice of bis party. Most of us have
been soldi rs! let us remember wherein lies
the might of armies. If * he Convention shall
say that victory and relief can be moat surely
won by uniting in this battle with all whoop-
pose Federal usurpations, I, for one, am ready
to obey its commands. And I should do so,
without feeling that our standard had been
lowered, or our honor tarnished by thus lock
ing shields, with former adversaries, for a
final charge. If only by the temporary al
liance of Democrats and Liberals, the arch
enemies of justice and of freedom can be de
feated, and real, substantial benefit secured
to the country, what man will be ashamed
that he sacrificed individual preferences or
personal feeling to rescue the Constitution
and save tbe liberties of the people?
Very truly yours,
J. B. Gordo*.
Speech at Hon. Linton Stephens*
Lad e* and Gentieme* :
It is a source of real regret that bodily
weariness ana mcsLti lassitude, resulting from
dose confinement for several consecutive days
in the court room, will subtract so much from
the small power which I might otherwise
have to. address you in a manner worthy of
the great cause and of this intelligent au
dience. As I most husband my strength and
resources, I shall not attempt, even if I could,
otherwise to make the attempt to entertain
your imagination or amuse you. 1
came to address the arguments
reasons to your understanding, and to
jour hearts the appeals of courage and honor.
There are two great questions which de
mand immediate answer from the Democratic
States rights people of this country: shall
the straggle for maintenance of the Demo
cratic States rights principles be maintained;
or shall we abandon that straggle and accept
the antagonistic principle of unlimited power
in the central government and its inevitable
logical sequence—despotism? There are
now two candidates before this country for
the Presidency—General Grant and Mr.
Greeley. What will either of these do for
the advancement or the reconstruction of
democratic States rights principles? And
when any man asks me to contemplate and
ponder the policy of supporting either, the
question recurs, and I cannot refrain from
putting it, is the struggle for the restoration
of these principles to be maintained? What
are these two antagonistic principles ? Slate
rights on the one hand, democratic, and on
the other centralism.
My friends, have you contemplated the
difference between the two? What is States
Rights? What is the essence of it in a nut
shell ? It is that while we recognize in the
General Government all the powers that have
been delegated to it by the true Constitution,
it has none but those that have been thus del
egated by the true Constitution. All other
rights are reserved to the States; and the
States hold these, that is, all reserved rights,
and are subordinate to no body nor combina
tion of men. They are subordinate only to
God, who gave the right
Rights are not dependent upon the pleasure
of men; they are not matters* of grace; and
when men talk to me about State Rights that
are sulxjfdinatc which they can exercise sub
ject to the Central Government in the exercise
of it, Constitutional obligation to maintain
the equal rights of the citizens, then he is
talking of one thing and I of another. He is
talking of State Rights that are subordinate.
I know of no State Rights that are not
absolute.
What is this antagonistic principle? Cen
tralism—unlimited power in the central Gov
ernment ? 1 care not whether that unlimited
power is to be exercised by one man or by
one thousand. It is no better in one case
than in the other. The curse of the princi
ple is the unlimited nature of the power.
What does it do ? Take its works. The tree
is to be judged bv its f rails. It sets aside tbc
governments of States at will, and erects in
‘heir places others of its own creation. It
legislates, not for the whole country, but for
particular States whenever it chooses to do
so. It makes a law for the “ rebel” States—
no such law for tbe loyal. [Applause.] It
makes a law for Virginia by name; another
for- A1 bama, and another for Georgia, by
name.
Our fathers fought the revolution on the
principle that there could be no taxation
without represen tat iou. That w:s but one
small branch of a larger and a grander prin
ciple, and that is that there is no security for
any government unless the men who make
the laws, whether they be few or many, arc
subject t<» the operations of the laws that
they themselves make, an I whenever a power
external to Georgia makes taws for her to
which the law-making power itself is not
subject, you have the completion of despo
tism, you have the same sort of government
that poor Poland enjoys from Russia. You
have the same sort of government that gal
lant Ireland disdains to accept from England
and struggles under to-night. [Applause.]
The Democratic State Rights principle is
the only Divine Right of government that 1
recognize on this earth. (Applause ) I pray
God that I may eveu be true to HIS HOLY
throne and to all his good gifts to men, aud I
recognize among his good gifts as one of the
btightest, the right of self-government in
every people who are fit to exercise it. (Ap
plause.)
Where are the champions who will stand
for this God given right of self-government
on the part of every people who arc fit to
exercise it? Who will stand with me for
one upon the determination to struggle for
its restoration, for it is now in the dust, and
to struggle on this line, not only through the
whole “summer,” but through the whole of
lifetime? [Applause] Aud I pray that I
may die and be buried out of sight, rather
than that I should ever live to see the day
when my own brethren, who have fought
with me under this glorious banner, shall
ever make up- their minds to abandon iu
[Applause.]
Which side
earnest?
Fellow-citizens, you are all for tbe main-
tainance of the true principle—the God-given
principle—the divine right. You are for
State Rights, for the supremacy of Demo
cratic principles, which, at this crisis, means
State Rights and nothing else. In this crisis,
State Rights, Democratic principles, means
nothing but State Rights, for which Demo
crat* and old Whigs used to fight, until the
Old Whig party received its death wound in
in 1S52, when General Scott was run by such
men as Sumner, Greeley and Morton, aud
they gave it a weight it could not cariy, and
Lad been withdrawn, yonr fathers fought the
revolution against the right of the tyrant to
repeat the blow Mr. Web6ter truly and
grandly said:. “The Revolution of VC way
fought on a preamble.” That was just
equivalent to saying it w*s fought on a prin
ciplc; and nothing ever gained bjr fighting
was worth either tho blood or the money
that was spent in the conflict unless the fight
was on principle. Give me principle and 1
will fight on and fight ever and die .fighting!
(Applause.) But when you take away princi
ple, I have no lon^fer any contest, and I say
to you, “ O Israel, to yonr tents P*
&tme people say. “Anybody to beat Grant 1
say, “Down with Grant P I don't say down
with Grant, nor flown with Greeley, not
down with Sumner, nor down with anybody.
What I say is down with Radicalism and
everybody that supports it, whether it is Grant
or Greeley or anyobdy else. [Vociferous ap
plause.] I say down with Grant because be
supports' Radicalism. [Applause.] I say
down with Greeley because he supports
Radicalism. [Great spplansel I say up
with the trao Democratic candidate that will
he true to that baqner, because under it I am
willing to fight, and Democrats and States’
Rights men everywhere will fight with pride
and with honor and enthusiasm, and these
are the greatest elements I know of success.
[Applause.]
