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VOL. XXIII.-ND. 88. The CartersviHe Express, Established Twenty Years. Rates and terms. SUBSCRIPTIONS. One copy one year ?1 r.O One copy six months 7* One copy three months.... 50 Payments invariably in advance. ADVEKTSIINO RATES. Advertisements will he insertdl at the rates of One Dollar per inch for the first insertion, aild Fifty Cents for each additional insertion. Address S. A. CUNNINGHAM. ■■■" * ' ■" ■ ■—' J BAttTOW COUNTY—OFFICIAL DIRECTORY. County Officers. Ordinary—J. A. Howard—Ollice, court h ouse. Sheriff—Jas. Kennedy. deputy sheriff—A. M . Franklin, Clerk ol Superior Court—Thos. A. Word. Treasurer—Humphrey Cobh. Tax Collector—W. W. Rich. Tax Receiver—W. W. Ginn. Commissioners—J. H. Wikle, secretary; A. llnight; W. I. Denham ; A. (J. Trimble; T. C. Moore. CITY OFFICERS—CARTERSVILLE. Mayor—R. B. Trippe. Board of Aldermen—J. C.Woffford, E. Payne; L A. Chapman, A. E. Barron; Jno. A. Stover, M. H.Gilrcath; W. (3. Edwards, R. W. Satter field. Clerk—George Cobb. Treasurer—Benjamin F. Mountcastle. Marshals--. John A. Gladden, James I>. Wil kerson. CHURCH DIRECTORY. Methodist—Rev. P. M. ltyburn, pastor. Pleaching every Sunday at 11 o’clock a. m. and 8 o’clock, p. m. Sunday school every Sunday at 9 o’clock a. m. Prayer meeting on Wednesday night* a icabyterian--Rcv. Theo. E. Smith, pastor. Preaching every Sunday at 11 o’clock, a. m. Sunday school every -Sunday at 9 o’clock. Prayer meeting on Wednesday night. Baptist—Rev. R. B. Headen, pastor. Preach ing every Sunday at 11 o’clock, a. m., and 8 p. m. Sunday school every Sunday at 9 o’clock, Prayer meeting on Wednesday night. Episcopal—A. W. Rees, Rector. Services oc casionally. SECRET SOCIETIES. STAR LODGE, No. 322. I, O. G. T. Meets at their hall oyer J. W. Jackson’s store, every Thursday night. CIIAS. E. HA BIGHT, W. C. T. W. R. Shockley, Secretary. A K.NIGHTS OF HONOR* Bartow Cos. Lodge, No. 148, meets every Ist and 3rd Monday night Carry’s Hail, east side of the *- Tty square, Cartersville, Ga. W. L. Kirkpatrick, A. C. Smith, Reporter. Dictator American legion of honor, carters yille Council, No. 152, meets every second and fourth Monday nights in Curry’s hail. Geo. S Cobb, J, W. Harris, Jr., Secretary. Com m under. POST OFFICE DIRECTORY. Mails North open 7:30 am 4:52 pm Mails South open 10:10 a m 9:04 p m Cherokee R. R. open 6:55 p m Mails North close 7:OU a m 4:00 p m Hails South close 9:45 a m B:3U p m jherokee RR. close 1 :30 a m Reck Mail, via Fail-mount, leaves Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays at 5:00 am. Arrives Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays at 5:00 p in. Money Order and Registered Loiter Office open from 8:45 amtos pm. General Delivery open from 8 a m to 6 pm, Open on Sunuay from 9am to 10:30 am. J. R. VYIKLE, P. Al. WESTERN & ATLANTIC R. R. ON AND AFTER June 20th, 1880, trains on this road will run as follows: northward! STATIONS, j No. 1. j No. 3, | No. 11. | \^ u - Atlanta, 2 50pm 5 20am 7 50am 5 10pm Marietta, 3*5 “ 6 06 “ 8 43 “ 6 09 “ Carte vs Ve 430 “ 723 “ 940 “ 722 “ Kingston, 500 “ 761“i10 18 “ 800 “ Dalton, 628 “ 9 20“ 12 03pm' Chatta’ga. 825 “ 10 56 “ I 140 “ _• _ eoU’MIWARIJt * stations, j No. 23 j .No. 4, Ny. 0, Chatta’ga. 5 25pm 7 05am 0 45am Dalton, * 7)5“ 837 -. 1013 “ Kingston, 843 “ 10 16 “ 107 pm 5 30am Carters v’e 907 “ .10 46 “ 202 “ 604 “ Marietta, 1012“ 1151“ 429 “ 733 “ Atlanta, 1100 “ |l2 40pm 615 “ .850 “ CHEROKEE RAILROAD. ON AND AFTER Monday,September 6,1880, trains on this road will run daily, except Sunday, as follows: WESTWARD. STATIONS. NO. 1. NO. 3. Leave Cartersville, 9:50 am 2:30 pm Arrive ac Stilesboro 10:30 a m 3:10 p m “ Taylorsville... 11:50 a m 3:30 pm • Itock mart 11:45 am 4:35 pm “ Cedar town .... 1:15 pm 6:00 p m EASTWARD. ST ATIONS. NO. 2. NO. 4. Leave Cedartown 3:25 pin 6:30 a m Arrive at Rockmart 4:28 pin 8:25 a m “ Taylorsville... 5:22 pin 9:50 a m *• Stilesboro 5:47 p m 11:35 a m “ Cartersville.... 6:30 pm 12:20 pm ROMS RAILROAD COMPANY. On and after Monday, Nov. IT, trains on this Road will run as follows: MORNING TRAIN —EVERY DAY. Leaves Rome 6.30 a m Arrives at Rome 10.00 a m EVENING TRAIN—SUNDAYS EXCEI'TED. Leaves Rome 5:00 am Arrives at Rome ■ 8:00 p m Roth trains will make connection at Kings ton with trains on the W. and A. Railroad, to and from Atlanta and points South. Eben Uillyer, Pres. Jas. A. Smith, G. P. Agt. TANARUS, W. MILNER. J. w. HARRIS, JR. a ii %itit is, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, CARTERSVILLE, GA. Office on West Main street, above Erwin. ~X7w.’fiteT" ITTORHEY IT LAW,, CARTERSVILLE, GA., Office: —With Col. A. Johnson, West side public square. When not at office, can be found at office of Carters rill e Expu. 8, Opera House. NT. JAKE HOT K 1., (CARTERS VILLI, E Oil,) __ The undresigned has recently taken charge ol' this elegant new hotel. It has been newly furnished and is first-class in all respects, SAMPLE ROOM FOR COMMERCIAL TBAVELEIiS. 