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HANCOCK TO SHERMAN 1 IVOItDS tVOUT;I\ or TIIE ' HEAT SOLDiEII STATESM AN. New Youk, Jtily 31.—The World, to morrovr, will put lisli the following. This letter vv;u written in reply to two letters on the situation received from Gen. Sherman : Cauondelet, i\ 0.. St. Louis. Decem ber 28, 187 G .—My Dear General: Your favor of tho 4t!i instant reached ine in New York on the sth. the day before 1 left for the west. I intended to reply to it before leaving, but cares incident to my departure interfered. Then, again, since my arrival here I have been so occupied with personal affairs of a business nature that I have deferred writing from day to day until this moment, and now I find myself in debt to you another letter. In acknowledgment of your favor of the 17th, received a few days since, I have concluded to leave here on the 29th (to morrow evening), so that I may be expected in New York on the 31st inst. It has been cold and dreary since my arrival hero. I have worked “ like a Turk” (I presume that moans hard work) in the country in making fences, cutting down trees, repairing buildings, &c., &c., and ain at least able to say that St. Louis is the coldest place in the winter and it is the hottest in summer of any that I have encountered in a temperate zone. I have known St. Louis in December to have genial weather through out Lite month. This December has been friged and the river has been frozen more solid than I hayp ever known it. When I heard the rumor that I was ordered to the Pacific coast I thought it probably true ; con sidering the past discussion on that subject, the possibiltiea seemed to me to point that way. Had it been true I should, of course, have presented no complaint nor made re sistance of any kind. I would have gone quickly, if not prepared to go promptly. I certainly would have been relieved from the responsibility and anxieties concerning presi dential matters, which may fall to those near the throne, or in authority, within the next four months, as well as from other incidents or matters which I could not control, and action concerning which I might not approve. I was not exactly prepared to go to Hie Pacific, however, and I, therefore, felt relieved when I received your note informing me that there was no truth in the rumors. Then I did not wish to appear to lie escaping from any re sponsibilities and the possible dangers which may cluster around military commanders in the east, especially in the critical period fast approaching. “ All’s well that ends well.” The whole matter of the presidency seems to me to be simple and to admit of a peaceful solution. The machinery for such a con tingency as threatens to present itself has been all carefully prepared. It only requires lubrication, owing to disuse. The army should have nothing to do with the election or the inauguration of Presidents. The people elect the President and Congress declares in joint session who he is. We of the army have only to obey his mandates, and are protected in so doning only so far as they may be lawful. Our commissions express that. I like Jef ferson’s way of inauguration. It suits our system. He rode alone on horseback to the capitol (I fear it was the old capitol), tied his horse to a rail fence, entered and was duly sworn ; iie then rode to the executive mansion and took possession. He inaugurated himself simply by taking the oath of office. There, is no other inauguration in our system. The people or politicians may institute parades in honor of the event and public officials may add to the pageant by assembling troops and banners, but all that only comes properly after the inauguration, not before. And it is not a part of it. Our system does not provide that one President should inaugu rate another. There might be danger in that, and it was studiously left out of the charter. Put you are placed in an exceptionally im portant position in connection with coming events. The capitol is my jurisdiction also, but l am a subordinate and not on the spot, and if I wore, so, also, would be my superior in authority, for there is the station of general in-chicf. On the principle that a regularly elected President's term of oilicc expires with the third of March (of which I have not the slightest doubt) and which the laws bearing on the subject uniformly recognize, and in consideration of the possibility t‘:at the law fully elected President may not appear until the sth of March a great responsibility may necessarily fall upon you. You hold over. You will have power and prestige to support yon. The Secretary of War, too, probably holds over, but if no