Gen. Grant had quite a pretty respectable
set of principles when the war dosed. [Ap
plause.] Talk about Greeley going on a bond
for Mr. President Davis! So he did. That
was one good thing he did. [Applause ] I
_* '•* *’* * * I thank God that
are yon on, and arc you in
. Greeley )
t killed the
I say Democratic principles now are just
simply State rights principles, for which
Democrats and old Whigs, up to that time,
stood shoulder to shoulder; and for which
Democrats—it may be now only Southern
Democrats—they say we are going to lose
our Northern allies, and if we lose them, I
never intend to run after them—[Applause]—
it may be Southern Democrats only are now
and hereafter to contend for, but whether wc
have been Whigs or Democrats, let all men
who have drank from this cap of centralism,
reconstruction, Ku-Kluxism and suspension
of habeas corpus—drank to the dregs and
found it exceedingly bitter—let all these
nr*ke up their minds now for a lifetime never
to bow down to the power that oppresses us.
How do these two candidates for President
stand in reference to these two antagonistic
principles—State rights and centralism? J
believe everybody grants that Grant is a Cen
tralist, and how anybody can doubt that
Greeley is just as intense a one and more able
is a matter ofhmazement to me. [ Aiqilausc.]
He has advocated eveiy one of these radical,
despotic, centralizing measures—every one.
He has been the leader.
Ah! some tell me we must ignore tbe past
and stand upon the present I am willing to
ignore any man’s past and stand upon his
present, if 1 believe that his present is right,
and that he is sincerely and honestly rapeot-
ant for his past, and intends to stand upon
his present. I won’t stand on any man’s
present, when I have no confidence in the
man himself. (Applause.) But what is Mr.
Greeley’s present? Is it any better than his
past ? Why, in his very letter of acceptance,
giving his own interpretation of the platform
on which he is running, he takes it upon
himself to group all the things that we hold
most dear—States rights, which he does not
even deign to designate by that name—he says,
“local government.” The supremacy of the
civil over the military power, the sacredncss of
habeas corpus, local government as against
centralism. He grasps all these to tell us,
and he does tell us that he holds them all
subordinate to what he calls the central gov
ernment’s constitutional obligation to main
tain the equal rights of tbc citizens—subordi
nate to every power, to every duty, which he
claims as the authority for the passage of
every abomination which has disgraced our
statute books and oppressed liberty and liber
ty’s sons. [Applause.]
Do you want to know where the enforce
ment acts came from, the Ku-Klux acts, tbc
suspension of habeas corpus ? It came from
this very same cry. Mr. Greeley led the race.
He sounded the key note. Has he ever taken
one word of it beck? Not one! Don’t be
deceived, my countrymen; for I tell yon
that your liberties are dependent upon your
decision of this question. Don’t let people
deceive you. He has never taken back one
word of it, but, on the contrary, he takes
pains in his last letter to reassert the very
quintescence of the prindple which was in
voked for their passage and on which he
j ustitied and demanded them. Is not this the
truth ?
What was the ground on which the en
forcement of all those odious measures was
demanded by Ben Bntler, by Morton, by
Grant, by Greeley, by Trumbull, by the whole
Radical crew ? It whs this very same p’ea
of solemn constitutional obligation to main
tain the equal rights of citizens. [Applause.]
That was the party slogan under
which they rode over you and your
rights, and when I hear the same music now,
I expect to see the some dance follow it.
(Applause and laughter.)
Talk to me about Greeley doing anything
to advance the Democratic principles! Some
folks say that his friends in Congress voted
against the renewal of the suspension of
habeas corpus. That i9 very good. I give
them credit for that, but I never stopped to
count his friends or learn what they did; but
my principle of action is when two men
avow equally the right to oppress me, I shall
never stop to count'ihe cnances whether one
or the other shall find it to his interest to ex
ercise that right of oppression or not (Ap
plause.) If he avows the right I know he
will exercise it whenever he d»ns find it to his
interest (Applause.)
Our fathers declared their independence of
Great Britain after the stamp net had been re
pealed; and they declared it because in the
repeal the right to tax without representation
was claimed and reserved. After the blow
r ve him credit for it, and
am capable of giving evfen the devil hit-
due. [Laughter.]- When Stanton, that arch
fiend, was about to arrest Gen. Lee and Gen.
Gordon, and Gen. Cobb, and that noble band
that surrendered |o him, overwhelmed, as
they said then, not conquered—and I hope to
God they may never bo conquered—[Ap
plause]-—Gen. Grant said: “ If it’s done, I
will resign,” and resign in this case meant
throwing up thirty thousand dollars a year—
a tolerably handsome thing, even in the esti
mat ion of people here in Atlanta, who are
accustomed to seeing and hearing of very
large operations. Not, fellow-citizens, that
I mean to intimate that the people of Atlanta
have been responsible for these large opera
tions.
You have gone through the ordeal of Bul
lock’s radical corrupt administration, and
even when the bait was held out to you, you
have refused it Y^s,in establishing it in your
city—in this very house, where you are now
assembled. You stood true to honor. [Ap
plause.] You passed through the fire. 1
have found the smell of fire on the garments
of some, [laughter] but thank God, the great
bulk of your citizens have shown themselves
to be firm adherents of honest principle, be
cause they have gone through this ordeal and
come out purified gold. I don't know a body
of sounder Democrats than the Democrats of
Atlanta* When I spoke of the large opera
tions here, I meant it os no reproach. God
forbid!
The man that preserves his virtue under
temptation will do to be trusted always.
The man that preserves it up to the time
when temptation .comes, wo simply don’t
know what he will do when it does come.
General Grant said he would throw up his
commission if Leo* and his brave comrades
were arrested. That's a good thing, I give
him credit for it President Johnson sent
him down here to fake a survey of the South
and report on our condition. He came; he
was in this city; he was in divers central
points of our c-»untrv. He went back and
reported that we .were oil right; that we
ought to be relumed to our places in the
Union immediately, without any fourteenth
or fifteenth miscall&l amendments, for that
was before they were enacted. This without
any reconstruction and Radicalism—without
any enforcement act, without any Ku-Klux
laws, without any suspension of habeas
corpus.
And why was it not done? Why were wc
not re tored ? The Radical cry was raised
against it, aud again that same old arch fiend
Horace Greeley headed that cry. Grant qitt
his good principles and went over, and be
came the exponent 6f Greeley's bad ones.
This is the greatest objection that. I have to
Grant—that he quit his own principles and
went to Greeley’s. [Laughter.] And as long
as reason maintains tier throne in me, and
the pulsations of my heart permit me to live,
so help me God, l never intend to follow that
man’s example! [Applause.]
Democratic principles restored by support
ing Grant or Greeley. I would just as soon
think of advancing the principles of Chris
tianity by hauling dowu the banner of Christ
and hoisting the colors of Mahomet. (Ap
plause.) __
The combination, or coalition if you please,
made by Democrats and Liberals in Missouri
and 1 ennessec is quoted, and we are urged to
follow the example. The proposition that
was made by good Democrats, and true to
accept Judge Davis os a candidate is quoted.