1' avorable terms to traveling tfieatrical cO*- cotnpanics. L. C. 11088. Proprietor, NATTokaL lIOTK J., DALTON, GA. J. Q. A. LE'Wiis, Proprietor. mUE ONLY' FIRST CLASS HOTEL IN TIIE X City. Large, well ventilatw*! rooais,splen did sample rooms for commercial travelers, polite waiters and excellent pure water. Rates moderate, sepltßf FOR THE SENATE. General Lawton Called Upon to State His Relation to the Political Is sues Before the Country —His Charges Against Governor Brown Fully Refuted. Atlanta, September 28, 1880. To TITE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA : 1 notice by the newspapers that General A. 11. Lawton, of Savannah, is engaged in an active canvass of the state as a candidate against me for election to the United States senate when our legislature convenes. It was natural to expect that a candidate for United States senator, addressing the people in the different counties and sections of the state in his own behalf, would map out some line of policy intended to be pursued by him if he should be elected. If General Lawton has pur sued this course 1 have failed to see any account ot it in the newspapers. Where does he stand on the currency question? Is he in favor of gold and silver as legal tender to the bondholders arid to the people; or is he in favor of a paper currency ; and with what guarantees? How will he vote on a modification of the tariff? What is his position on the improvement of the rivers and har bors of our state ? Will he, if elect ed to go to the United States senate, make a few Bourbon speeches in ref erence to the position and doctrines of the south in the past, or will he assume a progressive position and la bor in a practical way to secure for the state of Georgia, while her peo ple bear their proportion of the bur dens of the government, a just dis tribution among them of its benefits? Will he seek to build up the waste places, to open new channels of com munication by the removal of ob structions where they now exist in our vast forests, so as to encourage the transportation of our timber, our turpentine and other productions to the markets of the world? Will he labor to improve the inland channels of navigation within our borders? Will he aid in the passage of a bill to pension tbe soldiers of the Mexi can and Indian wars? And can he exercise that sort of fact, common sense and talent necessary to make his efforts a success in behalf of our people? Will ho aid in the great cause of popular education? Hoe? he believe, since the colored people are made citizens with all the rights of c lizenship, that it is the duty of the white people to aid in making them the best citizens in our power? Does he believe as slavery was abol ished by the action of the whole un ion to aid in the education of the colored people of the south? And will he do all in his power if elected to the senate to have the proceeds of the public lands set apart as a per manent fund for the education of the people, to be distributed among Ih states in proportion to the illiteracy of the people of the different states ? Will lie aid to the full extent ot his power and in such manner as to make his efforts of practical utility, in passing through congress sucli leg islation as is necessary to promote the great cause of popular education? On all of these questions my posi- tions has been communicated to the public. But in reference to them and to others that might be of im portance to the people of our state, ttie general has been, if correctly re ported studiously sileut. lie has committed himself to no line of pol icy. He has given our people no promise of relief as the result of his labors if he should be seut to lepre sent our state in the highest branch of our national councils. But what is the platform laid down by General Lawton upon which he has made his cauvass of the state as a candidate for senator? All 1 have seen is that Alfred H. Colquitt is a weak man, incompetent to the discharge of the duties of gov ernor of this state ; and that