President appears he may not be able to exercise functions in the name of the President, tor iris proper nets are those of a known superior—a lawful President. You act on your own responsibilty and by virtue of a commission only restricted t;>' law. The Secretary of War is tiie mouth piece of a President. You are not. If neither can didate has a constitutional majority of the electoral college, or the Senate and House, on the occasion of the count, do not unite in declaring some person legally elected, by the people, there is a lawful machinery already provided to meet that contingency and decide the question peacefully. It has not been recently used, no occasion presenting itself, but our forefathers provided it. It has been exercised and has been recognized and sub- mitted to as lawful on every hand. That machinery would probably elect Mr. Tilden President, and Mr. Wheeler Vice-President. That would be right enough, for the law provides that a failure to eieet duly by the people, the House shall immediately elect a President and the Senate a Vice-President. .Some tribunal must decide whether the people have duly elected a President, i presume, or course, that it is a joint affirmative action of the Senate and House, or why are they present to witness the count if not to sec that it is fair and just? If a failure to agree arises between the two bodies, there can be no lawful affirmative decision that the people have elected a President and the House must then proceed to act, not the Senate. The Senate elects the Vice-Presidents, not Presi dents. Doubtless, in case of failure by the House to elect a President by the fourth of March, the President of the Senate (if there be one) would be the legitimate person to exercise the presidential authority for the time being, or until the appearance of a lawful President, or for the time laid down in the constitution. Such courses would be peace ful, and, i have a firm belief, lawful. I have no doubt Gov. Hayes would make an excellent President. I have met him and know ol him. For a brief period he served under my com mand, but as the matter stands I can’t see any likelihood of his being duly declared elected by the people unless the Senate and House come to be in accord as to that fact, and the House would, of course, not other wise elect him. What the people want is a peaceful determination of this matter; as fair a determination as possible and a lawful or.e. No other determination could stand the test. The country, if not plunged into a revolution, would become poorer day by day, business would languish and our bonds would come Dune to find a depreciated market. I was not in favor of the military action in South Carolina recently, and if Gen. Huger had telegraphed to me, or asked for advice, I would have advised him not, under any circumstances, to allow himself or hU troop3 to determine who were the lawful members of a Slate Legislature. I could not have given him better advice than to refer him to the special message of the President in the case of Louisiana some time before. But in South Carolina he had the question settled by a decision of the Supreme Court of the State —the highest tribunal which had acted on tlie question—so that his line of duty seemed even to be clearer than in the action in the Louisiana case. If the Federal court had in, terfered and overruled the decision of the State court, there might have been a doubt certainly, but the Federal courtonly interfered to complicate, not to decide or overrule. Any how, it is no business of the army to enter upon such questions, and even if it might be so in any event, if the civil authority is su preme, as the constitution declares it to be, the South Carolina case was one in which the army had a plain duty. Had Gen. Huger asked me for advice, and if I had given it, I should, of course, have notified you of my action immediately, so that it could have been promptly overruled if it should have been deemed advisable by you or any other su perior in authority. Gen. Huger did not ask for nip advice, and I inferred from that and other facts that he did not desire it, or that being in direct communication with my military superiors at the seat of government, who were nearer to him in time and distance than I was, lie deemed it unnecessary. As Gen. Huger had the ultimate responsibility of action, and bad really the greater danger to confront in the final action in the matter, I did not venture to embarrass him by sug gestions. lie was a department commander, and tiie lawful head of the military adminis tration within the limits of the department, but, besides, I knew that he had been called to Washington for consultation before taking command, and was probably aware of the views of the administration as to-the civil affairs in his command. 