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VOL. 2-NO. ISO. SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST fc}, 4866. ‘ The Daily News and Herald. rUBLIHHED BY S. IV. MASON. t ... lJ A t STKECT, SiTAKBAB, QtO tiems: . ....FireCents. $8 61). vT ES of advertising. ®‘ . cnCABE, first insertion, #1.60 ; each inser- .i~t. "5 cents. -^rr | „ CO *. 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Hr AlrertiiemcnM inserted three times a week evert other day) for a month, or longer period, will tie dunged three-fourths of table rates. pr Advertisements twice a week, two-thirds of table rates. ;s~ Advertisements once a week, one-half of table or a ivei tLseincuts inserio.1 as special notices will be charge,! thirty per cent, advance on table rates. tr Advertisements of a transient character, not ipeciiie'l as to time, will be continued until ordered out, an 1 charged accordingly. ;?■ No yi li ly contracts, except for space at table r.Vci, wir be made; and, in contracts for space, all ,;ian*s will ha charged fifty cents per square foi s:h h-.nee. , if L laoriai, local or business notices, for indi vita! ivueiit, will be subject to a charge of fifty cents p rune, hut uoi less thau three dollars for each -sertion. W All transient Advertisements must be paid la fe Meelly News and Herald la publisn-.d at $0 per year, or 75 cents per month, and The Weakly News and Herald I' fssnetl every Sar.rday at $3 per year. / O =5 PRINTING, ; 7 ' aty.o, neatly ar.d promptly done. By i elegrapli. MORNING DISPATCHES. FROM NEW YORK. » V> rvJ-J * . siu a*/ xfli? - '2. ■Sbb&m >us - $- sea* i • r 5 mi kfi’TAifi&al* PRICE, 5 CENTS. NATIONAL Di'IOM CONTENTION. ’ The, rlatform Entire, declafation op principles and PURPOSES. Tile Rights, Dignity and Authority of tile States Under the Constitution Perfect and Unimpaired. THE MARKETS News from Canada. N’evtYobsi, Aug. 21, noon.—Gold 147# ; Exchange i4s ’« ; Cotton quiet at 34 <§> 36c. An Ottowa dispatch says military preparations are ^k:ug. There are gome apprehensions felt of another raid. Eleven hundred men are now on Welland final at Tlnrald, two battalions being volunteers hah battalion ami half battery of regulars. There troops of voluuteer cavalry. Firearms and munitions of war arc to be admitted mt0 ^ ,tua ‘* a free of duty until the 15th of next moAtfe, toac-’ordance with an order in couucil of the 16th l “ st '’ to enable, private parties to get breech loading ana; *'rom Cincinnati. U'ixissati. Aug. 21.—There were 61 deaths from a this city yesterday. cholera u From Washington. * Washington, Aug. 21.-^-The rumors received of "‘ 4at,,u 8 r «tuoval are probably true. There is a strong Vtessure against him. The Missouri Convention and Ration urge the appointment of Gen. Frank Blair, Ul SUre dman will probably be the successor. FROM MISSOURI. ^rotl, “•nation !>y the Governor—The Pre- p nt Constitution and haw's Must be "“farced Until Repealed. iJ?‘\ ^ 0TJIS » 17. —Gov. Fletcher lias ttnt 1 s ^ roc htniution bearing upon the pre- « wwt p h« 8p r tiv<i condlti °“ of the S&tA the National and State^vemmft used to enforce obediencc toX w£ National and State Government, Uws are tnodifled or repealed 1 in o tiunal manner, or declared void bv °°“ st * tn " Knt court; that thepresentconstitiitirJ m ?i e " supreme law of the WidfiJ law wll he enforced, and elections eomWeS- hi conformity therewith; that the anntial en rollment of militia will be made according to law . and irrespective of political status or opinion, that no arrests be made except as authorized by law; but when civil process 'amuot be executed with the assistance of an ordinary posse, officers will call for the aid |J 1 the militia. No armed or organized men v, ili be allowed to appear at the polls or Peaceful assemblies of the people, except by Jue order of the Governor, or Department - wnmander. All citizens are urged to assist he constituted authorities in the mainte- “auce of order. — An exchange states that the work of approvement at the Executive Mansion, ashiogton, is assuming q uite large propor- 'ehs. lae loug row of outhouses which extended irom the east wing of the building .! c ' n S * orn down. It is the intention of , e Coma >issioner of Public Buildings to ^ a spacious entrance to the East Room hi the Side toward the Treasury, with a Ppheo to correspond with the present style 01 ibe edifice. -A Radical editor says that Col. Forney is a ‘‘noble type of public men.” The Louis- <= ournal thinks he is of the type known Pinters as the minion. The National Union Convention now assembled in the city of Philadelphia, composed of delegates from every State and Territory in the Union, admonished by the solemn lessons which for the last live years it has pleased the Supreme Ruler of the universe to give to the American people, profoundly grateful for the re turn of peace, desirous as are a large majority of their countrymen in ail sincerity to forget and forgive the past, revering the Constitution as it came to us hon our ancestors, regarding the Union in its restoration as more sacred than ever, looking with deep anxiety into the future as of instant and continuing trial, hereby issues and proclaims the following declaration ot principles and purposes on which they have, with perfect unanimity, agreed : 1. We hail with gratitude to Almighty God the end of war and the return of peace to our afflicted be loved land. 2. The war just closed has maintained the authority of the Constitution, with all the powers which it con fers, and ail the restrictions which it imposes upon the General Government unabridged and unaltered, and it has preserved the Union with the equal rights, dignity and authority of the States perfect and unim paired. 3. Representation in the Congress of the United States and in the Electoral College is a right recog nized by the Constitutiou as abiding in every State and as a duty imposed upon its people, fiMUtanaMa! in its nature, and essential to the existence m Gffrr^. publican institutions, and neither Congress nor the General Government has any authority or power to deny this right to any State or to withhold enjoyment under the Constitution from the people thereofl 4. We call upon the people of the United States to elect to Congress as members thereof none but men who admit this fundamental right of representation, and who will receive to seats therein loyal representa tives from every State in allegiance to the United States, subject to the constitutional right of each House to judgo of the election returns and qualifica tions of its own members. 