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Vol. II.)
ATHENS, GEORGIA: PRINTED CT ALEXANDER M'DONNELL, SATURDAY, JUNE 16, iSto.
Dr. EIBB’s SPEECH.
( Concluded.)
A variety anJ contrariety of ob
j ‘-frons have been urged againft
k rrftndiive parts of this bill,
’ nich I will endeavour to examine.
Toe genileman from Delaware
(Mr. Vandvkt) tells you that Eng
a.-id rray ‘ake offence at the con
d of this government in relation
* r,er m.niter, and that the adop
tion of this meafure by throwing
ov
j completely in her power to feize
them, while the exclulion of her
vi IT ii from our ports, deprives us
f t the means to retaliate. Yet fir,
noiwithftaodirg this apprehenfion,
t >e gentleman nimfdf is in favor of
a total repeal of the non-intercourfe.
1 beg leave to afk him whether the
lepeal of the non-intercourse does
not place us in the very condition
he fo much deprecates. If I be
3;evtd there was the meft diftant
probability of the adoption of fuch
a courfe on the part of England,
I could not confent to repeal the
uon-interceurft—to place all the
fixating capital of the nation within
her No, fir, I would lay an
embargo immediaftly. This cb
j chon then applies as ftrongly to
i. v. fitnple repeal of the non-inier-
Cuurfe as to the rtftidhons con
taietd in the prc-fen: bill. Nor can
ic avad the advocates for the'eon
tinuance of that meafure inafmuch
as our veficls are already at the
r'fJcy of Britilh fhips at Amelia
Ifland, where they are permitted by
Jaw to gi, and in Britifh ports
‘where they have gone and continue
to g > In contravention of your law.
But I cor.fider che apprehenfion of
hoftility cn the part of England
entirely vifionary and cut of ill ra
tional calculation. Although re
gerdiefs of all moral obligations,
ihe is directed by her iutereft, and
while you extend to her the benefits
i f nominal non-intercourfe, fat will
be contented. Deficits, fhe is
prifll and by the continental powers *
d.Efter and disgrace have accom
panied her prrjedls, and file is too
brfily engaged in t ncountering the
o fficulrks prefemed by her prefent
ad ver fades, to add voluntarily this
country to the number. No, fir,
Trckfon will be recalled and fair
•* 4
pronaifes made, but whether with a
view to execute them, or to pre
vent a refort to war on our part, it
is not my purpofe to enquire.
B it we are cold England will re
taliate upon our cor merce the re
ihictiens we are about to impofeon
her. Then I nrefumc we are not a
bo.it to iubmu, as fume gentlemen
1 ave fa id unlefs indeed they iosa
gine that the fubmiffi >n of one par
tv is to produce the fubmiffi on of
the ether party. The truth, is,
that without the reftridlions of this
b-ii Qrc at Bdiid-ii will export xuoft
Foreign Correspondent
; & *
GEORGIA EXPRESS.
“WAMr SHALL RVH TO AN, TXO, AND KNOWLIOOE SHALL II INOR*ASID.~
of the American produce. Her
prefent difcriminating duties, put it
out of the power of the American to
compete with the Bricifh fhipoer,
and unlefs the propefed regulation
be adopted you relinquifh che car
rying ©feven your own products.—■
The bill will be an tffici ent retalia
tion. It goes to the full extent, to
which countervailing of this fort can
be carried, and although Ei gland
may retort the fame reftndlion, fhe
cannot go beyond it. What will
be our fituacion if this retaliation
which is fo much fraud, lhauid take
place l The bill excludes Britifh
and French vefisis of every de
(cription from our ports and har
bors, and prohibits the importation
of foreign articles even in Ameri
can veficis except they are brought
direftly from the countries of which
they are the growrh or manufacture.
Well fir, if England retaliates to
the fulleft extent in her power,
we are then precifely in that filia
tion, fo much defiied by fome gen
tlemen), and which I admit, whene
ver congrtfs determine on war, rnuft
precede it—a ftate of embargo.—
In the event therefore of the lulled
extent of retaliation, fo far from anv
evil refulting to this country, which
would not otherwife brfai i, \ ;
fhall be precifely in the conditi
that thole for war v/ifh no w to b ,
with this additional advantage, that
the fur plus produce to our citizens
will have been exchanged for cafb,
and they will be latisfied that
effort has been made to preferve
the peace of the nation. In no
view whatever do the propofed re
fir 161 ions enlarge the power
land to injure our commerce, but
on the contrary they are calculated
to make it her intereft to trade with
us on equal terms. We onte
more prefent to her the chve
branch—we propofe a renewal of
interccurfe, but as fhe has virtual
ly excluded importations and ex
portations in American veffels, we
follow the example, and exclude
them in hers, pledging ourfeives at
the fame time to remove our r
ftridUcns when fhe fhall conient to
abandon hers. This will prelent a
fherg appeal to the intereft of G.
