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VOL. XXIII-NO. 39. Tlic Cartersville Express, Established Twenty Years. KATES AND TERMS. SUBSCRIPTIONS. One copy One year $1 50 One copy six months *75 One copy three months 50 Payments invariably iu advance. ADVERTSIING RATES. Advertisements will be inserted at the rates of One Dollar per ineh lor the first insertion, ar.d Fifty Cents for each additional insertion. Addres o S. A. CUNNINGHAM. f— —- ' ""l 1 "" _ _ - 'l3 BARTOW COUNTY—OFFICIAL DIRECTORY. County Oflicers. Ordinary—J. A. Howard—Office, courthouse. Sheriff—Jas. Kennedy. Deputy sheriff—A. M. Franklin, Clerk of Superior Court —Tiios. A. Word. Treas ur or—l ium ph rey Cobb. Tax Collector—W. W. Rich. Tax Receiver— W. W. Ginn. Commissioners—J. 11. Wikle, secretary; A. Knight; W. I. Benham ; A. C. Trimble; T. C. Moore. CITY OFFICERS—CARTERSVIILE. Mayor— It. B. Trippe. Board ol Aldermen—J. C.WoflTord, E. Fayne; L. A. Chapman, A. L. Barron; Jno. A. Stover, M. 11. Gilreath; W. (J. Edwards, 11. W. Satter lleld. Clerk—George Cobb. Treasurer—Benjamin F. Moun teas tie. Marshals--John A. Gladden, James D. Wil kerson. CHURCH DIRECTORY. Methodist—Rev. P. M. Ryburn, pastor. Preaching evex-y Sunday at 11 o’clock a. m. and 8 o’clock, p. m. Sunday school evex-y Sunday at 9 o’clock a. m. Prayer meeting on Wednesday night. Presbyterian--Rev. Theo. 15. Smith, pastor. Preaching uvery Sunday at 11 o’clock, a. m. Sunday school every Sunday at 9 o’clock. Prayer meeting on Wednesday night. -Baptist.-Rev. R. B. Ileaden, pastor. Preach ing evci-y Sunday at 11 o’clock, a. m., and 8 p. m. Sxxnday school evei-y Sunday at 9 o’clock, Prayer meeting on Wednesday night. Episcopal—A. W. Rees, Rectoi-. Services oc casionally. SECRET SOCIETIES. STAR LODGE, No. 322. I, O. G. T. Meets at their hall oyer J. W. Jackson’s store, every Thursday night. CHAS. E. HARK TIT, W. C. T. W. R. Shockley, Secretary. A KNIGIITS OF HONOR. jjOL f Barlow Cos. Lodge, No. MB, meets VjHjjJiyMv cvci-y Ist and 3rd Monday night Curry’s Hall, cast side of the square, Cartersville, Ga. W. L. Kirkpatrick, A.C. Smith, Reporter. Dictator A MERICAN LEGION OF HONOR, Carters yille Council, No. 152, meets every second and fourth Monday nights in Curry’s hall. GEO. S, Cobb, ‘ J. W. Harris, JR., Secretary. Ug*ttrnander. POST OFFICE DIRECTORY. Mails North open 7:30 a m 4:52 p m Mails South open 10:10 a ixx 9:04 p m ‘Jherokeo R. R. open 6:55 p m V alls North close 7:ou ain 4:00 p m A ails South close 9:45 a m 8:30 p m j.ioiokee 11. R. close r .'rco ... Talking Reck Mail, via Fail-mount, leaves Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays at 5:00 am. Arrives Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays at 5:00 p m. 1‘ | “Money Order and Registered Letter Office open from 8:45 a m tosp m. General Delivery open from 8 a m to 6 p in. Open on Sunday from 9am to 10:30 am. j. R. W IKLE, P. M . WESTERN & ATLANTIC It. It. ON AND AFTER June 20th, 1880, trains oil this road will run as follows: northward. STATIONS. | No. 1. | No. 3, j No. 11. j Atlanta, 2 50pm 5 20am 7 50am 5 10pm Marietta, 3 '-*5 “ 6 06 " 8 43 “ 6 09 *" Carte is v’e 4 36“ 723 “ 949 “ 722 “ Kingston, 500 “ 7 51“ 11018“ 800 “ Dalton, 628 “ 926 “ 12 03pm Chatta’ga. 825 “ 10 56 “ | 140“ SOUTHWARD. STATIONS. No. 2. j No. 4, No. 6, (.halta’ga. 5 25pm 7 05am 6 45am Dalton, 7 15“ 837 “ 10 13“ Kingston, 843 “ 10 16“ 107 pm 5 30am Cartersv’e 907 “ ,10 46 “ 202 “ 604 “ Marietta, 10 12“ 1151“ 429 “ 733 “ Atlanta, 11 00 “| 12 40pm 615 “ 850 “ CHEROKEE RAILROAD. ON AN I) AFTER Monday, September G, 1880, trains on this road will run daily, except Sunday, as follows: WESTWARD. STATIONS. NO. I. NO. 3. Leave Cartersville, 9:50 ani 2:30 p m Arrive ac Stilesboro 10:30 a m 3:10 p m “ Taylorsville... 11:50 ain 3:30 pm “ Rockmart 11:45am 4:35 pm “ Cedartown .... 1:15 p m 6:00 p m EASTWARD. Noi Leave Cedartown 8:25 p m 6:30 a m Arrive at Rockmart 4:28 p m 8:25 ain “ Taylorsville... 5:22 pm 9:50 am ‘- Stilesboro 5:47 pm 11:35 am “ Cartersville.... 