5. The Constitution of the United States and the laws made m pursuance thereof are: “The supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.” All the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the General Government, nor prohibited by it to the State, are reserved to the States or to the people there- ol; and among the rights thus reserved to the 8tates is the right to prescribe qualifications for the elective franchise therein, with which right Congress cannot interfere. No State or combinations of States ha3 the right to withdraw from the Union, or to exclude, through their action in Congress or otherwise, any other State or States from the Union. The union of these States is perpetual, and its government is of su preme authority within the restrictions and limitations of the Constitution. 6. Such amendment to the Constitution of the United States may be made by the people thereof as they may deem expedient, but only in the mode pointed out by its provisions; and in proposing such amendments, whether by Congress or by a Conven tion, and in ratifying the same, ali the States of the Union have an equal and an indefeasible right to a voice and a vote thereon. 7. Slavery is abolished and forever prohibited, and there is neither desire nor purpose on the part of the tSouthem States that it should ever be re-established upon the soil or within the j urisdiction of the United States, and the enfranchised slaves in all the States of the U moil should receive, in common with all their inhabitants, equal protection in every right of person and property. 8. While we regard as utterly invalid and never to be assumed or made of binding force any obligation incurred or undertaken in makmg war against the United States, we hold the debt^of the nation to be sacred and inviolable, and we proclaim our purpose to maintain unimpeached the honor and the faith of the Republic. 9. It is the duty of the National Government to recognize the services of the Federal soldiers and sailors in the contest just closed by meeting promptly and fully all their just and rightful claims for the ser vices they have rendered the nation, and by extend ing to those of them who have fallen the most gener ous and considerate care. 10. In Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, who in bis great office has proved steadfast in his devotion to the Constitution, the laws and inter ests of his country, unmoved by persecution and un swerved by reproach, having faith unassailable in the people and in the precepts of the Government, we recognize a Chief Magistrate worthy of the nation and equal to the great crisis upon which his lot is cast, and we tender to him in the discharge of his high and responsible duties our profound respect and assurance of our cordial and sincere support. NATIONAL traoN COMMITTEE. Joseph T. Crowell, of New Jersey, Chairman. Maine—James Mann and A. A. Gould. New Hampshire—Edmund Burke aud E. S. Cutter. Vermont—B. B. Smalley and Colonel H. N. Wor tham. Massachusetts—Josiah Dunham and R. 9. Spo fiord Rhode Island—Alfred Anthony aud James H Par sons. Connecticut—James T. Babcock and D. C. Scran ton. New York—Robert H. Pruyn and Samuel C. Tilden. New Jersey—Joseph T. Crowell and Theodore T. Randall. Pennsylvania—J. M. Zulick and J. S. Black. Delaware—J. S. Comegys auu Edward S. Martin. Maryland—Governor Swann aud T. G. Pratt. Virginia—James F. Johnson aud Dr. E. C. Robin son. West Virginia—Daniel Lamb and John J. Jackson. North Carolina—Thomas S. Ashe and Joseph H. Wilson. South Carolina—James L. Orr and B. F. Perry. Georgia—J. H. Christy aiid Thomas S. Hardeman. Florida—William Marviu aud Wilkinson Call. Mississippi—W. L. Sharkey and George L. Pottes. Alabama—W. H. Crenshaw aud C. C. Huck-»bee. Louisiana—Randall Hunt aud Alfred Henning. Arkansas—Lorenzo Gibson and A. H. English. Texas—B. H. Epperson and John Hancock. Tennessee—D. T. Tailusin and William D. Camp bell. Kentucky—R. H. Stanton aud Hamilton Pope. Ohio—L. B. Campbell and George B. Smyth. Indiana—D. D. Gooding aud Thomas Dowling. Illinois—John A. MoClernand aud Jesse O. Norton. Michigan—Alfred Russell and Byson G. Stout. Missouri—Hon. Barton Abell and James S. Rollins. Minnesota—Hon. H. M. Rice and D. F. Norton. Wisconsin—J. A. Noonan and S. A. Pearce. Iowa—George A. Parker and Wm. A. Chase. Kansas-Jamcs A. McDowell and W. A. Tipton. California—Hon. Samuel Purdy and Joseph P. Huge. Nevada—John Carmichael and Hon. G. B. Hall. Oregon—James W. Nesmith aud B. W. Bonham. District of Colombia—Josiah Hoover and J. B. Blake. Dakotah—N. K. Armstrong and N. W. Winer. Idaho—William H. Wallace and H. Cummins. Nebraska—General H. H. Heath and Hob. J. S. Morton. BESIDEXI EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE AT WASfII!fQTON. Charles Knapp, of New Jersey, Chairman. _HoB- Montgomery Blair, Maryland. libs. Charles Knofi, Iowa. Ward H. Lamon, John F. Coyle, A. E. Perry, Samuel Fowler, Col. James R. O’Beirae, Cornelius Wendell, District of Columbia. ADDRESS OF THE NATIONAL UNION CONVOI^Hr The following is a copy of the patriotic add^ the National Union Convention to the pe<mle United States. We commend it to the careful perusal of our readers : To the People of Che United Sidles : Having met in Convention, at the city of Philadel phia, in the State of Pennsylvania, this 16th day of August, 1866, as the representatives of the people in all sections, aud all the Mates aud Territories of the Union, to consult upon the condition aud the wants of oar common country, we address to you this declara tion of oar principles, and oftirt political purposes we seek to promote. Since the meeting of the last National Convention, in the year I860, events have occurred which have changed the character of our internal politics and given th® United $*at«a i new place among the na tions of the earm.* i Our: Government has passed through the vicissitudes and the perils of civil war— a war which, though mainly sectional in its character, has nevertheless decided political differences that from the very beginning of the Government had threatened the unity of our national existence, and has left its impress ;deep and ineffaceable upon all the interests,.the sentiments, and the destiny of the Republic. While it has inflicted upon the whole, country severe losses in life and in property, and has imposed burdens which must weigh on its resources for generatiuns to come, it lias developed a degree of national courage iu the presence of national daugers— for military organization and achievement, * devotion on the part of the people to the form of nrin^w.? Xcut ,^ hicl1 tlle ^ have ordained, aud to the* siencii^m ° f llbort y w hi ,- h that Government de e nce or?h?