There was something in each of these cases
to be gained for the advancement of Demo
cratic principles in 3Iissouri and Tennessee.
The combination with Gratz Brown in the
one and Sentcr in the other stood pledged in
each State to strike loose the fetters
of about thousand Democratic
voters who were then under Jtke iron
heel of persecution and whenever
that was done the States were in the posses
sion of the Democracy. There was some
sense in that. Judge Davis, on the Supreme
Bench, conceived that his solemn coustilu-
tional obligation required him to pronounce
some of Greeley’s laws and Grant’s laws and
Sumner's laws, that had been passed to main
tain their ideas of constitutional obligations
lo maintain the rights of citizens, unconsti
rational Judge Davis under his solemn
sense of duty held those acts to be revolu
tionary, unconstitutional, null and void, lie
turned loose Milligan after he had been con
demned by a military tribunal to be shot. He
was about turn loose McArdle, but Greeley
again came to the rescue and Congress at the
crack of his lash passed a law to prevent
Judge Davis from turning loose any other
victim of tyranny. [Applause.]
Judge Davis, God knows, is not all I would
have him to be. [Laughter.] Indeed, I never
expect to find any human being who is up to
the standard of perfection; not even three
who were made last, and tin reforc made best,
of whom the poet saiJ:
•‘Old Nature *wrar» tho Jordr dears,
The lands#, O!
Her ’prenf.ee hand she tiled on xasr,
Ai d then uho inaiu the lassies, O!”
Not even these, far above'prentice work, can
claim perfection; but to compare Judge Da
vis with Horace Greeley, and say that the
one is no bettci than the other—well,
its ungrateful, to say the least of it, and
whenever we *p<*nk thus disparagingly of our
friends in the North, and say that those there
who are battling for our rights are no better
than those who sire helping to oppress us,
shall wc be surprised if our friends in the
North continue to fall away from us? No
people can long retain friends who do not
treat them right when they do have them.
E^en the gallant Voorhecs, who has always
fought the fight, kept the faith, always been
true to the flag of Democratic principles, is
maligned and misrepresented; and papers and
men calling themselves Democrats charge
that he has been bought up by Grant. Why ?
Because he is not williug to take a Radical
that is just as much a Radical as Grant or
any tiody else. [Applause.]
Wpat are you going to get by it?
Why, I nm told, if the Democratic
party elects Greeley, he will be good to us.
[Laughter.] Give us something! [Laugh
ter.] What is he going to g J ve us? . Give us
any principles? Where is the principle he is
going to give us? He has not even said
that he Is going to give ns anything, but the
hope is, that be is going to give some of us,
who will take him, a little share of the plun
der. [Laughter.] Was there ever a more
proper application of the motto, “Fear the
Greeks when they are bringing gifts ?” Fear
the Radicals when they are bringing gifts;
and I tell you that Radicals will never give
you any gifts only to persuade you away
from your principles. He (Greeley) wants
vou to swap your principles fora few pitiful
little offices for some people, [laughter,] and I
don't know whether some people will ever
get the offices or not, [laughter,] and I would
not care. [Renewed laughter.]
But you say the Democratic party is so
much bigger than Greeley's little segment
that has to do this great work of electing
him—and that's not done yet [applause]—
that it will swallow up the little Greeley
concern. And it has been wittily pat, “Can
a minnow swallow up a whale?” [(daugh
ter] No; a minnow cannot swallow a
whale, hut even a whale, if he be passive
and float upon the water without putting
forth his fin power, could be floated by a set
of little minnows even into any convenient
harbor. [Applause.] And this coalition is
never to be formed except upon the condition
that all the Democracy that has influence is
to become passive—to liecome dormant We
are to quit struggling lo secure Democratic
principles, and go to fighting to secure the
election of a Radical.
Well, I have seen little* steam tugs move
great men of war on the deep. I have seen
them pull them into the harbor. If the man
or-war will only let off its steam and become
passive, the little tug can take it safely in,
and lost so, if this great Democratic mass
will turn off all the Democratic steam. Gree
ley for one tag, or great big tug, Gratz Brown
a little one over in Missouri, Sumner. & tug
too, and I have no doubt you will find a tug
in Georgia, too; these togs will be perfectly
able to land this great Democratic leviathan
safely on the Radical shore, and thftt's just
where you are going, if yon go with Greeley.
There is nothing in that but a new phrase
of the “New Departure’’—that was a propo
sition to eanction all the usurpations—to
quit being Democrats—to Radicalize the
Democratic party, and accept the new princi
ple of centralism-—unlimited power. And
Greeleyism is nothing but a more varied type
of that disease. God forbid that anybody
should understand me as intimating that the
great number of people who have been in
clined like my fricn! who so eloquently ad
dressed you just now, (General Galdington,)
debating the qn s.ion whether to go for Gree-
1 y or notebook! be held by me as tainted by
U>e Radical party! Not at all! I b g you not
to take the step because if you do it, they
will Radicalize you. There cannot be any
other result
General Grant said “let us have peace.”
The new departure and Greclyism means the
same thing. It is addressed to yonr fears. It
is addressed to your sense of personal com
fort Bay yonr peace by grounding the arms
of your opposition to Radicalism and ac-
knowedge onr right to rale you without limi
tation in all things. That's a peace l never
mean to accept When they give me right 1
will give them peace and co-operation. When
they give me wrong I will give them undy
ing resistance. [Applause.] I know no way
to maintain right but by fighting wrong.
[Applause.] All men who arc in favor of
maintaining their rights are called upon to
rally to fight against the foul wrongs that
have trodden the right in the dost [Ap
plause.] Wherever you can find it, strike
i blow, if It is inscribed on the banner car
ried by Grant, by Sumner or by Greeley.
If 1 understand the policy of not pressing
all your principles upon a man at one time,
if he will accept some vital one, I can un-
lerstand the poli y—though by no means a
favorite with me—of taking Judge Davis, on
account of his position on these reconstruc
tion measures, because he held that the cen
tral government was limited, and when it ex
ceeded its power its acts were null aud void,
aud this is a great point. I can under
stand that; but I don’t understand any
oolicy that can ever justify true men in
giving support to a radical who does not hold
* single principle in common with you and
in opposition to the other Radicals. Why,
say some, Greeley is quarrelling with Grant?
Sumner is quarrelling with Grant? Sumner
made a great speech against Grant the other
day. And what do you reckon his objections
were? He charged Grant with usurpation but
it was only he had usurped the power which
he said the Senate should have exhreised. It
was not the usurpation but the person who
1>erpetraied it that 8uraner complained of.
Ic has quarrelled with Grant, but his only
quarrel with him was that he said Grant had
robtied him of his right He complained,
too, that Grant had violated the laws of na
tions, and committed a great outrage upon a
foreign black republic, but d:d he say one
word about any usur(>ation that Grant had
ever perpetrated upon us? Upon folks at
home cither white or black?