1 knew that he was in direct communication with my superiors in authority in reference to the delicate sub jects presented for his consideration, or had ideas of his own which he believed to be sufficiently in accord with the views of our common superiors to enable him to act intelli gently, according to his judgment and with out suggestions from those not on the spot and not as fully acquainted with all the facts as himself. He desired, too, to be free to act, as he had eventual greater responsibility, and so the matter was governed as between him and myself. As I have been writing thus freely 7 to you, I may still further unbosom myself by stating that I have not thought it lawful or wise to use federal troops in such matters as have transpired east of the Mis sissippi within the last few months, save so far as they may be brought into action un der an article of the constitution which con templates meeting armed resistance or in vasion of a State more powerful than the State authorities can subdue by ordinary processes, and then only when requested by the Legislature, or if it could not be convened in session, by the Governor, and when the President of the United States intervenes in that manner it is a State of war—not peace. The army is laboring under disadvantages, and has been used unlawfully at times, in the judgment of the people (in mine certainly), and we have lost a great dealof kindly feeling which the community at large once felt for us. It is time to stop and unload. Officers in command of troops often find it difficult to act wisely and safely when their superiors in authority have different views of law from theirs, and when legislation has sanctioned the action seemingly in conflict with the fundamental law, and they generally defer to the known judgment of their superior officers of the army. They are so regarded in such a great crises, and are held to such respon sibility, especially those at or near the head of it, that it is necessary on such momentous occasions, to dare to determine for themselves what is lawful and what is not lawful, under our system. If the military 7 authorities should be invoked—as might possibly be the case in such exceptional times—when there cx isted such divergent views as to the correct result the army will suffer from its past action if it has acted wrongfully'. Our regular army has little hold upon the affection of the people of to-day, and its superior officers should certainly 7 , as far as lies in their power, legally, and with righteous intent aid to defend the right, which, to us, is the law and the itistitu- lion which they represent. It is a well meaning institution and it would be well, if it sholild have an opportunity, to be recognized as a bulwark in support of the rights of the people and of the law. I am, truly, yours, [Signed.] WINFIELD S. HANCOCK. To Gen. W. T. Sherman, Commanding United States Army, Washington, D. C. Even potato bugs have been found to be profitable. A Maryland farmer, whose potato field was being devastated by these pests, and who wa3 opposed to the use of Paris green, sot up a large wash boiler in his field, and, employing a number of men to collect the bugs from the vines, threw them into the boiling water. A piece of leather happened to fall into the boiler. After it had boiled with the bugs for half an hour, the farmer discovered that it had changed its color to a rich dark crimson. Other materials were placed in the liquid with the same result. The farmer came to the conclusion that he had discovered a first-class dyeing mixture. A reputable chemist examined the potato bug liquid and confirmed the opinion of the farmer. A company was immediately formed for making dyeing mixtures from potato bugs, ana the farmer expects to make more money out of the bugs than he possibly could have made out of a first class crop cf potatoes. He Told llim All About It.—A small boy was hoeing corn in a sterile field by the roadside, near Bethel, Indiana, when a passer by stopped and said; “ ’Pears to me your corn is rather small.’’ “ Certainly’,” said the boy. “It is dwarf corn.” “ But it looks yaller.” “Certainly. We planted the yaller kind.” “ But it looks as if you wouldn’t get more than half a crop.” “Of course not,” said the boy. “We planted here on shares.” One man asked another why his beard was so brown and his hair so white. “Because,” he replied, “one is twenty years younger than the other.” Engiish’s Letter of Acceptance. Indianapolis, July 7 30. —Hon. Win. 11. English transmitted the following letter of acceptance of the nomination ojf enndidate for Vice-President to the Committee of Noti fication to-day : To Hon. John W. Stevenson , President of Convention, Ron. John P. Stockton , Chair man, and other members of Committee of Notification: Gentlemen—l have the honor to reply to your letter of the 13th in9t., informing me that I was unanimously' nominated for Vice- President of the United States by 7 the late Democratic National Convention, which as sembled at Cincinnatti. As foreshadowed in the verbal remarks made by me at the time of the delivery 7 of your letter, I have now to say that I accept the high trust with the realizing sense of its responsibility and am profoundly grateful for the honor coufered. I accept the nomination upon the platform of principles adopted by the convention which I cordially approve, and I accept it quite as much because of my faith in the wisdom and patriotism of the great, states man and soldier nominated on the same ticket for the Presidency of the United States. His eminent services to his country 7, his fi delity to the Cotkstituibn, union and laws, His clear perception of correct principles of government as taught by Jefferson, his scru pulous care to keep the military in strict subordination to the civil authorities, his high regard for civil liberty, personal rights and rights of property, bis acknowledged ability in civil as well as military affairs, and his pure and blameless life, all point to him as a man worthy of the confidence of the peo pie. Not only 7 a brave soldier, a great com mander, a wise statesman and a pure patriot., but a prudent, pains-taking, practical man of unquestioned honesty, trusted often with important public duties, faithful to every trust, and in a full meridian of ripe and vig orous manhood, he is, in my judgment, emi nently 7 fitted for the highest position on earth —the Presidency of the United States. Not only is lie the right man for the place, but the time has come when the best inter ests of the country require that the party which has monopolized the Executive De partment of the General Government for the last twenty y 7 ears should be retired. The continuance of that party in power four years ionger would not be beneficial to the public or in accordance with the spirit of our Re publican institutions. Laws entail have not been favored in our system of Government. Perpetuation of property 7 or place in one family or set of men has never been encour aged in this country, and great and good men who framed our Republican Govern ment and its traditions wisely limited the ten ure of office of long leases of power. Twenty years of continuous power is long enough and has already led to‘irregularities and cor ruptions, which arc not likely to be properly exposed under the same party that perpe trated them. Besides it should not be for gotten that the four last years of power held by that party were procured by discreditable means, and held in defiance of the wishes of a majority of the people. It was a grevious wrong to every voter and our system of self government, which, sh >uld never be forgot ten or forgiven. Many of the men now in office were put there because of their cor rupt partizan services in thus defeating the fairly and legally expressed will of the ma jority, and the hypocrisy of the professions of that party in favor of civil service reform was shown by placing such men in office and turning whole broods of Federal officehold ers loose to influence elections. Money of the people, taken out of the public treasury by t.itese men for services often poorly per formed or not performed at all, is being used in vast sums with the knowledge and pre sumed sanction of the administration to con trol elections, and even members of the Cab inet are strolling about the country making partizan speeches instead of being in their departments at Washington discharging pub lic duties, for which they are paid by the peo ple. But with all their cleverness and abili ty the discriminating public will, no doubt, read between their speecliea that their para mount hope and aim is to keep themselves or their satellites four years longer in office. That perpetuating power of Chronic Federal officeholders four years longer will not bene fit Hie millions of men and women who hold no office, but earn their daily bread by hon est industry, is what the same discerning public will no doubt fully understand, as they will also that it is because of their own industry and economy and God’s bountiful harvest, that tlio country is comparatively prosperous, and not because of anything done by these Federal