^T 0te * wh,ch u,u ' t confirm t^confc institutions 1D the P er P etuit y of Its republican , and command the respect ot the civilized world. test^he^udiSam^oi- 8 ? ^ hich rousu tiie passions and test me endurance oi nations, this war has civen now «ope to the ambnion of poluioat patW aud fJ^S impulse to plans of mnovai.on and reform, imidtho chaos of conflicting aentimcius inseparable an era, while the public heart is keenly UllvJ to ilUha passions that can sway the public judgment and attmt the public action, while the wounds of war are atin fresh and bleeding on either side, fears for the futnre take uiyuatproportiouB from the memoriea and re. g,atwmill eg the past, it is a difficult but au im perative doty Which onryour behalf we, who are here assembled, have undertaken to perform. For the first time after six long years of alienation and of conflict, we have come, together from every State and from every section of onr land, as citizens of a common country, under that flag,. the symbol again of a common giory, to consult together how best to cement and perpetuate that Union wuich is agsin the object of our common love, and thus secure the blessings of Aberty to ourselves **d our posterity. In the first | place we invoke y^t to »®ember,al- ways and everywhere, that ih6^w»r is ended and the nation is again at peace. The shock of cotending vbb no longer assails the shuddering heart of the republic. The insurrection against the supreme authority of the nation has been suppressed, and that aniuotitj has been again acknowledged, by word and apt, in every State and by every citizen within its juried!c- n< * ^°®ff er required or permitted to re- 7 ”7* ea f* o™r as enemies. Not only Rave the acta of war been discontinued, and the weapons m war laid aside, but the state of war no longer ex ists, and the sentiments, the pasrionMhe relations of •war nave no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere throughout our . broad domain. We are again people P» the United States, fellow citizens of one country, bound by the duties and obligations of a common par tnottom, and. having neither rights nor interests' apart from a common destiny. The duties that de volve on us are Again the duties of pence, and no lon ger tha duties of war. We have assembled here tot take counsel concering the interests of peace; to de cide how we g|ay most wisely and effectually heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpetu ate the benefits it has secured, and the blessings which, under a wise and benign Providence, have sprang up in its fiery track. This is the work, not of passion, but of calm and sober Judgment; not of re sentment for past offences prolonged beyoigl the liiun its which justice and reason prescribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which tolerates frh&t it cannot preYeht, and builds its plans and it hopes for the future rather upon a community of interests and ambition than up on distrust and the weapons of force. In the next place we call upon you to recognize in their full significance, aud to fccept with all their le gitimate consequences, the political results of the war just-'llosed. , k* tmo xuqat important particulars the victory achjevedKw the Ntfltnuly Government has been final and decisive. First, it has established beyond all further controversy, and by the highest of all hu man sanctions, , the absolute supremacy of the Nation al Government, as defined ahd limited by the Coaisti- tutiofi of the United States, aud the permanent integ rity and indissolubility of the Federal Union as a ne cessary consequence; and second, it has put au end finally and forever to the existence of slavery upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States. Both these points became directly involved in the con test, and controversy upon both was ended absolutely and finally by the result In the third place; we deem it of the utmost import ance -that the real character of the war and the victory by which it was closed should be accuw^ v ft fltider- stood. The war was carried on by the the United States in maintenance of its oairVuthonty and. in ^defence of jts own existence, both of which 11 ifrpripslidn idfich it sought to «Wpffe#. ^Ije .ahHpee^a^?th4t£insurrection ac complished that result The Government of the United States maintained by force of arms the supreme authority over all Jhe territory, and over all the States and people within its jurisdiction which the Constitu tion confers upon it; but it acquired thereby no new power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights either of territorial possession or of civil authority which it did not possess before the rebellion broke out. All the rightful power which it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it, either in express terms or by fair and necessary implication, by the Constitution of the United States. It was that power and that authority which the rebellion sought to overthrow, and the vic tory *>f the federal arms was simply the defeat of that attempt. The Government of the United States acted throughout the war on the defensive. It sought only to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither the war, nor .the, victory by which it was closed, changed in any way the Constitution of the United Stutes. The war was carried ou by virtue ot' its pro visions, aud under the limitations which they pre scribe, and the result of the war did not either en large, abridge, or in any way change or affect the pow er* it -confers upon tbe Federal Government, or re- ease that Government from the restrictions which it lhas imposed. The constitution of the United States is to-day pre cisely as it was before the war, the “supreme law ot tbe land, anything in the Constitutiou or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding,** and to-day also, precisely as before the war. all the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the General Gov- ment, nor prohibited by it to the States, are “reserved to the several States, or the people thereof.” This position is vindicated not only by the essenti.il nature of our Government, and the language and Spirit of the UoQstitu^on, but