Greeley says Grant is corrupt. He takes
gifts, stands up to his friends, is guilty of
excessive nepotism; but when it comes to
this grand central question, the solemn con
stitutional obligation of the central govern
ment to maintain the equal rights of citizens,
which they say not only justifies but requires
them to pass all these odious measures under
which wc have groaned, and under which the
gallant State of South Carolina is groaning to
night—my God! how can a South Carolimau
hesitate on Greeley? I put it lo my friend
(turning to General Garlington) the only
way to get out of these tangles is to
stand by your principles and by your guns!
It is a prime rale in whist, when you don 1
know what to play, to play tramps. [Laugh
ter.] And if you don't know who to vote
for, play trumps, for trumps arc always prin
ciples. I know something about Grant and
Greeley’s common principles. They put the
enforcement act on me. I met them with
argument I whipped the fight I well re
member the words of cheer which were given
me in that contest by the people, aud their
rejoicing in my triumph.
I was proud and it made my heart glad to
see your devotion to principle. But I did
not whip the fight by running away from it,
hut by fighting it with all the strength that
God had given me. It is only by fighting
Radicalism you can do anything. Demo
crats can't succeed by yielding their princi
ples, or ceasing to, fight their enemies. Tho
Atlanta Democrats never acted on that idea.
I have known the Democrats of Fulton coun
ty, when they were in a minority. They
have made a glorious majority by fighting.
Georgia didn't act that way. Cease to
tight. Very true Georgia went by a very
largo majority in favor of the Democratic
candidate in 18G8, but that was on account of
peculiar circumstances. The negroes didn’f
vote their full strength in that election.
The Democratic Convention which assem
bled in this city last August, a year ago
had principle in it. It was absolutely a Bour
bon platform; it was actually written by £
Bourbon who is one of the straightest of
the sect, and under that Bourbon platform
you tore Bullock and his foul confederates
from the throne and put. a Legislature and a
Governor there of whom you are proud to
day ! (Applause.) A Bourtan 1 They say
a Bourbon never forgets and never learns.
Well, I tell you I uever can learn the
new lesson they want to teach me, until I
forget all I know and knew before. (Ap
plause.) And as long as life ahull last and
I preserve the principles with which I
was born, and which I sucked at my
mother’s breast, I fcball refuse to learn
the new lesson. They would t?ach
me to advance my principles by supporting
my worst enemy. [Applause.]
But it is said we can’t do anything. They
say the Democracy was whipped in 1868, • nd
there’s an end of the argument. Well, the
Democrats were very badly whipped in 1840.
They were about as badly whipped a set of
fellows as I ever saw. They did not think it
was the end. They fought on. They whip
ped the Whigs in 1844, almost as bad as they
got whipped in 1840. In 1848 they were
whipped again. They did not quit the fight.
In 1852 they were again successful, and they
elected Pierce. In 1856 they elected Buch
anan, aud those are the only two consecutive
triumphs of the Democratic party in a Pres
idential contest since my recollection. The
very next time they lost again. When peo
ple tell me that because they lost in 18G8 they
can’t succeed now, I know they don’t under
stand these American people, or else they
want to deceive me, one or the other. No
man comprehends llic people of these
{States unless he understands that there is
a vast mass of the pcopie who don’t owe any
party allegiance, aud that they go in cadi
campaign according to the issues of the
times.
Whipped in 1868! How could it have
been otherwise? That platform said the re
construction acts were revolutionary, uncon
stitutional, null and void, and the doctrine of
that platform was that the bayonet ought to
be withdrawn, and the people left free to re
sume State rights, form their own State Con
stitutions and organizations. That w is the
doctrine of that platform. Well, Seymour
would never get upon it He nevci would
say that the reconstruction acts were revolu
tionary . unconstitutional, null and void. And
Frank Blair—he wrote his Broadhcad letter,
and raid that the bayonet ought to undo what
it had wrongfully done. Frank jumped clean
over the platform. [Laughter.] And this is
they way the platform stood—onc-half on
one side, afraid 10 get up; the other jumped
clear over, and on the other side, the two
held together by nothing but the ligature of
a common nomination. The platform was
like a pair of saddle bags. [Laughter.] And
then the New YorK Wot Id refused to support
the candidates, and said that even these sad
die-bags should he taken down.
Yes, wc were whipped in 1868, but remem
ber now that in 1870 the elections in the
Northern States went vastly in favor of the
Democrats with substantial gains in Congress.
The New Departure was sprung to stop the
mischief. The Democratic woik was going
on too well. It had to be stopped, and the
New Departure was put forwurd to stop it.
And now Greeley comes; the first gun that
fln*s under them is Oregon—gone Radical
now. It is true, and I thank God it is, that
the best way to gain victory is to deserve it.
There is more power in the truth than there
is in falsehood. There is more in- right than
there is in wrong, ami if you have got but
true men. whether few or many, relatively,
that is the road to success us well is to honor.
There is another great question. I began
by saying there were two, an l the other is,
shall the Democratic party govern the Balti
more (Convention, or shall the Baltimore Con
vention govern the party ? Shall the princi
pal govern the agent, or the agent the princi
pal? Shall the servant obey the master, or
the master the servant? There is a cry n *w,
let us all go to Baltimore. We won’t disctiss
it; we won’t decide anything here; go to
Baltimore, and abide by Baltimore, ana this
when the proposition to t>c discussed at Bal
timore is whether or not Democratic princi
ples are to advanced by trusting them to the
keeping of one of the chiefs of the Radicals.
If I were in the church, I would as soon
think of abiding by the decision of the
church, if the question debated was whether
Christ should be repudiated and Mahommed
or Juggeraut substituted instead. [Applause.]
I abide by the Democratic party so long as it
remains a Democratic party, and no longer.
[Applause.] i abide by the Democratic party
so longa9 it maintains Democratic principles,
or some vital one, at least, of the Democratic
principles, an no longer. [Applause.] I
don’t mean anything harsh, but simply to tell
yon a plain truth. That I regard any body
of men associated politically for any purpose
other than to maintain principles as no better
than a band of spoilsmen bound together for
plunder. [Applause.] The only cause of
allegiance that binds a true man to any party
is the faith that it teaches. Suppose the Bal
timore Convention nominates Grant, will you
take him? [A voice, “No!”] Suppose it
nominal s Greeley, why take him in prefer
ence to Grant ? He i3 no better.
They say he is an honest man, a good man.
They talk about iiis old white hat, and make
jokes about his old white coat to put people
in a good humor. May be it is like a Bour
bon having a memory, and I have not lost
mine. I remember he was the man that
raised his voice in the Noith, and said we
had the right to secede, and that if the North
made a war upon us, it would lie a crime.