I am a man of ability, but lacking in char acter, and au arch traitor. I do not know whether General Lawton’s speeches have been correctly repor ted, but the reports have gone to the world and I have seen no correction of them from him. I must therefore take it for granted that he approves of the report giveu to the public. In his speech at Macon, if correctly re ported, he mentions me as that arch traitor aud in his speech at Augusta, in in ferring to me, he is reported to have said, “I hold that in political life, ability is necessary.: but charac ter is one hundred times above, and must always be considered injg>ed)e : stowal of an office.” In’other words, ho admits my anility and assails my CARTERSVILLE, GA., THURSDAY", OCTOBER 7, 1880. character. That is a question that it may be considered indelicate for me ! to discuss with General Lawton. But as the assault is made in this shape, by a man aspiring to the high office of United States senator, I may be pardoned for saying, tnat if meeting every obligation, and the prompt compliance with every promise, dealing justly and fairly with every human being, and the prompt pay merit of every indebtedness when due; exercising charity to ihe needy and the prompt relief of the suffering when in my power; discharging faithfully every public trust commit ted to me, and the exercise of vigi lance for the promotion of the public good ; posessing the nervo and in dependence to tel! the people who had honored me the truth when the truth was unpopular; and the mor al courage to labor for their good when my motives were misunder stood and my conduct misrepresen ted ; practicing a morality which de fies successful attack ; and the faith ful discharge of every duty, public and private, to the best ot my ability constitute character, then, and I say it in no boastful spirit, I shrink not from a comparison with my oppo nent who makes himself my assail ant nor with any one else who as sumes the role of my calumniator. And I say to General Lawton, de fame not an opponent who stands in the way of your ambition, by deal ing in generalities; make charges and specifications which you are pre pared to sustain; or have the man liness to retract and make repara tion as far as you may for the wrong you have attempted to perpetrate. In the language of my opponent, who like the Pharisee of old, would seem to thank his God that he i3 not like other men, I am not only a man of ability and of “talent” “wonder ful talent,” but lam an “arch trai tor.” Traitor to what? When did I betray a cause, a friend, or a trust of any kind? When did I mislead a friend or practice deception upon any one? Here again my accuser is careful to make no specifications. True, he refers to 18G8, in general terms, as is usual with tho-e of my assailants who unable to see the end from the beginning, and destitute of the moral firmness required to step into the breach and strive to correct erroneous popular sentiment, chose to float with the current and while pandering to the angry passions of the misguided multitude sought to increase the applause ot their delu 1 ed associates by denouncing as trai tois those who had the sagacity to discern and the honesty to tell them the truth. But how did I betray the people of Georgia in ISG7-8 ? I told them that the war party in a great revo lution like that we had just passed through, when the war was success ful, would control the government for a long term of years. Has it been true? Was I right? I told our people that the party of the majority had the power to en force tbe reconstruction acts and the thirteenth and fourteenth constitu tional amendments; and that how ever hard the terms dictated by out conquerors might be, we would be compelled to accept them; that there was no escape from it. Was I right? Have we accepted the re construction acts and the thirteenth and fourteenth constitutional amend ments? Do we not even vie with the republicans now in our loyalty to these measures and in our prom ises not to interfere with them? Was Ia traitor when I told the people the truth and predicted that which has come to pass ? In 1867 I told the people of Geor gia that if we refused to accept the terms then dictated and to adopt the fourteenth constitutional amend ment, still farther terms would be dictated, and we would be compell ed to accept them. Was I right? We lejected tbe fourteenth amend meat, and congress then dictated the fifteenth amendment, and we were obliged to adopt both beforo we were