by all the acta aud the language of bur floremnWjt, in all its departments, ana at all times from the outbreak of the rebellion to its final overthrow. In every message aud proclama tion of th4 Executive it was explicitly declared that the sole object and purpose ot the war was to maiuthin the authority of the Constitution and to preserve the integrity of the Union; and Congress more than once reiterated the solemn declaration, anil added the as surance that whenever this otjject should be attained the war should cease, and all the States should retain their rights and dignity unimpaired. It is only since (die war was (dosed that other rights have been asserted on behalf of. ode department of the General Government. It has been proclaimed by Congress that, ill addition to the powers ofthe Constitution, the Federal Government may now claim over the States, the territory aud the people involve^ in the insurrec tion, ti.e rights of war, the right of conquest and of confiscation, the right to abrogate ail existing govern ments, institutions and laws, and to subject the terri tory conquered and its inhabitants to such laws, regu lations and deprivations as the legislative departments of the Government may see lit to impose. Under this broad and sweeping claim, that clause of tbe Constitu tion which provides that “no State shall,without its con sent, be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate of the United States,” has been annulled, and ten States have been refused, aud are still refused, representa tion altogether in both branches of the Federal Con gress. Aud the Congress in which only a part of the Status and of the people of the Uuion are represented, has asserted the right thus to exclude the rest from representation, amt from all share in malting their own laws or choosing their own rulers until they shall comply with such conditions and perform snch acts as this Congress thus composed may itself prescribe. That right not only been asserted, but it has been exercise:i, and is practicallv enforced at the present time. Nor does it find any .support iu the theory thut the States thus excluded are in rcbelliou against the Government, and are therefore precluded from shar ing its authority. They are not thus in rebellion. They are one and ali in an attitude of loyalty towards the Government, and of sworn allegiance to the Con stitution of the United States. In no one of them h there the slightest indication of resistance to this au thority, or the slightest protest against its just and binding obligation. This condition of renewed loyalty jMBkfr ' of4^e g _ States have been extended by Cougri States and the people thereof. Federal courts have been reopened, aud Federal taxes imposed and levied, and in every respect, except that they are denied re presentation in Congress aud the Electoral College, the States once in rebellion are recognized as holding the same position, as owing the same obligstious, and subject to the same duties as the other States of our common Union. It seems to us, in the exercise of the calmest and most candid judgment we can bring to the subject, that such a claim, so enforced, involves as fatal an overthrow of the authority of the Constitution, and as complete a destruction of the Government and Union, as that which was sought to be effected by the States and people in aimed insurrection agaiust them both. It cannot escape observation that the power thus as serted to exclude certain States from representation is made to rest wholly in the will and discretion of<thd ; Congress that asserts it It is not made to depend upon any specified conditions or circumstunces, nor to be subject to any rules or regulations whatever. The right asserted and exercised is absolute, without quali fication or restriction, not confined to States in rebel lion, nor to States that have rebelled; it is the right of any Congress in formal possession of legislative autho rity to exclude any otafce or States, and any portion of the people thereof, at any time, from representation in Congress and fin the Electoral College, at its own dis cretion, and until they shall perform such acts and comply with such conditions as it may dictate. Obvi ously, the reasors for such exclusion, being wholly within the discretion of Congress, may change as the Congress itself shall change. One Congr- : s may ex clude a State from all share m the Government for one reason; and, that reason remove^ the next Congress may exclude, it fbr an^thi^. (lie State may be ex cluded oil unbound tiMHyr*** another may be ex cluded ou the opposite ground to-morrow. Northern ascendancy ipay exclude Southeyh States from one Congress—the ascendancy’of Western or of Southern interests, or of both combined, may exclude the Northern or the Eastern the next im probable as such usurpations xhi/ Mem, the establish* meat of the principle now asserted uad acted upon by Congress will render them byO* means impossible. The character, indeed tifo vej*,existence, of Congress awi4ie-Union JhodjS qgfiindent solely and en- 4taJ0qm6& the flftk md>#eeDjfcial cxigauefos orior- We need not stop to show that such action not only finds no warrant in the Constitution, but ts at war with evary principle of our Government, and with the very existence of tree institution*. It is, indeed, thu fcfeBttaai practice, which ipgMjevod fruitless all at tempts hitherto to eatabUsuTShumsiiriWu free go- renuoeots in Mexico and the States*of South America. Party necessities assert themselves as superior to the fundamental law, which la s«* aside in reckless obe dience to their behests. 'Stability, whether in tbe ■ex ercise of power, in the administration of government, or in the enjoyment of rights, becomes impossible; and the conflicts of party, which, un&er constitutional governmenta, are the conditions and means of politi cal progress, are merged in the conflicts H&f %rw»s ur which they directly and lnevitaMytend. It srss ^gifuiS this pejll, so conspicuous and so fa- Jdtb all tree governments, that our Constitution was intended especially to provide. Ebt oifijr the stabili ty, but the vdry existence of tiidj^orenimeut is made by Its provisions to depend upon the right and the fact of representation. The Congress, upon which is conferred all the legislative ptflfffibf the National Go vernment, consists of two branHK, the Senate and House of Representatives, whose joint concurrence or assent is essential to the validity or any law. Of these the House of Representatives, says the Consti tution, fArticle 1, Section 2,) “shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the Several States.” Not only is the right of repre sentation thus recognized as possessed by all the States and by every Slate without restriction, qualiti- tion x>r condition of any kind, but the duly of choos* resenujSves jKuhj>o8e4’ JBgpn the people of everejState fckjfewitlJUEglistibotiou, or the juthoiHy to lAke distHKions flKidfcg them, for any reason, or upon any grounds whatever. And iu the Senate, so careful is the Constitution to secure to every State this right of representation. 