Yes. he said,.let tbe wayward sisters go in
peace. After the war began, he too raised
the cry of war. And to show how malig
nant he was, he said Unit when the war was
over, the rebels should not go unpunished,
but they should have a punishment—hear it!
hear it Southrons! hear it Geojgians! hear it
Georgia men and Georgia women. He said
they should have a punishment that coaid be
read in th(£anxious faces ofjour mothers, and
the rags of our children. That’s what ho
said. [Applause.] Save me from all such
honesty as that. [Applause.] I believe I
onM rather trust the honesty of Bullock
msclf, than such honesty* as that. [Ap-
danse.] Treachery is what I call it, malignitv
s what I call it, not benevolence. 1 don't
want to shake hands over sack a chasm. I
will tell you when I will shake hands over
the bloody chasm*, when he comes and offers
me Ids hand over these enforcement acts and
the Ku-Klux act under which SontiitCaroliua
is groaning this night and offer to shake
hands with me and swears on those locked
hands that he gives up his principles, and
that these so-called laws shall be repealed and
never be repeated, and gives up the principle
that our rights are subject to the obligations
of the central power to maintain the equal
rights of citizens, then 'I will sT'ake hands
with him and not before. [Applause.]
*1 want no Judahs kisses nor Judas' si ink-
of the hand, and I will kU*
man and I would not kiss
even any woman, [Applause.] much as I love
them, and God knows I love to live to love
them. [Applause.] I would not accept even a
woman's lips that came to offer Delilah's lips.
Talk to me about abiding the Baltimore Con
vention. I will abide by it in all questions
of policy, but I wHl not abide by that Con
vention, nor any other convention that bids
me to depart from principle. [Applause]
I want to know if these gentlemen who say
stand by the Baltimore Convention, whatever
they do, will stand by it if they adopt-4he
Philadelphia platform and nominate Grant.
The Cincinnati platform is no better in prin
ciple than the Philadelphia platform.
But the office rot has got am«ng them.
Yes, and that's what's the matter. [Applause.]
They are like Easau—some of them. They
would sell their birth-riglit for a mess of
poltcge. I don't speak of the pcopie, bu»
there are n»en, who are pining for pottage.
They have been ineligible. They could not
jet a crumb for lo! these seven years.
L Laughtcr.l The office is not what is the
matter. They seek plunder. There are
some who are even willing to change their
position from the plundered to the plunder
ers. As for me, let me abide by the oppres
sion. I would rather support principle,
than profit by committing the deed. Trust then
in the wisdom and justice of God, and I do
verily believe that He, not as a speculative
being but as a natural being, rules every
movement of this whole earth. It is my
comfort and consolation, that there is a God
who rales the world, and that if I do not
prove untrue to him I need fear no human
oppression now nor hereafter. (Applause.)
Stand by his good gifts. He gave us this
great right to govern ourselves. Let us not
abandon it. Let us honor and not dishonor
him.
These, fellow citizens, are my views of the
political situation. These are my resolves as
to my duty. I will go for the maintenance
of Democratic principles, and if I can't get
the man that goes for all, I will take the one
that goes for some one of the vital principles
of the Democracy. [Applause.] I will take
no subordinate rights but absolute States’
rights. The way to win is to hoist your
colors. I don’t mean any new departurists.
I don't mean radicalized colors, but the true
Democratic State rights colors—-that holds
reconstruction and all itsjriumph to be revo
lutionary, unconstitutional, null and void.
We may not succeed in electing a President
in this campaign, but we can put the
party on this sort of a platform, and give it
manly standard bearers, who are in position
to carry its colors. We will be in condition
to carry the next election, but at all events,
it will give us hope. I sec some say it -takes
a veiy nice calculation to tell whether Gree
ley has (lie strength to succeed. Well, my
God', if there is any dv^pht then will you hesi
tate? I have been sincere, and I am warm
because ray whole soul is in this business.
I do not intend to die a slave myself, and I
do not intend peacefully to submit to slavery
as an inheritance, for my children, [ap
plause,] and if we cannot do anything
else, we can at least maintain the
glorious parW that we have inau
gurated in old Georgia. [Applause.] And I
would rather, to-day, have the Georgia Dem
ocracy go forth into another canvass, true *
principles, with tru*standard bearers, than
have all the spoils the office-seekers will ever
get out of Greeley. All jhe favors Oracle r
would give Democrats, would be to such
Democrats as would never do honor to their
party. [Applause.] You could get all that
out of Graut, if you would go over to him.
They say he is scared. He is badly scared at
the prospect before him. Well, if you go
over to him, he is fond of his friends. If you
want place and take it on his terms, if you
will acknowledge his right to lick you
whenever he wants to, [laughter,] he will
take off all those enforcement acts, but they
won't stay off long, for as long as the princi
ple is acknowledged, it has got to bear its
fruits. The thistle will bear the same fruits
again, plant it ; n. whatever soil you may.
You might stop Vesuvius by plunging 8tone
Mountain into it, but the fires would break
out somewhere else. The vital force may
stop for a season its operation in one direc
tion, but it will break out somewhere else. If
you take -off the Ku-Klux bill, they will giite
you an educational bill next Then a relig
ious bill after awhile to establish your re
ligion.
Now, this constitutional obligation they
talk about, to maintain the rights of citizens.
The 14th and 15th miscalled amendments—
tbe 14th and 15lh frauds—the 14th and 15th
falsehoods—because the 14lh and 15th usur
pations com6 last, they say they override
everything else, the provision that habeas
corpus shall not be suspended in time of
peace—everything—these frauds which are
uot in the constitution at all, and if they
were, uever could bo rightfully construed os
they construe them—they override every
thing that was ever in the constitu
tion before. As long as this principle is held,
as long as men are put in power who ackowl-
edge it, as long as a party can not be found
in the country to war against that principle,
that principle will live and flourish. The
thorn tree will l»car thorns—and the Ameri
can people will have piucked the last fif
from the tree of liberty! [Great applause/
obliterating Slate constitutions. Where the
end was to be no man could tell. This state
of things alarmed—I use the proi>er term—
Speech of lion. B. II. Hill.