admitted back' to representa tion in congress. We did adopt them both. Who, then, was right. I or my opponent who acted on the other'side? He, and those with whom he then acted, cried peace without compliance, and there was no peace. They misled the people with the delusive hope that we could disregard the constitutional amend ments and return to the union with out their adoption. Results have shown that they were false prophets. yy*s L a traitor to Georgia, or to the south, because t foresaw the results and warned our people of the conse- quences? I leave the intelligent vo ters of Georgia to decide. But I did not act with the demo cratic party in 1868. No I did no". I never in .any instance failed tjo vote and act with the democratic party when it stood on the platform it occupied prior to the war; and I have never ill any instance failed to vote and act with the democratic party when it stood on the plat form it now occupies. In IBGB it stood on neither platform. At that time its platform was revolutionary and meant resistenct to the reeon stuetion acts. It nominated Gener al Blair for vice-president because he had written and published a letter declaring the reconstruction acts un constitutional, null and void; and had taken the position that the president ought so to declare them and to refuse to exe cute them. I considered this, under the circumstances, an insane plat form, and as I foresaw very clearly that the reconstruction acts mu9t un doubtedly be enforced, and that any attempt to resist them w’ould end in revolution and in another civil war in which we would be obliged again to fall, I took position In favor of ac cepting the reconstruction acts and adopting the constitutional amend ments, and I supported the candi date who stood on that platform. Upon this issue I supported Govern or Bullock in opposition to General Gordon, who ran as the candidate opposed to the reconstruction meas- ures. But it is charged that I accepted office under Bullock’s administration . That is true; I accepted the position of chief justice of the supreme court of my state under that administra tion and the Hon. Hiram Warner accepted the position of associate jus tice. We sat side by side on that bench, both held commission from from Bullock until I retired from the bench and left Judge Warner there holding Bullock’s commission while Bullock was yet governor. My opponent lauds Judge Warner as one who has served the state for fourscore years, has no taint upon his ermine and no blot upon his es cutcheon. If Warner could accept and hold office under Bullock’s ad ministration without the slightest stain, why should I be branded as a traitor for having accepted a position by his side and held it under the same administration? But my accusers say I voted for Grant in 1868. That is true. At the time I voted for General Grant he had never in his life cast any but a democratic vote. He was a mili tary chieftain, and the very fact that he had received the sword of Gener al L j e at the surrender gave him, in the estimation of the people of the United States, a right to the presi dency. Opposition to him, as I then predicted, and as results have shown, was obliged to be fruitless. Toe re publican party, as the war party, were the conquerors. We were tlie conquered. And, if the whole peo ple of the south, and, indeed, of the whole union, had acted as I did and taken up Grant and voted for him without making an issue with him, and had at once accepted the recon struction acts and adopted constitu tional amendments, the southern states would have been re-admitted to representation in congress without delay, and we should have gone through none of the period of carpet bag rule, which-has been so trying to our people. Having surrendered our arms, we were no longer able to make an effective resistance and by a prompt acquiescence ih the terms dictat’d by the conqueror, we would have at once resumed our po sition in the union ..with representa tion in congress. At the end of four years, it is not improbable that General Grant, a life long democrat, would have ac cepted his second nomination from the democratic party, and not from the republican. But if he had not, there was ample time during that period for the allignmentof parties upon the great practical national i9- su s which divide the people in times of peace. If this course had been adopted, the “bloody shirt” would no longer have waved, and there is no room for reasonable doubt that the democracy