6:80 p m 12:20 p m ROME RAILROAD COMPANY. On and after Monday, Nov. 17, trains on this Road will run as follows: MORNING TRAIN—EVERY DAY. Leaves Rome 6.30 a m Arrives at Rome 10.00 a m EVENING TRAIN—SUNDAYS EXCEPTED. Leaves Rome 5:00 am Arrives at Rome 8:00 p m lloth trains will make connection at Kings ton with trains on the W. and A. Railroad, to and from Atlanta and points South. Eben Hillyer, Pres. Jas. a. Smith, G. P, Agt. TANARUS, W. MILNER. .J. W. HARRIS, JR. & IIAUKIS, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, CARTERSVILLE. GA. Office on West Main street, above Erwin. A. W- FITE ™ ATTORNEY AT LAW, CARTERS YILLE, GA,, Office:—With Col. A. Johnson, West side P*blic square. When not at office, can be found at office of Cartersville Express, Opera House. HT. JA M JE H HOTJBIa, (CARTERSVILLE, E CIA,) milE UNDERSIGNED HAS RECENTLY Jl taken charge of this elegant new hotel. It has been newly furnished and is first-class in all respects, SAMPLE ROOM FOR COMMERCIAL TRAVELERS. terms to traveling theatrical com companies. C. IIOSS, Proprietor. NAT lOk AJL IfiOT JK Sj , DALTON, GA. J. ty. A. LEWIS, Proprietor. HP I rat°*\ LY F IR-8T CLA SB HOTEL IN THE (iui Lar^e ’ we fi ventilated rooms, splen roonis Jor commercial travelers, 1 , ters aml excellent pure water, ww Hates moderate. scplfttf POLITICAL. Why Should Republicans Support the Democratic Ticket. We copy from the Free Press of last week the following sensible words from Joshua: “For several years past I have no ticed the status of the colored voters, religiously and politically, and have promised to call special attention to the subject through the press. No poison can be surprised to see the solored people affiliate, political ly, with republicans, when they re flect for a moment that all the polit ical information they have, has been derived from republican sources. The fact that republicans claim now to have suppressed the rebellion in the interest of emancipation, invests that party with a prestige and moral power difficult to be resisted or disre garded on thescore of gratitude. To have acted otherwise would not have been in keeping with the instincts of humanity. But, do not farties change? Do not men change their policy as cir cumstanceschange?This change of pol icy and party platforms are not neces sarily inconsistent with integrity of principle, in all case?, by no means. To properly understand the genius of our political institutions, cannot be accomplished in a day ; nor from a partizan standpoint. lie that would honestly know the cardinal issues that have characterized the history of parties since 1787, when the federal constitution was formed, will have to dig deeper for bottom facts and fundamental principles, than can be learned from a partizan press. Here lies the great trouble with the color ed voter. lie neither receives nor cares to investigate any political fact, theory or principle, that is tendered by any person or party, other than the republican; and when this an nounced by a republican of respect able standing, they receive it abso lutely, with the credulity of a child, and without even a question as to its correctness. This want of inqu Iry on the part of the colored voter is attrib utable to a distrust of those with whom he resides, in consideration of former relationships, and the con stant reminders by the republican press of their ante helium condition of servitude. That the colored people should feel grateful to those who emancipated them is both natural and reasonable. But the colored voter is under a de lusion as to who did procure his emancipation and aro to-day his best friends. To this statement colored voters will no doubt smile in derision. Let them listen to facts and figures. The historical facts, to which I call especial attention of colored voters, will require two articles. The first inquiry I shall make is, when was the republican party formed, who formed it, and what were the princi ples then, os incorporated in its plat form ? The republican party was formed in 1856, essentially upon the slav ery issue, which was then paramount. This party was composed of whigs and democrats, for, prior to that pe riod there were no other parties, save the know-nothings. The principles set forth by this new party in 1856, were these, viz: opposition to the repeal of the Missouri compromise; to the extensiou of slavery into free territories; iu favor of admitting Kansas as a free state; of restoring the action of the federal government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson, and that a railroad to the Pacific ocean, by the most central and practicable route is imperatively demanded by the interest of the whole country.” Who were con spicuous members of this new party? Steward, Greely, Sumner, Weller, Adams, Blair, Palmer, Turnbull, and a host of others. Those that are alive are