I/uLiet and Gentlemen — In my early
youth I impressed upon my mind the vital
thought that pas-ion was the greatest foe of
good sense and rright reason. The crimi
nality of the indulgence of jiassion in the in
vestigation of any truth is m exact propor
tion to the great interest upon the correct so
lulion of that truth. There art wise men in
the nation, and many of them, who believe
that apon the results of the pending canvass
for President the whole continuance of the
original theory of American Government
depends. There are wise men in the South,
and many of them, who be ieve that upon
the results of tiiis contest hang the absolute,
material, moral and political destinies of es
pecially the Southern States. Whcdtcr
these States shall continue to he oppress
ed, to he insulted, whether they shall
continue to 1ms mere ve=sals to the
Federal Government, or whether they shall
be loosed from their fetters and allowed to
restore their own prosperity in their own
way, are the questions which many believe
to bo dependent upon this canvass. It does
seem to me that, m view of this fact, duty
to ourselves, duty to onr children, duty to
the high trust committed to ns by those who
have gone before us, requires timt we should
enter upon the investigation of tile questions
involved with coolntss, witii calmness, with
dispassionate reason. I am not hero to night
to address enemies. I am here to address
friends, some doubtless differing with us, but
still friends, and I shall not employ towards
them the language whicli they have justly
provoked and tlic punishment they justly
deserve. [Applause ]
That you may understand clearly ahd dis
tinctly the present political situation, you
will allow me briefly to- review a few of the
events in tbc preceding months, whicli have
wrought tiiis situation. The termination of
the war left both sections, to a largo extent,
under the domination of passions engendered
bv that war. That war itself, having been
preceded by a long, heated sectional contro
versy, necessarily engendered passions of un
usual heat and animosity during its progress,
and unfortunate circumstances occurred at
its close which were greatly calculated to in
fluence the passions so engender' d. The
result was that the administration of
the fjovemment was absolutely taken
possession of by the passions of
the hour and statesmanship itself seemed to
be the mere child and creature of those pas
sions. The States which had entered that
war and came out of jt unsuccessful, being
prostrate, being paralyzed, were to an unusu
al extent the actions of these passions and
prejudices, and it would not be very extrava
gant to say that they suffered during the four
years that succeeded the termination of the
war, wrongs and insults exceeding in in
famy if not equalling in losses all the calami
ties of the war itseif. This thing could not
last always, and two years ago this state of
things became patent to the wise men of the
country, men who, getting rid of the domin
ation of passion, began to reflect. The party
in power seemed to find no end of what
might be justly termed war measures, especi
ally as applicable to what they were pleased 'o
term the “Rebel States.” They not only
Dasscd what were called the reconstrnc ion
acts, by which the governments of ten of
the States were absolutely subverted, and
other governments created by Congressional
power, organized in their steed. They not
only passed- amendments to the Constitution
to preserve the traits of the war, as they said,
but they continued, after these amendments
were auopted,lo exercise congressional powers
unknown to the Constitution, and absolutely
startling in their character, and exclusively
of a war nature. Force was the power em
ployed to govern this country in a very large
degree. Notonly had these amendments bear
passed, but tbe dominant party who passed
them and incorporated them by force into the
Constitution, put a construction upon those
amendments which gave n!►solute power to
the General Government, a construction cen
tralizing the government to the extent of
this state of tilings alarmed, and justly
alarmed, many of tho best and wisest men
of the Republican party. They saw that
measures which they had adopted, in a mo
ment of passion, and which they thought
were necessary after the war ended,'were to
he repeated and repeated, until it seemed the
inrty iu power absolutely intended to subvert
Llcpublican government aud institute cen
tralism, despotism in its stead. It was be
lieved that there was a sufficient nuuilicr of
patriotic men in the United Slates to correct
this evil, if by any rne-uis they combine to
gether.
llcrc, then, was the situation. Here was
the Democratic party a unit against all lliesc
measures, ncre was a large portion of the
Republiean |arty, daily increasing, becoming
more and mere alarmed, that condemned
these continued encroachments upon the Con
stitution and the rights of the States, and
these added together, it was believed, would
lie sufficient to correct »lo- ’ vil and tumour
of power the parly win* »■«*• disposed to
continue the encroschmrnss Ilui the ques
tion was, how emit t 'i. ~ ...mbinaiiou laief
footed 1* Could any pm,.,*.-—gentlemen, 1
submit it to you -could any purpose have
been higher, mil ler or more patriotic? How
could these different elements, agreeing in pur
pose, agreeing in principle, equally alarmed,
equally patriotic—how could they lie com
bined into one solid, compact organization
for the purpose of making opposition to this
party ? The Democratic party had said in
its platform of ISO-!, that all the rcconslruc
tion policy of Congress was revolutionary,
unconstitutional and void. They had pro
claimed their purpose, if they acquired pow
er in the government, to declare this whole
reconstruction policy a nullity. On that po
sition it was utterly impossible to get the dis
satisfied Rcpubl icalls, the Liberal—what I call
the patriotic Republicans—to unite with the
Democracv. Aud why? Because upon that
theory they would be required to put a party in
power who proclaimed before hand, that it
was their purpose to undo everything that
had been done, and even though they might
deprecate much that had laxin done, much
that they had done themselves, yet the pro
cess of undoing they feared might work an
other revolution, aud where the pro
cess of undoing would end, nobody
could tclb It was impossible, there
fore, for tbc Republicans to unite
with the Democrats upon this point, and be
sides to ask them to do it was to ask them to
stultify themselves. On the other baud, it
was impossible for tlic Democratic party
ever to say that these amendments and re
construction acts were wise, were just, were
right. They did not believe it. They were
uot wise, they were not just, they were not
right, and it was impossible for that portion
of the Democratic party living in the Mouth-
era States ever to dishonor themselves by
such a concession as that [Applause.] How
now, was it impossible to bring these cle
incuts, for a common purpose, together?
Gentlemen, when men ready wish to accom
plish a good, common purpose, the old adage
that “where there is a will there is a
way,” is true in politics as in othci
things. Here was a solution of the whole
matter. The Democratic parly and the
Democrats engaged in this move were not
required to admit that cither the amendments
or the reconstruction policy, in substance or
in form, were either wise, just or right. Rut
they did agree to admit that they were ac
complished facts. Right or wrong, the tiling
had ti-di done, and right or wrong tbu thing
had to remain done until the pooplc, in the
exercise of their own sovereign power,
should recover sufficient virtue to undo them
iu the peaceable constitutional way. This
was the only concession on earth any mem
ber of the Democrarii! party ever proposed
to make. To concede that a fact exists, by
no means implies or concedes that it ought
to exist. It d <es not make yon responsible
for its existence. But what was the conces
sion to be made by the Republicans who
were dissatisfied with their own party ?
WhyJ they were absolutely to quit
their party—to abandon it in the zenith of
its power, to abandon it in the control of the
government and unite their fortunes with the
Democratic party for liie purpose of turning
out their former comrades [applause,] and they
were perfectly willingto unite with Uie Demo
cracy on this basis; simply ignore all issues
upon the reconstruction policy, put it back
where you put the war secession, as things of
the past; unite together in the living present to
make a glorious future. [Applause.] Weil,
these gentlemen of the Republican party
were perfectly willingto do this, and to unite
with tho Democratic party for these pur
poses, on condition only that the Democratic
party should show that it waa callable of or
ganizing upon that position, for, if tlic Dem
ocratic party in attempting to organize
upon that position, should go to pieces,
or fail, of course there could Im: no
inducement for the Liberal Republicans to
unite with a divided Democracy. I believe,
and I will say it to their credit, that every
single prominent leuding member of the
Democratic party in the Northern States be
lieved that the Democratic party would come
to this position. Sir. Vullundigham made
the initiative move. Why ? Because of all
men in the North, he was supposed to be Uie
last one who would be suspected of possible
infidelity to the Democratic party. Born a
Democrat, raised a Democrat, incapable of
any infidelity to the principles or purposes
of the Democratic parly, hut a patriot as he
was he came forward to make this move
ment, which I confidently believe will suc-
ceod [great applause,] with tlic sole purpose
of Bavtng the country. Now, fellow citizens,
I call yonr attention to the fact that tills movc-
tnent' made not the slightest concession of
principle on the part of the Dcimaualic party.