would, years ago, have gone into power and taken control of the destinies of the gov ernment. But let us trace the history a little further. In 1868, when I voted for Grant, the then so called democratic party, which.stood neither upon the old democratic platform nor upon the present democratic platform, re- fused ,to vote ior hint, and made the issqe squarely against the reeonstruc tion measufi Sand the constitution ality of the amendments. Finding that they had made a great mistake, in IS72—ju-t lour years too late— they retraced their steps and adopted a platform, acquiescing in the recon struction acts and the constitutional amendments to the fullest extent ; and they nominated as their candi date, not General Grant, a life-long democrat, nor any other democrat, but Horace Greeiy, a life-long ene- my of the democracy, whq. had done more to build up the abolition party in the north—to create abolition sen timent, and to bring about the di vision which ended in the disrup tion of the union and the abolition of slavery, than any man npon the American continent. Yes, they nominated Horace Greeiy, who nev er cast a democratic vote in his life, and they placed him upon a plat form ; accepting tiie reconstruction acts and the constitutional amend ments ; and my opponent, I pre sume, voted for him. If he did not, the democratic party voted for him, and voted for him upon a platform identical in principle with the one I stood on in 1868. If then I was a traitor to the cause of the south when I voted for Grant, a life-long demo crat, in 1868, were not the whole south traitors when they voted for Greeiy upon the reconstruction plat form in 1872? Did I betray the democracy and abandon the princi ples of the party ? No. The so-call ed democracy of 1868 abandoned the platform of principles upon which it had previously stood, and went off upon an issue which was not main tainable and upon which success was an impossibility. In 1872, seeing the awkward dilemna in which they were placed, and the hopelessness of their cause on their platform, they abandoned it, and came and planned themselves upon the reconstruction platform which I had occupied in 1868 and nominated Greeiy as their standard-bearer. I did not abandon the position I had previously taken, because the democracy came to me. But I hade them welcome, and, ob jeetionable as was their candidate, I supported him, because he was the democratic nominee upon the recon struetion platform which I bad occu pied four years before. Was this treason to Georgia?—to the south?— or to my party ? But let us draw the contrast a little furt her. In 1868 the substance of the democratic platform, including Gen eral Blair’s letter as a part of it, was that the reconstruction acts and pro posed constitutional amendments were unconstitutional, null and void. In 1872, the democratic platform accepts the reconstruction acts, ard the pariy pledges itself not to dis tjrbthtm. In 1876, when Tilden wis nominated the democratic con vention of the union resolved that they were devoted to the constitu tion with tie amendments. And in 1880, General Hancock, as the stand ard bearer of the democracy, in his letter of acceptance, says: “The thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the constitution of the United States, embodying the results of the war for the union, are inviolable. If called to the presiden cy, I shall deem it my duty to resist, with all my power, any attempt to impair or evade tlie fall force and ef fect of the constitution, which, in every article, section and amend ment, is the supreme law Uw of the land.” My opponent was in the convention that nominated Hancock and voted for him and to-day advo cates his eUcrion upon this very let ter of acceptance. Who, then, has proven traitor ? I, who accepted What General Hancock says embod ies the results of the war, in 1868, and who stand there to-day ?