democrats, those that have died left the party, because its mis sion was accomplished by the war. The war settled eternally the sub jects of slavery iu ail its phases. There is no Missouri compromise now; lo issuo of free soil; Kansas was admitted as a free state in ISGI, and the Pacific railroad has been completed for a number of years. Sensible men quit the republican par ty when it had finished its mission, and commenced a war upon the con stitution and tho principles long rec ognized by Washington and Jeffer son. But further: In IS6O the plat form was substantially the same as that of 1856, with these two resolu tions: Fourth, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the state, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domes* CAETEKSVILLE, GA., TI TUESDAY, OCTOBEE 14, 1880. tic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our po litical faoric deoends; and we de nounce the lawless invasion by arm ed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter under what pre text as among the greatest of crimes. Sixth. That the people view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department cf the federal government; that a re turn to rigid economy, and account ability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the treasury by partizans, while the recent startling developments of fraud and corrup tion at the federal metropolis show that en entire change of administra tion is imperatively demanded. This fourth resolution was incorpo rated in Mr, Lincoln’s inaugural ad dress, Now, I ask every candid re publican, white and colored, what part of the platform of 1860 do you advocate? The fourth is peculiarly democratic, and republicans take pe culiar delight in denouncing local self-government, as little less than treason. Need 1 ask what republic cans meant by “restoring the gov ernment to the principles of Wash ington and Jefferson ? ” Why the republican party wrote a prophetic platform for tho democrats of 1880, when they said, “the recent startling developments of fraud and corrup tion at the fedeial metropolis” What was the ‘reckless extravagance’ denounced in 1860 ? The average ex penses of Buchanan’s administration was $65,000,000. The average ordi nary expenses of Grant’s administra tion, while the republicans had con trol of every department, was $170,- 302,325. Read it all and strike, the difference. Let Col. Akerman read and comment upon it through the press, if it be a misrepresentation. “Reckless extravagance!” Was anything, since the government was founded, to bo compared to Grant’s second term? Robeson had been secretary nearly eight years, and spent more than Sioo,GQO,OOO, when Admiral Porter testified on Oath, be fore a committee ot the house of rep resentatives in 1876, that “our navy, taken as a whole, is worth nothing, and the sooner the country under* stands that fact the better.” “Start ling fraud ! ” Who ever read of a greater “fraud” than that of 1876-7 ? Fraud does not express the crime. It is “among the gr alest of crimes.” But, who suppressed the rebellion ? Col. Akerman and all the republican press and orators answer most em phatically, “the republican party.” Well, let figures speak. Mr. Lincoln received, in 1860, 1,866,352 votes, all being republicans. From official documents, it appears that the whole number of volunteers dining the war was 2,678,967. 110 w could 1,866, 852 republicans send 2,678 967 men to suppress the rebellion? The demo cratic state of Missouri gave Lincoln 17,028 votes in 1860, and furnished 109,111 men to the war. Grant and Logan were democratic generals. So were Hancock and McClellan. Then Dix Dickerson and Cass Douglass. Had tho democrats favored the re bellion it would have been a success, for the republicans never could have accomplished its suppression. Nor is it true that republicans abolished slavery. “Well” you answer, “who did then?” Trumbull, a democrat 1 and now a candidate for governor of Illinois, introduced the thirteenth amendment in the senate in 1864, when 16 democrats voted for it, and without 13, it would have been lost. Yet republican orators and the press will continue to repeat, “We sup pressed the rebellion and abolished slavery, and as such, you should vote for the party.” The republican party clamors for a free ballot, and complains that the ballot is not free in the south. No party, having possessson of the gov ernment, ever attempted to interfere