officeholders. The country is cot ;paratively prosperous, not because of them, but in spite of them. This contest is, in fact, between the people en deavoring to regain the political power, which rightfully belongs to them, and to restore the pure, simple, economical constitutional gov ernment of our fathers on the one side, and a hundred thousand Federal officeholders and their backers, pampered with place and power and determined to retain them at all hazards, on the other. Hence, the constant assump tion of new and dangerous powers by the General Government, under the rule of the Republican party. The effort to build up what they call a strong government; the in terference with home rule and with the ad ministration of justice in the Courts of the several States ; the interference with elec tions through a medium of paid partisan Federal officeholders, interested in keeping their party in power, and earning more for that than for fairness in elections—in fact, constant encroachments which have been made by that party upon the clearly reserv ed rights of the people and States will, if not checked, subvert the liberties of the people and the government of the limitable powers created by our fathers, and end iu a great consolidated central government, strong in deed for evil, andrthe overthrow of Republi can institutions. Wise men who formed our Constitution knew the evils of a strong gov ernment and the long continuance of politi cal power in the same hands. They'- knew there was a tendency' in thi3 direction in ail governments and consequent danger to Re publican institutions from that cause, and took pains to guard against it. The machine of a strong centralized General Government can be used to perpetuate the same set of men in power from term to term until it ceases to be‘a Republic, or is such only in name, and a tendency of the party now in power i.i that direction, as shown in various ways, besides the willingness recently mani fested by a large number of the party to elect a President for an unlimited number of terms, is quite apparent, and must satisfy thinking people that the time has come when it will be safest and best for that party' to be retired. But in resisting the encroachment of Gener al Government upon the reserved rights of the people and States I wi3h to be distinctly understood as favoring a proper exercise by the General Government of all powers right ful!}- dclonging to it and under theConstitu. tiou. Pjneroaehments upon the constitution- i al rights of the General Government or in- j terference with the proper exercises of its | powers must be carefully avoided. The un- j ion of States under the Constitution must be ! maintained, and it is well known that this has always been the position of both candi nates on the Democratic Presidential ticket. It is acquiesced in everywhere now and fin ally and forever settled as one of the results of the war. It is certainly beyond all ques tion that the legitimate results of the war of the Union will not be overthrown or impair ed, should the Democratic ticket be elected. In the event proper protection will be given in ever legitimate way to every citizen, na tive or adopted, in every section of the Re public in the enjoyment of all the rights guaranteed by the Constitution and its amend ments. A sound currency of honest money value and purchasing power, Corresponding substantially with the standard recognized by the commercial world, and consisting of gold, silver and paper, convertible into coin, will be maintained. Labor and manufac taring, commercial and business interests of the country will be favored and encouraged in every legitimate way. The toiling mill ions of our own people will bo protected from destructive competition of the Chinese, and to that end their immigration to our shores will be properly restricted. Public credit will bo scrupulously maintained and strengtoened by rigid economy in public ex penditures and liberties of the people, and the property of the people will be protected by a government of law and order, adminis tered strictly in the interest of all people, and not of corporations and privileged classes. Ido not doubt the discriminating justice of the people and their capability for intelligent self-government, and, therefore, do not doubt the success of the Democratic ticket, its success would bur}', beyond resurrection, sec tional jealousies and hatreds which have so long been the stock in trade of pestiferous demagogues, and in no other way can this be so effectually accomplished. It would restore harmony and good feeling between all sections and make us, in fact, as well as in name, one