Britain, and the idea of retaliation
on her part is in my opinion entire
ly vifionary. Indeed I have been
much aft o*i filed at the apprehen
fion of retaliation, which has been
expreffed by fome gentlemen, at the
very fame moment that they fed
us, the embargo if continued three
months longer would have brought
England to our feet. Ana yet tney
are afraid fhe will by her own adt
produce another embargo. I coa
fefs the confiftency or this lort of
reafoning is beyond my comorehcn
fion. The fufErings of to at na
tion under the late embargo are a
fi fficicnt fafeguard agamft that re
taliation whi-d would renew the
fame fiate of things. No, fir, Eng
land will prefer to have the com
merce of the United States carried
on in American vtffds, to a re
newal of the embargo. But be
he r courfe what it may, if this bill
paffes we fliall be in a better fitua
tion than we at p?efsnt. If it is
not fuffieiertly energetic to meet
the views of force gentlemen, it at
lead \ v lefts agair.ft the edidh of
the ivvc- grtai bell gtrenrs by draw
ing a f! 1( e between them and the
i >sv ho have done us no irju
n j and brfore it be rejected it be
.hovts g ntlcmen to alccrtain that
a nifj ity will confent to adopt
ftrotgrr mtafurrs. Fur myfelf, I
aai fathfTd that this is the moft
honorable and tin ient prrjeft on
which we can unite, and therefore
it it did not meet my own appro
bation precifely, I fhiuld not feel
rtivfdf authorifed to rejedt it.—
H iwever much we may hear about
war I am convinced there are very
few indeed who have any ferious in
tention of adopting war meafurts j.
ad lam for letting peopl* know
what wt really intend to do, as well
?s to idieve their feelings and to
preferve their coi £i in cor.-
g-ef?, 25 to prevent.the impofidons
of speculators oa ih honeft par: of
h community. , . ;
Bu', fir, another -obj'dlfon is
vg and againft this bill, d-ffering
widely from thole I have already
noticed. Ic will operate, we are
told, unequally, and peculiarly hard.,
m and fhe w : ll retaliate.—
Tms is anew argument, and cer
tainly yields the old one of French
partiality, which I hope never to
hear agdn. But how will it ope
rate unequaßy on France ? It is
aafwered, England will get from
this country whatever fhe wants,
and having a navy to execute her
orders, which forbid American vef
fels going to France, our commer
cial intercourfe with that nation
will be completely deftroyed. We
fhall have real non-intercourfe wkh ;
France while Fngiand will receive
our products. This objedUen is
at war with that which has been
drawn from an apprehenfion of the
exclufi m of our vefifcls on the part
of England, breaufe It is founded
on the that fhe will
nTt exclude them. If fhe ihouid
exclude them and continue her
orders, there is a total non-irtter
courfe with both her and France*
unlefs we attempt to carry on a
trade with the latter in defipite of
thofe orders. If on the contrary
England contents to trade with us
on the terms preferibed by this
bill, and France fhould
to receive eur products. I have
po hefiudon in faying, we will trade
vith both. But iuppofe France
fh mid take offence, how can (he
reraliate ? Your vefEls are now
fcqueftered fo foo.i as they enter
her ports, and what more can Hie
do ? In fadt, fir, both England and
France have at this moment in o
peratton thofe very adts which
gentlemen arc fo much afraid will
be reforted to, by way of retaliation
—and this bill is a meafure of re- 1
finance againft them. Our Jaws
at prefent forbid any commercial
intercourfe with thofe nations. Ic
is propofed to repeal them—tore
new our commercial relations under
certain limitations j and we are to
be alarmed with the idea of retalia-’
tion. For whac will they retaliate ?
Why, fir, for the abandonment of
a meafure which fome gentlemen
fuppofe .operates moft imperioufly
upon them—for taking ground ap
. parently lefs hoftile than that we
now occupy. The truth is, in my
opinion, that the frque ft rations of
American property in France, has
refuked from the prefent non-fn
tercourfe law, and if is more than
probable if this bill jfhould paft,
they will not take place. Ic is
known to Napoleon that American
veffels are prohibited by our own
laws and by the Britifh orders from
trading with his dominions j and
when they arrive they are fequef
tered according to the Bayonne
decree, on’ the prefumpnon that
thaugn nominally American* they
are in fadt Britifh property. The
Emperor of France cannot be ig
norant that England is reaping ad
vantages from the non-incercourfe,
while it deeply affedfs his iaterefts*.
and he will do every thing in his
power to put an end to its continu
ance. Such, as I apprehend, are
the motives for the fequtftraiions,
about which we have heard fo
much. And fo far from holding
out'inducements for evefiuns of
your law, they are calculated to en
force it. Bur, it is faid this bill
will deftroy a very profitable indi
rect: trade, which is now carried on
through Tonningenand fome other
ports on the continent, inafmuch
as it forbid; the importation of ar
ticles except direflly from the coup
tries of which they are the growth
cr inanufadture. If gentlemen will
look at the letter of Count Cham
pagny to Gen. Armftrong, dated
sad of Auguft laft, they will find
that that this trade is either already
prohibited or will be forbidden, if
the non-interCourfe continues. He
writes thus—“ The American em
bargo has been railed ; a fyftem of
exclufion has been fubftituted for
it. The continental powers leagued
againft England, make a Common
caufe ; they aim at the fame ob
jedf i they will reap the fame ad
vantages ; they ought alfo to run
the fame rfques. The ports of Hoi
land, cf the Elbe, of the V/eJer , of
Italy, and of Spain will not enjoy any
advantages of which tbojs of France
* may be deprived. They will both be
open or pout at the fame time to the
(Ns. 104.