with elections up to 1870. Tho fed eral government had been in exist ence 81 years and no complaint had been heard of unfairness in elections. Col. Akerman thinks and says, “No man who has sense enough to get out of a shower of rain can but under stand the constitution on the subject of regulating congressional elections.” How can the election for congress men be regulated by congress, when electors for president takes place at the same time, and not supervise that also. Surely Col. Akerman will not contend that congress has power to regulate the election of president. Admitting that congress has. the right to regulate elections for con. gressmen, it should be fairly doue. Col. Akerman tells the colored voters that there is but one issue between the two parties: “Supervisions of elec tions.” With his permission, I wifi add one more, the great fraud of 1876-7. The people that want a free ballot and fair count, will rebuke that fraud by voting for Hancock, and those who wish to perpetuate power against 250,000 majority, by fraud, bribery anti perjury, will vote for Garfield. According to the pres ent law, the two supervisors are of different political parties; but what of the deputy marshals? Who appoints them? Why, the marshal appoints as many deputy marshals as he pleases for any city of 20,000 inhab itants. The president appoints the marshal, and the whole class is parti san and have things their own way. In 1878, there were 773 deputy mar shals in Philadelphia, all republicans ai $5 per day for ten days. John Homewood, drunk, arrested voters without cause; James Brown, convic tql for illegal voting in 1872; Philip Madden has been in prison twice, a bad man,once for highway robbery aid once for shooting a negro boy; E. Baker locked up a legal voter; Flem ing intimidated many democratic voters; John G. Davenport arrested 2,600 naturalized voters prior to 1876, because the clerks had failed to re cord the papers correctly. Subse quent trials showed the papers were all right. What think you of such regulations when an order from the war department placed the army un der MeDowel at Davenport’s dis posal? Joshua. BEFORE THE NOMINATION. Hancock’s Reluctance to be Spoken of as a Candidate. New York, Oct. B.—The Herald publL’es the following important politicaidispatch: Indianapolis, Oct. 5. —OoloH‘l Blanton Duncan, who recently arrived in this state, has been placed in counties where Gen eral Weaver spoke last week. He has already applied a powerful anti dote to Weaver's speech at Green - Helen oxnosimr the latter’s alleged duplicity in his alliance with the radicals before an audience largelv made up of the greenback candidate’s former hearers. He goes this week to Covington, thence to Marshal, Pu laski and Cass counties. Col. Duncan sends to your correspondent, with a private note, the following letters from General Hancock, never before shown to anybody or published, which, among other things, rather effectually disproves tho statement, widely circulated through the repub lican press, that he (General Hancock) had sought the nomination of the green backers on a ticket with General Butler. The first letter is dated October 29, 1879, and is as follows: “My Dear Colonel:—-I received to day your favor of the 25th, and was much interested in your resume of the working of the political caldron. I have always been of the opinion, and am so still, that, until the democratic party has disposed of the question as to whether they would nominate Mr. Tilden as a sequence of past events, it was folly inside of that or ganization to advance other candi dates if their availability for the fu ture was a question of importance or of interest. I have no part in any programme looking to the future, j My name comes up through friends and foes, possibly, yet I know of no machinery in the interest of my nom ination. It is about as it has always been in that regard. I seem in public opinion to be put forth as an expo nent of certain poiiiical available possibilities, and 1 would be better pleased if permitted to pursue the even tenor of my way untouched by political excitement. I do not wish to bo considered a chronic candidate, for I know what that means when the end comes. So my true friends had better let the matter rest, or, if not, let it drift. “The next election is to be a mo mentous one. What may come out of it, good or bad, I do not know; but I am certain that I cannot assist in leading to a good result more cer tainly than by following the quiet course I have always endeavored to pursue, ll I come in question in pol ities it will have to be from the states and tho people, and not from me. I am very truly yours, “Winfield S. Hancock.” “Very singularly,” writes Colonel Duncan, “therecame to me about the same day a letter from one of the most prominent greenbackers, whose name and that of others concerned I will not mention. They are at the present time most active supporters of Weaver in the plan to aid in the election of Garfield. The letter was marked ‘confidential.’ ” “October 28,1879. —Colonel Blanton Duncan—My Dear Sir: For some time past and myself have been talking over a plan to elect Gen eral Hancock president ot the United States. Our plan is that you write to General Hancock, and if he re sponds with the right views on the financial and labor questions that we then decide to call the national con vention first, nominate Hancock for president and some ex-confederate for vice-president, and it will force the democrats to meet and nominate the same ticket. Your plan of call ing both democratic and national conventions the same day will not work and will give a large element of our party an excuse to say it was a political trade, while my plan i3 one that a large majority of our party will endorse. I hope you will agree on the plan and have a conference with General Hancock on the sub ject.” “That letter,” continues Colonel Duncan, “was forwarded by me,with a recommendation to General Han cock not to make any reply to it. He, however, wrote to me as follows: [confidential.] “November 1, 1879. —My Dear Colonel: Your note has been received 1 do not occupy the position of a po litical candidate, to express any opin ions. lam a soldier in tho federal service, and my usefulness as such, and as a commander, would be im paired if I should take open grounds in favor of the political views of any party. If lam ever a candidate of a party for civil office it will be on the record I have made. I should never make any bid for such office. If I were nominated by a party I would be governed by its platform, or I would not accept the nomination. Therefore, I shall pursue the even tenor of my way, undisturbed by the ambitions which pursuesome people. I am, very truly, yours, “Winfield 8. Han cook.” GARFIELD’S COMING GRIEF. The Trying Ordeal That Awaits Him in the United States Senate. [Washington Post.] Next to the inauguration of Vice- President William H. English, the most attractive feature of the exer„ cises in the senate on the 4th of March next will be connected with Senator Garfield of Ohio, who will, on that day, enter upon a term of six years in a democratic senate. We do not propose to exult over General Gar field’s prospective defeat and disap pointment. Asa man we have no ungenerous sentiment towards him. It is the good fortune that is coming to the country in a democratic tri umph, not the crushing blow that is to fall on General Garfield, that moves our exultation. After the of ficial oath shall have been adminis tered to Vice President English, in the presence of all the cheif digni taries of the nation and representa tives from all foreign courts, General James A. Garfield, with other sena tors-elect, will be called up to the vice-president’s desk to take the oath. What must be his feelings at that hour and in that presence! Near him will be seated General Hancock, waiting for the organiza tion of the senate to be perfected, In order to proceed to the east front of the capital to be inaugurated as pres* ident of the United States. It will not be a cheerful thing for Senator Garfield to remember that the man whom he tried to have mustered out of the army has won the prize for which he strove so earnestly. It will occur to Senator Garfield that the whirligig of time is sure to avenge the meanness of men and the wrongs which they do or try to do. When the grand procession is formed to move to the east front, the new Ohio senator may affect a cheerful mein and step off with alacrity, but he will feel as if he were marching to his own funerel, for it will be the fu nerel of his ambition. And when he has settled into his new place, how otten and how terribly he will be wrought on by references to the events of this campaign ! How many times will he be reminded that the weapons used against him were forged in republican workshops! A more