8 is expressly ' sd that ‘iap Aisle shall, without ita consent, be jd-oflta^qhjalitiffrage” in that body, even by _ierfdmeE of the Constitution iUelf. When, therefore, any State is excluded from such represen tation, not only is a right of the State denied, but the constitutlotial integrity <* the pefcatsi is impaired, aud theVhttdity-br the Government 1 itself is brought iu question. But Congress at the present moment thus excludes - from representation, in both' branches of Congress, ten States of the Union, denying them all in the enactment of laws by which the/ art to erutd; aud tff zb the election of by which-tbot! u$s are tflL# »e enforced. In other words, a Congress in which only tweDty-six States are represented, asserts the right to govern, *3# afid in its own discretion, all tbe thirty-six . w »chHx^apuse the Union—to make thair lawa ■ud choose their rulers, and to exclude-tbe other ten V?® **1 share in their own government until it sees t,len » thereto. What is there to distin- !?\ U8 averted and exercised from tbe “d intolerable tyratiiy? ”*nd unjuBt claims on the j* rt _i P° weri! *nd authority never con ferred npon the Government by the Constitution find 557bK£ « u buSS? u * ncUKa Drged on Ftwt That these State., bythe ^ of rebellion and by voluntarily withdra wing their members from Con gress, forfeited their right of representation, ,-qni'thafc they can only receive it again at the hands of the sc-, preme legislative authority of tbe Government", em its own terms and at its own discretion. If rapreasnta* tion in Congress and participation in the Government were simply privileges conferred find hqld tfj favor, this statement might have tbe merit of plausibility. But representation is under the Constitution not only expressly recognized as a right, but it is impoesd as a duty; and it is essential in both aspects to the exis tence of the Government and to the maintenance of its authority. In free governments fundamental and essential rights cannot be forfeited, except agatnpt In* dividual* by due process of law; nor can constitutional duties and obligations be discarded or laid aside. The enjoyment of rights may be for a time suspended by the failure to claim them, and duties may be avoided by the refusal to perform them. ’ The withdrawal .Of their members (Tom Congress by the States which re sisted ttie General Government was among their acts of insurrection—was one of the means nod Agencies by which they sought to impair the authority and de feat the action ofthe Government; and that act wm annulled and rendered void when the Insurrection it self was suppressed. Neither the fight of represen tation nor the duty to be represented was iff the least impaired by the fact of insurrection; but it may have been that by reason of the insurrection the conditions on which the enjoyment of that right and the perform ance of that duty for the time depended could not be fuAllda. This was, in fact, tbe caauL i An insurgent power, in the exercise of usurped and unlawful au thority in the territory under its control, *bad pro hibited that allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States which is made by that fundamental law the essential condition of representation in its government. No man within the insurgent States was allowed to take the oath to support the Constitu tion of the United States, and, as. a necessary conse quence, no man could lawfully represent those States m tbe councils of the Union. US this was only an obstacle to the enjoymentand to the dis charge of a duty—it di<Lnot annmphe one or abrogate the other; and it ceased tff e: ' by which it was create* had the usurpation thrown, and the nee to tho Con stitution and laws of the United States. Second. But it is asserted, in support of tbe authori ty claimed by the Congress now in possession of power, that it flows directly from the laws of war; that it is among the rights which victorious war always confers upon the conquerors, and which the conqueror may exercise or waive in his own discretion. To this we reply that the laws in question relate solely, so far as the rights they confer are concerned, to wars waged between alien and independent nations, and can have no place or force, in thi» regard, in a war waged by a government to suppress an insurrection of its own people, upon ita own soil, against its authority. If we had carried on successful war against any foreign na- nation, we^ might thereby have acquired posses sion and jurisdiction ot their aati, with the right to enforce our laws upon their people and to impose upon them such laws and such obligations as- we might cboose. But wu bad before the war complete jurisdiction over the soil of the Southern States, limited only by our own Constitution. Our laws were the only national laws in force upon it. The govern ment of the United States was the only government through which.these States and their people had rela tions with foreigu nations, and its flag was the only flag by which they were recognized or known any where on the face of the earth. la all these respects, and in all other respects involving national interests and rights, our possession was perfect and complete. It did not need to be acquired, but only to be main tained; and victorious war against the rebellion could do nothing more than maintain it. It could only vin dicate and re-establish the disputed supremacy of the Constitution. It could neither enlarge nor diminish the authority which that Constitution confers upon the government by which it was achieved. Such an enlargement or abridgement of constitutional power can be effected only by amendment of the Constitu tion itself, aud such amendment can be made only in the modes which the Constitution itself prescribes. The claim that the suppression of an insurrection agaiust the government gives additional authority and