—or my opponent who then weut with the party which stood upon a platform denying these results of the war, and pronouncing them “unconstitutional, null and void,” but who has now abandoned that platform and c >rae over to the one I occupied in 1838? Who has proven untrue to his plat form of 1868? I or my opponent? Have I gone to his platform of 1868, or has lie come to mine? Artful politicians may mislead the people for a time, and by pandering to their prejudices and giving them bad advice because, it is popular, cause them to err. But the great mass of the peonle are hones’, and while they may sometimes be misled, yet when you give them time they wili come to correct conclusions, and they will honor those who have been faithful to them and told them the S. A. CUNNINGHAM. truthTn the hoar of adversity, while they will turn a deaf ear to the ravings of those who misled and de ceived them with false promises and hopes in the time of their greatest p-ril. General Lawton seems to think tly* way to baild himself is to attempt to pull down his opponent. Detraction, therefore, becomes one of the principle weapons of his war fare, He refers to my speech in the senate, and while he admits what he is pleased to term my ability and “wonderful talent,” he finds nothing in the speech to commend. He says he was in Washington at the time and heard the speeches, and it is only necessary to stick a pin in my balloon for it to collapse forever. I confess my surprise at this statement of my opponent. My speech on the Savan uah harbor bill was commenced on the first day ot June and completed on the second. My speech upon the pension bill was delivered on the 12th of June. The general is reported say ing he heard the speeches. He must have remained nearly two weeks in Washington to have heard them all; or he mu9t have been there and heard the first, and then retired and re„ turned in time to hear the second. It was my misfortune not to seeGeneial Lawton in the gallery when the speeches were delivered; nor did I see him in the capital while I was there; and if he was even in Wash ington city during the time of my stay I did not have the pleasure to meet him. I trust, however, in the future he may frequently have the the honor to be in the senate gallery to hear me speak. When not a can didate I think he would have a bet ter opinion of my speeches. As already stated the pension speech was delivered on the 12th of June. On the 14th of June he sent me a dis patch from Atlanta urging my sup port of a measure in which I under stand a relative of his in Baltimore was greatly interested; and asking me to enlist Senator Bayard, Jones, Hampton, Random and other friends in the senate, in favor of his meas ure. If the general was there two days before, and heard my speech in the senate, it is a little remarkable he did not then visit me, and lay before me the wishes of his relative and of the friends whom ho repre sented. And if I have as little posb* tion in the senate as he would make you believe, why did he ask me to enli9t such senators a3 those above named in behalf of his favorite measure? Referring to the appropriation for Savannah, he says “the bill had passed before Brown took his seat.” This is not true; the bill passed after I took my seat, for I voted upon its passage. Again he says of my pension speech, “the northern papers laugh and say Brown killed the bill.” What northern paper laughed at it and said I killed it? Here again he deals in generalities, and doe3 not deign to give facts or to be specific. It has been the observation of writers on the law of evidence, that he who comes into court to misrepresent, is apt to be very general in his state ments. If any northern papers has said that I killed the pension bill, it spoke as my opponent seems to speak, in utter ignorance of the facts, or with a purpose to misrepresent The bill was taken up at the Instance of Senator William?, of Kentcky, who had it in charge, and was discussed during one afternoon and went over. The next morning the business of the morning hour took precedence, and on account of the near approach of the adjournment of the senate, the bill was not again taken up for dis cussion. There are a number of other senators who expect to be heard on it when it is reached in its order on the calendar. It stands there to day, as some thousands of other bills stand, many of which have been partially discussed, but are yet undis posed of, to be passed upon in its or der at the session commencing in December next. No vote has been taken upon the bill. Only part of the senators who desire to speak have been heard on this unfinished business. But I do not care further to notice General Lawton’s misrepr* senta tions, quibblings and special plead ings upon this point. Many of the intelligent voters of Georgia have had an opportunity to read my speeches and I leave them to judge as to their ability, and whether they were practical and such as the people of Georgia desired their represent atives to make. Did I place the har bor of Savannah properly before the \ Continued on Fourth Page.\