unpleasant place for a defeated presidential aspirant could not be contrived by malicious ingenuity than a seat in the senate with tie leaders of the defeated factions, in the persons of Conkling and Blaine, for associates in that body. The S. A. CUNNINGHAM. Chicago fiftht will be fought over again 100 times, and the man who went there to help another and help ed himself will not escape the sharp est satire that masters in irony ctm perpetrate. Day after day the voice of Captain Bassett will be* heard in the senate chamber announcing “messages from the President of the United States,” and year after year General Garfield will be compelled to see and hear the name of Winfield S. Hancock appended to executive papers. It may be an enviable ‘thing, under average circumstances, to be an American senator, but Sen ator Garfield will not be an object of envy to anybody. POLITICAL POWER OF THE SOUTH. The states “lately in rebellion” have not that power which the re publican orators attrioute to us, nei ther in the democratic party at large, in congressional caucus, nor in com mittee room of congress. The dem ocratic party is not a southern party. At the north its vote in 187 G was 3,195,068 ; at the south it polled only 1,089,689 votes. Three-fourths of the democratic party reside north of the Potomac and the Ohio. It is equally incorrect to say that the north is solidly republican. That section is by no means solid for or overwhelmingly for the republican party. The northern vote in 1876 was: Repn bl c an a ,294,801 Democratic 3,195.069 All other votes 93,604 Republican majority 6,078 It is this slight majority of six thousand vetes in a total poll of three and one-half millions that Senator Conkling speaks of as an ovewhelm ing republican vote of the north. In the great northern states which produce so much of the wealth of tho country, and that Mr. Conkling’s basis of political power, we have the following significant showing: Democratic. Republican. Connecticut 61.934 59.034 New York 521,949 489,207 New Jersey 112.962 103,517 Pennsylvania 366,158 384.122 Ohio . 323,182 330,698 Illinois wi mm Total 1,861,412 1,852,821 Here are seven of the richest and largest northern states giving a dem ocratic majority in 1876 of over 8,000 votes. It is charged that the south has control of the democratic caucus in the house. The truth is that the se cedeng states have ninety-two of the democratic members, whereas the other slates have ninety-eight. It is not a fact that the south does not or cannot control the caucus, but it is a fact that the democratic party in con gress unlike the republicans, deny the right of a caucus to dictate party measures. The case of Senator Bay ard and the silver bill is too recent for any public apprehension of king caucus within the ranks of the dem ocratic party. Southern democrats have never submitted to caucus dic tation, and will never attempt to fas ten such dictation upon a free and in dependent party. It will be remem bered that when a majority of the caucus voted to refuse to pass the ap propriation bills at the late session, southern democrats like Lamar, Gor don, Hampron, Stephens and Ran som declined to be bound by the vote. The fear is not from caucus dictation at the hands of southern democrats, but rather from the dic tation of the republican party which has invariab’y used the lash of the caucus to dragoon into the lines men who had “splinters of the constitu* ti on sticking into their gizzards,’’ to to use the expressive language of caucus king Thad Stephens of old.—• Mobile Register. Hill’s Admiration for Grant. Jersey City, N. J., October 9. Senator Hill, of Georgia, addressed a democratic meeting at Library Hall, Jersey City, and, alluding to the Fowler interview with General Grant, said : “No southern man wilt raise his voice against Grant. I have the greatest respect for General Grant. No southerner will ever for get his grand and noble conduct at the surrender. He was greater and grander at Appmattox than any oth er of his victories. His behavion on that occasion will never pass from our memories. If he had proved himself as great a civillian, and had riser, when president above party, he would have had a strong southern support. I certainly never shall abuse him, but hi3 view’s of General Hancock and of the southern people are an error. If he has lound out that Geueral Hancock is crazjvhe is the only man who has made the discovery.