power to that government, esperially that it enlarges the jurisdiction of Congress and gives that body the right to exclude States from representation in the national councils, without which tbe nation itself can have no authority and no existence, seems to us at variance alike with the principle of the Constitution and with the public safety. Third. But it is alleged that in certain particu lars the Constitution of the United States fails to secure that absolute justice and impartial equali ty which the principles of our Government re quire; that it was in these respects the result of compromises aud concessions to which, however ne cessary when the Constitution w'as formed, we are no louger compelled to submit, and that now, having the power through successful war, aud just warrant for its exercise in the hostile conduct of the insurgent sec tion, the actual Government of the United States may impose its own conditions, and’make tbe Constitution conform in all its provisions to its own ideas of equali ty aud the rights of man. Congress, at its last session, the General Government over that of the several States, aud reducing, by indirect disfranchisement, the representative power of tb^kates in which slavery formerly existed; and it is claimed that these amend ments may be made valid as parts of the original Con stitution without the concurrence of the States to be most seriously affected by them, or may be imposed upon those States by three-fourths of the remaining States, as conditions of their readmiaaion to represen tation in Congress and in the Electoral College. It is tbe unquestionable right of the people of the United States to make such diauges in tbe Constitu tion as they, upon due deliberations, may deem expe dient. But we insist that they shall be made in the mode which the Constitutiou itself points out—in conformity with the letter and the spirit of that instru ment, and with tbe principles of self-government and of equal rights which lie at the basis of*>ur republi can institutions. We deny the right aECongress to make these changes in the fundamental law, without the concurreuce of three-fourths of all the States, eluding especially those to be most seriously affected by them; or to impose them upon States or people, as oondi.l >us of representation, or of admission to any of tho rights, duties, or obligations which belong un der the Constitution to all the States alike. And with still greater emphasis do we deny the right of any por tion of tbe States, excluding tbe rest of the States from any share in their councils, to prop<«e or sanc tion changes in the Constitution which are to affect permanently their political nhtiaai and control or coerce the legitimate action of the aeveriS members of the common Uuion. Such an exercise pf power is simply a usurpation, just as unwarrantable wbeu exercised by Northern States aa it wonld bo if exer cised by Southern, and not to be fortified or paral leled by anything in the past history either of those by whom it is attempted or of those upon whose rights and liberties it is to taks effboM it finds no warrant iu tbe Constitution. IS is at war with the fundameu tal principles of our form of government If tolera ted in one iustance, it becomes the precedent for fu ture invasions of liberty and makes constitutional right dependent solely upon the will of tbe party in possession of power, sad titila leads, by direct and ne cessary sequence, to the most fatal and intolerable of all tyrannies— the tyranny of shifting aud irrespon sible political factions. It is against this, * the most formidable of all the dangora which menace the sta bility of free government, that the Coastitutiou of the United States was intended most carefully to provide. We demand a strict and steadfast adherence to its provisions. Iu this, and in this alone, can we find a basis qf permanent union and peace. Fourth. But it is alleged in justification of the usur pation which we condemn, that the condition of the Southern States and people is not such as render safe their readmission to a share in the Government of the country; that they are still disloyal in sentiment and purpose, aud that neither the honor, the credit nor the interests of the nation would be safe if they were readmitted to a share in its councils. Wt might re ply to this: (1) . That we have no right, Am such reasons, to de ny to any portion of the StsteAir people rights ex pressly conferred upon them by the Constitution of tne United States. (2) . That so long as their acts are those of loyalty— so toag as they conform in all their public conduct to Qiu requirement* at the Constitution and laws—we have ho right to exact from them conformity in their sentiments and opinions to our own. (3) . That we have no right to distrust the purpose or tbe ability of the people of the Union to protect and defend, under all contingencieaand by whatever means may be required, its honor and its welfare. These would, in our judgment, ha full and conclu sive answers to the pleas Gum advanced fot the exclu sion of these States ftnm the Union. But we say further, that this plea repU upon a complete misap prehension or uffjoet perversion of existing facts. We do not hesitate to aArm flu* there is no section oi the country where the Constitution and laws of the United States find a more prompt and entire obe dience than in these States, and among those people who were-lately in arms against them; or where there is less purpose or deuger of any future attempt to overthrow their authority. It would seem to be both natural and inevitable that, in States and sections so recently swept by the whirlwind of war, where all the ordtaarytoefcahad methods ef-organized industry have been bro ken U P* 411(1 the bonds and influences that guarantee social order have been destroyed— where thousands and ten of thousands of turbulent spirits have been suddenly loosed from the discipline of war, and thrown without resources or restraint upon a disorganized snd chaotic society, and where the keen sense of defeil Is added to the overthrow of ambition and hope, scenes of violence should defy for a time the imperfect discipline of law, and excite anew the fears and forebodings of the patriotic and well disposed. It is unquastlruiibly true that local disturbances oi this kind, accompanied by more or leas ot violence, do still occur. Bat they ire confined entirely to the cities and larger towns ot the Southern States where different race* and