It made nothing in tho world but the con
cession of a historical fact It based that
concession upon two ideas. One was, that
thecentral government, in every department;
would recognize and administer these amend
ments, right or wrong; that there was no
right of appeal to any higher power; that
the Supreme Court of the United Stales
would fail to give any relief against them,
upon the ground that they were unconstitu
tional, declaring them pelitical measures to
be decided by Congress, and beyond the
power of the cout to review. That being the
case, there was no other alternative left by
which to fight that policy, except to
appeal to the people, and the people
at this time, it was believed, were
not in condition to hear tlic appeal, therefore
they were simply allowed to pass by and 1m:
treated as historical facts, onu I call your at
tention to one distinct fact I wish you to
understand there was no mcmlMir of the
Democratic pirty, North or South, ever
dreamed, nmlcr any circumstances, of con
ceding the justice or the righteousness of the
reconstruction policy. Every assertion to
the contrary is a slander which ought to
bring the blush of sliamc to all who have
uttered it [Applause.] There was no pur
pose iu tlic movement to coliudc with
what is culled the Radical party
power. On the contrary, tlic nvowed
underlying purpose was to organize the pa
triots of the country, in order to turn that
party out of power. [Applause.] Higher,
nobler, more patriotic impulses never’ en
tered the bosoms of any men of this coun
try in any period of ita history [Ap-
proud and noble spirit more pained by the
slanders of men who were not worthy to
loose the latclicts of his shoes, limn was bis
body by the cruel bullet which look away his
^But^rrms/britcn on. What now was to
be done? But before I pass from Ibis point
I desire to eall your attention distinctly to
ouo thought. It has been charged, as an on'-
nute, that a few hundred thousand Re
publican", at most, should require llic
whole Democratic party, with its re
ported three millions of votes, to come
over to them, instead of the few hundred
thousand Republicans going to them, and
that is compared to a lug boat carrying a big
steamer into the harbor. Well, let mo tell
yon. The original belief was that these Re
publicans would couie into the Democratic
party, but only on condition that the Demo
cratic party could manifest sufficient strength
to win the fight upon that principle, and if
tlic attempt was made and failed by reason
of the extreme opinions to which I have al
luded, the Republicans could not lie expect d
to join a divided Democracy. Well, what was
to be done? tkiuiiiliing was to bo
■lone. Was the whole cause to be
surrendered? Was centralism to go on?
Was the General Government still to con
tinue Us oppression? Day by day these
mi!rages continued tu lie multiplied. They
passed wlial was called tbe bayonet bill in its
second edition. Then e»rac the Ku-KInx
bill, ilitni came the authority to suspend tbe
writ of habeas corpus in lime of peace.
What was to be done? It was now, for tho
first time, suggested that that portion of tbo
Republican party which was dissatisfied with
the administration of the government to
manifest their sincerity and their faith to
principle and by first themselves separating
from the putty to whicli they belonged and
organize a new party of their own. It was
now remembered that it was just tried in
Missouri. Iu that State the Democrats were
oppressed, and this extreme wing of the Re
publican parly was in power. Umtz Brown,
Carl Scburz and Gen. Frank RIair made what
you eall the coalition. Tho Republican party
in Missouri oiganiznl apon sutHtnnlially the
same position to which I have alluded and they
dethroned the Radical parly of Missouri.
They found tlie State in fetters and unfet-
tored it, and cntranchiscd Uie Democrats and
made Missouri the most Democratic Slate in
the Union. Thu suggestion then was that
Uic8u Republicans should organize in tho
nation upon this same idea, and if they could
successfully organize upon Uiat position, the
lielicf was that the Democratic party would
come to their support. Very well, a call was
made that llic Republicans entertaining this
purpose, and willing to cat loose from
tlic ruling dynasty, should meet at CincinnaU
on tbo 1st of May and organize upon that
basis. One of tho moat distinguished orators
of Uie Union took tbc lead, and going into
tbc different parts of the West, and coming
as far South as Nashville, made speeches in
favor of the move, and Uicy were grand
orations full of patriotism. But soon tho
move seemed to wane, and those who looked
to it with hope, as the means of redemption
from the oppression then cxisUng, began lo
grow faint, and just at this critical period of .
the move, a large number of Uie Republicans
of New York, with Uoraco Greeley at tho
head, came out and joined tho movement.
[Applause.]
boon the Cooper Institute meeting was
called, and liicu for the lint time Senator
Trumbull, of Illinois, took o)ren and firm
position with the Liberals. It went on swell
ing daily. It grew into largo proportions.
One of the must patriotic conventions of our
history assembled at CiueinnaU Uie first day
of May last They organized, and the plat
form which they adopted embodies in a
large degree tho principles of the Demo
cratic patty. They put in a few words
that contain a little popper nnd vinegar, but
they were slight Nobody dreamed that Mr.
Greeley would become tuc nominee of tho
party, because a revenue tariff was expected
to be a plank, and it was considered an in
superable barrier to Mr. Greeley's nomina
tion. But wise and patriotic men in a great
cause will not let small things stand in Uio
way of success. Therefore it was proiKiacd
that this qucsUon of Uio tariff should be re
ferred back to the people and let the people
«clUe the question to suit themselves. This
removed the difficulty, and Mr. Greeley, a
limcly supporter, was nominated, and Grata
Brown, one of the original muvera, who
struck the shackles from the Democrats of
Missouri, was put as the second m»n [Ap
plause.]
With this movement at CinchmaU tbo
DemocraUc party bad no active connec
tion. It is true that a great many sym
pathised wiUi iL It is true that a large
portion of the Democrats declared that
if the Convention at Cincinnati should
succeed in adopting a sensible platform they
would recommend the r party to make no
nomination, but unite with them in defeating
a common enemy.
Now, fellow citizens, you have in a few
words tbe origin, the meaning, the purine
and the philosophy of what some have sty led
llic N»w Departure. [Applause] And it is
brim full of patriotism from its original in
ception to this hour.