people. The only rivalry then would be in race, for the development of material prosperity, elevation of labor, ed largement of human rights, promotion of ed ucation, morality, religion, liberty, order and all that would tend to make us the foremost nation of the earth in the grand march of hu man progress. I am with great respect, truly yours. Wm. II . English. A Man of Ability. BUT IIE WASN’T APPRECIATED BY THE RE STAURANT MAN. John Forrester was very correctly named, for, until a few days ago, ho. had spent his life in the woods. Several days ago he threw aside his maul, came to the city, and now handles the somewhat lighter rock hammer. The story of John’s downfall shall be briefly related. Shortly after arriving in the city, ho was attracted by a sign bearing the in scription, *• Meals at All Hours.” Entering the place, and meeting the proprietor, he said : “ You keep a tavern here, don’t you ?” “ No —I keep a restaurant.” “I don’t know much about your new names —but you feed folks here, don’t you ?” ‘•Yea, sir.” “ Well, I want to board here three days, or 1 reckon until I get a job of some kind. I sec your sign says ‘ Meals at All Ilnurs.’ You don’t mean that, do you ?” “ Certainly I mean it. I’ll board you three days for three dollars.” *• And give me my meals at all hours ?” “ Yes, sir.” z “ Here, take the three dollars, I never set myself up as a regular eater, but I’ll buck agin you for the next three days. I think that I can stand her about that long. It’s eleven o'clock. Give me something to eat.” A meal was brought out, and quickly dis patched ; and remarking that lie would be back on time, Mr. Forrester left. At twelve o’clock he came back and ate again. “ You needn’t stare at me,” he said to one of the waiters. “ You are a regular boarder, are you ?” “ The regularost one you’ve got. I don’t intend to miss a meal. I’ve got a chance now to git even for bein’ hungry many a time.” . At one o’clock John came back and re marked, as he hung up his hat, ‘‘l’m on time. It’s one o'clock. Ketch me suthin’ to eat.” The waiter went away mattering, and brought in rather a slim meal. “ Look a here,” said John, “ don’t try to go back on your contract. I reckon vou did rather underrate iny ability, but I’m a man.” At two o’clock John came back and took a seat. The proprietor came in and asked him what he wanted. “ 1 want my dinner, supper or_breakfast, just what you are a mind to cull it.” “ You have already eaten here throe times to-day ?” “ I know that.” “ Why do you come again ?” “ Because it’s two o’clock.” “ It is not supper time.” “ No, but it’s two o’clock time.” “ I don’t understand } r ou, sir. What do 3 T ou mean ?” “ Your understanding may have been in jured by my surprising ability. I came here with the understanding that I was to have my ineaH at all hours.” The contract has been adhered to; you have come irregularly.” “ No, sir ; I’ve cone here regular. It was the agreement that I was to have a meal every hour, and I am going to stand up to it if it paek3 my stomach as tight as a green water melon. You are trying to impose on mo be cause I’m from the country. I have made ar rangements with a boy to wake me up every hour to-night, and I’m coming here to eat. That’s my business now', and I’ll act fair with you. and eat every time. Give me an oyster stew, a can of coffee, and some ball sassage.” The proprietor handed the man three dol lars, and requested him to leave. A fight ensued, and John was led away by the police. When he completes his rock pile engagement he will sue the restaurant for damages. G. W. WALKER’S CARRIAGE SHOPS, Main Street, Gainesville, Georgia, MANUFACTURER OF Phaetons, Buggies and Farm Wagons I respectfully invite the people of Jackson county, and tho public generally, to call an! my work before purchasing elsewhere. As I AM STILL IN T?IE CARRIaof with GOOD STOCK, GOOD WORKMEN, and CLOSE ATTENTION TO BUSINESS 1 pared to offer them anything in my line at 1 ' pn. RocK Bottom iPig^ires! So send on your orders and work. Orders by mail promptly attended to. Repairing Bone in All of Its Branches l Respectfully, Feb. 6th, 1880. G. W. WALKER. Fancy Dry Goods, of all descriptions, PRINTS, MUSLINS, GINGHAMS, DOMESTICS, Ac., and a full ii no , DRESS GOODS of every variety; NOTIONS, HATS, CAPS, BOOTS, SHOES, Ac My a L r 7 incut of J urt ‘ JFLeetdy-nVlcad© Clothl-ng is complete, embracing all the latest styles and all grades, and in full suits, for men. I have al ia stock every variety of w Fami iy Groceries, Hardware, CUTLERY, GLASS WARE, CROCKERY, Ac., Ac. In a word, I have everything good to eat or wear or do almost anything else with, all of which I propose to sell as cheap as first-class goods can be bought anywhere. Thankful far former patronage, I hope all my old customers and many' new ones will call on me before purchasing elsewhere. F. M. BAILEY N. B.