interests are brought most dearly to ooatact, and where paadaah ami resentment* are always moat easily fed and Tanned into outbreak; and even there, they are quite os much the fruit of untimely and hurtful political agitation as of say hostility on the part of the people iS the authority of the National Goverflinent. But the concurrent testimony of those best acquaint- Oil with the condition of aocidy and the state ot publio eentiment in the Sooth-induding that aflit* repre sentatives In thin convention—establishes the fret Uat the great mam of the Southern people accept, with aa fall and alnoere mibmiaaion aa do the people of the other States, tho re-established supremacy of the na tional authority, and are in the most loyal spirit, and with a seal quickened dike by thdr inter est and pride to co-operate with other States and sec- tions in whatever may be neceaeary to defend the rights, maintain the honor and promote the welfare or our common country. Hlrtorv affords no malnnce where a people, aa poy»f»» *» number*, in resource*, and in public spirit, after a war ao long m its duration, 80 destructive in it* progreu^ and ao adverse in ila issue have accepted defeat and ita consequence* with bo much of good frith as baa marked tha conduct of the ramie Utely i“ taaurraotinu agagnd the United tu.fJTii.vand all auastion this ha* been largely due •hahe been — -—*r‘~1ni by the President ot tha i_ confidence and loyalty have people of the South are to-dky leg* cbrdldiu (hair alia, gaoaa than they were immediately owes the clou of «h».war. we behave it is doe to the staged tone of the legislative department of She General GovsramM ^ Wards thenf; to the action by which Congress boson- desvored to supplant and defeatlh® President’s wise sad banettoent policy of restoration; to tfcrir exclu sion from all participation la our fififwa mqnt; to .the withdrawal from thA»n pf righim ~r. D ferred and guaranteed by fhc Constitution, *iyi to the evident purpose of Coagteii, Iu Ike exercise'of a usurped and unlawful eutherily. to redoes three isom the rank of free sod equal members of a republic of States, with rights and dignities to the condition of conquered provinces and a conquered people, An ali things subordinate aftl sutfleot to tha will of their conquerors; free outer to obey Java in making which they pre npt allowed to share. ' 'N<y£e<*flehas ever yet existed whose loyalty hud frith such treatment loag wmtimred would set alienate and impair. And tho to millions of Jtmfricans who five in the 8outo would be un- worthy citizens of a free country, di of an heroic ancestry, unfit ever to become guar* (Sana of the right# and liberties bequeathed to us by the fathers and founders of this Republic, If tfry could accept, with uncomplaining submissive ness, the humiliations th da sought to tie imposed upon them. Rerentmeit of injustice is always and every where essential io freedom; and the spirit which prompts the States and people lately in insurrection, but insurgent now no longer, to protest against the imposition of unjust and degrading conditions, makes them all timmor® wurthy to share in the government oia free common wealth, aud gives still firmer assur ance of the future power and freedom of the Republic. For whatever responsibility the Southern people may have incurred in resisting tha authority of the Na^ tiouai Government and in taking up arms for Ha over throw, they may be held to answer, as individuals, before the Judicial tribunals of the land, and for that conduct, a# associates and organised comm on tire, they have idrcudy paid the most fearful DenOliteS that cam foil on offending States in the lorere,the sufferings and humiliations oi unsuccessful war. But whatever may be the guilt Or* the punishment of the conscious authors of th* insurrection, candor sod core sum jute tice demand the concession that the great maos of those who became involved in iis responsibility acted upon what Lhqy believed to be their duty, in defence of what theyhaobeen taught 'to believe their righto or under a compulsion, physical sad moral, which they were powerless to resist. Nor can it be mif to remember that terrible as have been the bereavements and losses of this war, they have fkUen exclusively upon neither section aud upon neither party—that they have fallen, indeed, with far greater weight upon those with whom the war began; that in the death of relatives aud friends, the Ulsperaion of families, the disruption of social uystoma#nd social ties, the over- thru .v of governments, of law and of order, the de struction of property and off forms Sod modes and means of industry, the loss of political, commercial and moral influence, in ever} shape and form which great calamities can assume^ the States and people which engaged in the war against the Government of the United States have suffered tenfold more than those who remained iu allegiance to the Constitution aud laws-. These considerations may not; aa they certainly do not, justify the action of the people of tha insurgent States; but no just or generous miud will refuse to them very considerable Weight in determining the line of conduct which the Govemm'Sht of the United States shall pursue towards them. They accept, if not with alacrity, certainly without sullea resentment, the defeat and. overthrow they have sustained. They acknowledge ana acquiesce In tho results, to thtmtotvOM and the country, which that de feat involves. They no longer claim for any 84 right to secede from the Union, they no longer for any State aa allegiance p+ramoMU to that which is due to the General Government. They have acoeptod the destruction of slavery, abolished it by thrir Shite Constitutions, and concurred with the States and peo ple of the whole Union in prohibiting its existence forever npou the soil or witbti thejurlediction of tbe United States. They indicate and evince their purpose just so fast as may be possible and safe to adapt domestic laws to the changed condition of their so ciety, and to secure by the law and its tribunals equal and impartial justice to all classes of their inhmhihmtM They admit the invalidity of all acts of resistance to tbe national authority, and of all debts incurred in at tempting its overthrow. They avow their willingness to share the burden and discharge all the duties sod obligations which rest upon them, in common with other States aud other sections of the Union; and they renew, through (heir representatives in this Conven