Now the question is, What will the Demo
cratic party do? That is Uie question I came
here to discuss with you to-night. The regu
lar Radical, thorougu-bred centralizing party
have since assembled at Philadelphia,
made a platform in direct antagon
ism with the platform at Ciadn-
nati, have nominated their candidates
and ask your support. The issue
is joined between these two parties. They
are getting ready for the battle. It ia to he a
contest for liberty. It is to be a contest
against empire. It is to be a contest against
tlic suspension of tho glorious writ othahau
corpus. [Applause.] It is to bo a contest
against Federal bayonet supervision of State
elections. It is to be a contest for the equal
ity of tbc Son them Slates and the Southern
people. [Great applause.] The wager of
battle lias been given; the tocsin of conflict
has been sounded, and these gallant men
I am courageous enough to call them gallant—
these men who quit their party in tlic zenith
of its nower, who surrendered the offices that
were in their gift, and organized a new
party for this great battle. Invites yonr co-
(munition, fA Dnlnncp 1 'Tliai'n all
plause.] Convention after Convention of the
Democratic party was called at tho North ami
jt. only because, unfortunately, opposition
in the party itself was made to such an ex
tent as to defeat any capacity iu the Demo
cratic party to organize witii all its forces
upon that platform, and the saddest view of
the fact is that that opjHisilion came in hitter
terms and chiefly from the Southern Stales,
which were to lie chiefly beneflllcd by the
movement. That great aud good man—that
man whom I shall go to my grave loving—
that true patriot and noble statesman, in an
hour of thoughtlessness, and with no ex
pectation of being misunderstood, or to take
the position ascribed to him—onr former
President, Jefferson Davis, [applause,]—in
the State of Georgia, at this juncture,
unfortunately said that he accepted
nothing—unfortunately said to the peo
ple of the South that their cause
would yet triumph. These remarks
were caught up by the miserable crea
tures banging around him for the purpose of
misrepresenting him. They were circu
lated throngliout the North and herald
ed as evidence to the pcopie of the North
that the Democratic people of the South
would never come into this movement, not
even recognizing the amendments as histori
cal facts, or make any concessions, at mil, hut
were simply rebellious still. Unfortunsiely
other distinguished gentlemen indulged in
very extreme utterances upon this subject.
Some, I have no idea, ever intended what
was attributed to them, but they were under
stood as meaning that the Southern people
wanted another war. Unfortunately then
another great and good man, Mr. Stephens,
commenced editing a paper, and his paper
was full of statements that these
amendments should be treated as nulli
ties, and when the Democratic candidate
was elected, that he was to proclaim them as
such. Why! these men were represented as
the representative men of the South—as con
trolling the South—and without the South
the Democratic party was powerless, and,
therefore, the leaders at the North, feeling
that the party at the South was unjust to
them, they lost spirit, they became indifferent
and said If the South will accept no move
ment which will relievo them,if they will not
act on patriotic grounds, why let the South
go. That indifference at the North thus pro
duced caused this move to fail. The Democ
racy was defeated in nearly oil the State
elections last fall. Gentlemen, it is one of
the saddest portions of the history of this
country that those who brought forward this
movement were slandered as unworthy of
your trust and confidence: That great
and noble man, .Vullundigham, was
declared to be no Democrat, was de
clared to be a traitor to his party. He was
held up by men who were neoplylcs in their
party as false and untrue. Unfortunately
the man wgs not allowed to sec his vindica
tion. He -pent to his grave, doubtless his
operation. [Applause.] Thai's all. Now
the Democratic party has to do ouo
of two things. It must cither nominate
at Baltimore a ticket of its own, or it must
support the Cincinnati movement. I need
not answer another alternative propounded
by Judge Stephens lost night. He aud: hup-
pose, the Convention at Baltimore should
nominate Grant. I don't suppose any such
a fool tab thing. [Laughter and applause.]
What I suppose is that the Democratic party
will either nominate a ticket of its own, on a
platform of its own, or it will cooperate
with Uie Cincinnati move—one or tlic other,
and what ever it shall do, it is going to do aa
a part);; it is going to do by its organization,
auil it is not going to dislmnd anil turn you
all loose to stray anywhere you want to go.
Now I admit Uns is a question u|M>n which
Democrats may honestly differ, whether you
shall go in favor of an indeiieiidcnt nomina
tion, or whether, under tliecircumsUinces you
will be most useful to Uie country by co-op
erating with the Cincinnati movement.
It is a question on which the Democrats can
honestly differ, nnd oil which ’bey ought to bo
allowed to differ, and on which they do dif
fer. Tlie matter is bcooming warm, and I
exceedingly deprecate the feeling that is be
ing engendered in some quarters. Wo are
ail friends, we all desire the same end.
No enemy is engaged in tiiis more. I tell
my friend, who spoke last night so eloquent
ly, no man ia engaged in tbia more who is
opp-ised to State rights. The only difference
between us is, what is the mint effect!TO
ixilicy to recover Uie lost rights of the States.
[Applause.] Some think our most effective
coarse would lie by going with Cincinnati.
Well, if you think so, you ought to go there.
Some [liink we can succeed more effectively
by nominating a straight ticket at Baltimore.
Well, if that be so, thank God, no man is
more wilting to take that course than the one
who addresses yon. I admit that it is a ques
tion that has two aides. It is a question that
ought to be calmly and dispassionately dis
cussed, and I protest against that spirit which
denounces all who will not go in a certain di
rection as traitors. [Applause.] We ail are
Democrats in this move, and wc all want to
get hack to the Canaan of local State govern
ment and constitutional limitations upon
Federal power- [Applause.] The only dif
ference is some of our friends want lo get to
the land of Canaan at one bound, and some
hesitate because the Red Sea and the wilder
ness are to be crossed.
I am willing to traverse the wilderness, and
tread even a winding way, if it only can lead
me hack to Canaan. Bat some declare they
never intend to leave the bondage of Egypt
unless they can reach the premirod land at
a bound. Well, my opinion is that they will
die and be I nrinl in Egypt. [Laughter and
applause:] That is my opinion.
Well, now who is to settle this question?
Who is to determine whether the Democratic
party will go with Cincinnati or go by itseif?
Who is to determine it? When friends dif
fer there ought to bean umpire. We have
got no court to appeal to; who can determine
it. I say Democrats assembled in Baltimore
will determine it, snd yon and I onght to go
with them, whatever they determine. [Great
Applause.]
Well, Baid my distinguished friend last
night, I will agree to abide by Baltimore,
provided Baltimore will decide according to
my ideas. [Laughter.] Well, everybody
has a right to agree provided Baltimore will
decide the principle as he understands it, and
every man is a party by himself. What is to
become of us? I put it to your candor, I
put it to your reason, is it reasonable for one
man, for two men, for three men, for I be
lieve that is about all [great laughter] to
stand up before tbe Democracy ofthia conn-
toy and say they wUl agree with the party,
provided the party will agree with them first?
Well, if that is reasonable, then there is no
use of going to Baltimore at alL Just let
the three call you together and tell you what
to da [Laughter and applause.] We have
cither got to do it, or else we have got to be
traitors, and cowardB, and thieve? and Itadl-