—No trouble to show goods. Call, even if you don’t buy. pfofosimuii & ioubiucss dunk iSa. rs. CAast, U NICHOLSON, GA., Tenders his professional services to the surround ing country. Rheumatism, Neuralgia anu the dis eases of women a specialty. Feb.l3th, ISBO. ly vyodEY ( . aiowAiuN t Attorney a.ad Counselor at Law, JEFFERSON, GA. Will attend faithfully to all business entrusted to his care. Office—Col. Thurmond’s old office, near Randolph’s corner. feb2l, 79 \\T Ifi. SIIUPMDiS, > '< * Attorney at Lav/, Harmony Grove, Jackson Go., Ga. Faithful attention given to collections and all other business. Clients’ money never spent, but promptly forwarded. January oth, 1878. Dl2. W. S. ALEXANDER, Surgeon Dentist, Harmony Grove, Jackson Cos., Ga., Will be at Jefferson on the first Monday and Tuesday in each month, and will continue his stay from time to time as circumstances may justify. Terms LOW, FOR CASH, and work done in a superior manner. J uly 10th, 1870. TJOWA SSS& THOMPSON, ATTORNEY AT LAW, G a inks yi lle, Georgia . Prompt and faithful attention given to all Busi ness placed in his hands. JUS. McCARTY, yi. !>., • Jefferson, Ga., Offers his professional services to the people of Jefferson and surrounding country, and hopes b} r diligence and attention and his best skill to merit and receive a share of the public patronage. Will practice physic in all its branches. Two years ex perience under a long experienced and sucessfull practitioner. &2?“ Office next door to Forest* News office. MANHOOD: HOW LOST, HOW RESTO~R£D~I JYy, Just published, anew edi of Jr Culver well’s Celebrated 1-lssay on the radical cure (without medicine) of Spermator rhoea or Seminal Woakness. Involuntary Semi nal Losses, Impotenoy, Mental and Physical In capacity, Impediments to Marriage, etc.; also, Consumption, Epilepsy and Fits, induced by self-indulgence or sexual extravagance, Ac. The celebrated author, in this admirable Essay, clearly demonstrates, from a thirty years’ success full practice, that the alarming consequences of self-abuse ma} r be radically cured without the dangerous use of internal medicine or the applica tion of the knife ; pointing out a mode of cure at once simple, certain, and effectual, by means of which every sufferer, no matter what his condition may be, may cure himself cheaply, privately, and radically. Lecture should be in the hands of every youth and every man in the land. Sent under seal, in a plain envelope, to any ad dress, postpaid, on receipt of six cents or two postage stamps. Address the Publishers, TEH CULVEKWELL MEDICAL CO., 41 Ann St., New York ; P. O. Box, 45SG. ENCOURAGE HOME MANUFACTURES. Maysville Shoe Factory. We manufacture all kinds of shoes ; mens’ Brogan’s and Boots, ladies’ High and Low (Quar tered Shoes, childrens’ Shoes, HARNESS and BRIDLES. We are prepared to make all kinds of fine work. We work the best material in the most popular styles, and Warrant our Work Equal to any Goods on the Market . We have experienced workmen employed, for both coarse and fine work. As we defy competi tion in quality, prices and service, we hope to harve the pleasure of supplying you with Boots and Shoes. BROWN & RILEY. Maysville, Ga. also keep constantly on hand a select stock of Groceries and Provisions, Bacon, Lard, Sugar, Coffee, Syrup and Dry Goods, Ac., Ac. gflSTITTgiv fa ctLEer.*TED i.% IrrTEH Defensive Medication Is a precaution which should never be neglectod when danger is present, and therefore a course of the Bitters aftlus season is particularly desirable, especially for the feeble and sickly. Asa remedy for biliousness, dyspepsia, nervousness, and bowel complaints, there is nothing comparable to this wholesome restorative. For sale by all Druggists and dealers generally- CLIN A HI) HOUSE, (NEAR POST OFFICE,) CLAYTON STREET ATHENS, GA. Rocm all Carpeted. GOOD SAMPLE ROOMS FOR COMMERCIAL MEN. A. I). CLIN Alt!), Proprietor. S. S. YEAKWOOD PEIDMONT SALOON. OPPOSITE PEIDMONT HOTEL. GAINESVILLE. Or A- Dealer in Fine Liprs, Wines, Beer, Ciiffli Tobacco. READING AND BILLIARD ROOM AT TACHED, TABLES FIRST GLASS. A. L .HULL, BROKKBi ATHENS, - - GEORGIA WILL buy and sell on Commission Securities of all kinds. Office : at the Bank o* , University. Refers to Y. L. G. Harris, Fcrdinau Phinizy Stevens Thomas. W. Fleming. \ J. W. Ik bkE ' / Macon, Ga. FLEMING & BURKE. BOOKSELLERS STATI3NERES, AtSiens &r&>* Will take pleasure in obtaining anything their lino. LIGHT JOB WOBS. Executed promptly, at this o