tion, by ail their public conduct, in every way and by the most solemn acts by which States and societies can pledge their laith, their engagement to bear true faith aud ailegiauoe, through ail time to oome. to the Constitution of the United States, and to all law that may be made in pursuance thereof! Fellow-countrymen : We call upon you, iu full re liance upou your.intelligenoe aud your patriotism, to proposed amendments to the Constitution, enlarging accept, with generous aud ungrudging confidence^ thin m some very important particulars the 'authority or Tull surrender on the p.irt of those lately in arms against your authority, and io share with them the honor aud reuowu that awaits those who bring back peace and concord to jarring States. The war lust closed, with all its sorrows aud disasters, baa rrpmWa‘ new career of glory to tbe nation it has saved. It has swept away the hostilities of sentiment and of inter ests which were a standing menace to its peace. It has destroyed tbe institution of slavery, always a> cause of sectional agitation and strife, aud has opened for our country the way to unity of interest, of prin ciple aud of action through all time to come. It has developed in both sections a military cspacity^-an ap titude for achievements of war, both by sea and land, before unknown even to ourselves, and destined to ex ercise hereafter, under united councils, an important influence upou the character and destiny of the conti nent and the world. And while it has thus revealed, disciplined and compacted our power, it has proved to us beyond controversy or doubt, by the course pur sued towards botn contending sections by fore gn powers, that we must be guardians of our own imh pendence, and that the principles of our republican freedom we represent can find among the nations of the earth no friends or derenders but ourselves. We call upon you, therefore, by every consideration of your own dignity and safety, and in the name of liberty throughout the world, to complete tbe work of restoration and peace which the President of the United States has so well begun, and which tha policy adopted and the principles asserted by tha present Congress alone obstruct. The time is close at hand when members of a new Congress are to be elected. If that Congress shall perpetrate this policy, sad,, by excluding loy^d. States and people from representation in its halls, shall continue the usurpation by which the legislative powers of the government are now er? ereised, common prudafice compels us to anticipate augmented discontent, a sullen withdrawal frore the duties and obligations qf the Federal Government, internal dissention, and' a general collision of sen timents and pretensions which may renew, in a still tefere fearful shape, the civil war from which we have just emerged. We call upon you to interpose your po v-.-r to prevent the recurrence of so transcendent a calamity. We oaU upon you in tmry Congressional District of event State to secure the election Qfn\mn- bers who, whatever other differences may charac terize their political actV n, will unite in recognizing the RIGHT OF EVERT STATE OF THU UNION TO SKVTATION IN CONOBEto and WHO WriJ. ADMIT TO SEATS IN EITHER BRANCH EVERT LOYAL REPRESENTA TIVE from evert State in allegiance to the Govern ment, who may be found by each House, in the exer cise of the power conferred upon it by the Constitu tion, to have been duly elected, returned, and quali fied for a seat therein. When this shall have been done the Government will have been restored to ita integrity, the Coointn- tion of the United States will have been re-established in its full supremacy, and the American Union wQl hare again become what it was designed to ho by those who formed it—a sovereign nation, composed of separate States, each, like itself, moving in a distinct and independent sphere, exercising powers defined and reserved by s common Constitution, and resting upon tho assent, the confidence and co-operation of ali the States and all the people subject to ita author ity. Thus reorganized mod restored to their constitu tions! relations, the Slat s sod the General Govern ment can enter in a fraternal spirit, with a common purpose end a, common interest upon whatever re forms the secqritv of personal "rights, the enlarge ment of popular liberty and the perfection of our re- publican institutions may ‘ Insurance. 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Hr Call ana receive a p lunation. Circular, with free ex A. WILBUR, General Manager. WM. R. BOYD, Agent. aaM4f hub ifiin mmm IN THE mVELEBS INSURANCE COMPANY. a Ticket for one day, L. In—iiair »a ana hi rrmit nf ratal Accident, and fis ■kJBOMhtaC diaabUity chaaad by Accident, THE DAILY HEWS, rcuuoi waao »<wr r suite and the their armies, and to the 1L ,, -— - — tha patriotism, and teoare thepdrinansnt and alfee- ., published at a CHARLESTON S. C./ • aaa xna LARGEST CIRCULATION OW *HT JOURNAL FPBIJSHKD IN THE STA$V And H universally conaUered The Best Commercial ▲ED FAMILY PA PR JI. - PAHTIE8. VH«BE«fe IS GEORGIA, who de sire to subscribe for a CHARLESTON PAPER. wtB conufft \hefr ‘ (merest by sending for THE DAILY NEWS. TKK9IH *io per unn. in Folio Form, fltae of th. New Toft att-tf THE LAHDWE LOVE. A MONTHLY MAGAZINE, devoted Ul LKerminre, Agvicnltni*and General Intelligence, and com prising Reports of Battles, Incidenu ahd Anecdotes of th. Wiut never before published. BY GENERAL D. H. HILL, bate of the Botubem Army. | gganfi FNKtotsn—J. r. IRWKI MS ». K JUS. The Machete, will be published at OhaHOt*,’ K. ft It will contain from sixty to eighty pages ef >ba alaa ot those of Bisckwood's Magaxine, sad win be fur nished to subscribers at *3 a year, in advane*. or I* U not paid till the end of tbeyeAr. Cash not required to pay tmtif after th* number. DEALER IN EVERY VARIETYiOF FURNITURE IS SELLING GOODS Lower Than Any Other House IN SAVANNAH. HOTELS “AND STEAMBOATS FURNISHED. PARLOR SETS, extra well upholstered. FINE BED ROOM SETS, Walnut and Ma hogany.' ? ‘° J COTTAGE BED ROOM SETS, of every variety. DINING ROOM and LIBRARY SETS. MATTRESSES, BOLSTERS sod PILLOWS of all kinds. Firfeelutli,#; For One Tear, $25. Do not Travel Without One. No Person Should Neglect It. ’ Ga|l ahd gat a Circular. WM. R. BOYD, Agent, . ur iU‘i -»:i i • *ti 1-' — . Ba. — BAT flTHKET. KITTLE S FOLDING SPRING BEDS and MATTRESSES, the beat Bed in use, and WARRANTED SUPERIOR to all others. 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