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VOL. XIV. THE fiFOßfrll JEFFERSOXHJf in niii-ntp mil THrciPit morkikq BY WILLIAM CLINE, At Tw Dollars and Fifty Cents per an. nna. sr Two Dollars paid in advance. \OVKRTISKMKNTS art- ins*-r*i*! at OJITfc f>ntJ~lß n*-r tir llu* tbul insertion, nnl I tFT 1 CCA r* |ft Mjiutr, linr each iimTtinn t tie real ter. \ rr.*ni’*’c <!•-<! uomhi will nc made to those advertise hv the ves*’. All a<ta-erii*ements not otherwise ardrred, will h*cwwiiitv? i : l ImHmH, OF /—-J-V/IS liy Aiininislrnto r , I't-eniors or tlnt'dians are rrrjuireil lii l.iw to he i ! 'l on t!o* t;i's! r<ii'il.iv in the tnonlli, between k.* hours o ten in the lo'-ennon amt lliree in tin Hf’emoon, at the Court •Mouse, in tin* rniintv in ” Sirh the lan.t i sitnateil. Notice of these sal**, nn*t he given in a pn .hr gazette FORTY /).*VS |>***-MV* *o tl.e day of sale. S 11. F.S OF .YKGROES must hr made n> pnh- I• aiM'tioti on the first Tuesday of the mnlh, he t ween the uital hours of sale, .it the place ol pub* •:c s.il.-s in the enmity where the letter.* Testa nen’ary,wf Administration nr Gnardinnsltip may hav heeo granted; first givmg FORTY DjIYS nV ■<— th-'reofin one of the public “nxeties of this N*.!?•*, md at the c-itrt house wins e such salcarsc t • **s held. N.**.'e t-.r the sale of Personal Property must he given in like manner FORTY I\IYS previous to the dav of sale. Notice t Oehtnr* an-! fVeilitors (! f an estate m is’ he mihltshcl FORTY n.-IYS. No'iee that aonlieation will lie made In the Court Or h ivrv l‘r i.r. \vf. to *ki.i. land must he puh ll-Sed for Tiro Mo.vrns, No'iee lor l.r.ivr. To SK.l.t. KF.anoF.s nvtst he !n'* s'i'* t T'VO MO.X'TfIS before any order ab sniute s’nll he nia le titer eon hv the Court, CIT.iTiOVS for Letter* nf Administration, most he nn'disheil thirtt pat*; tor Dismission from Vd nmistraTion, Moxrill.T six mof.ths; lor Disuiissi ot from Guardianship, furtt d.it •, I* ules lor the Foreclosure of Mortgage must be Ptl’i'idled MOXTUIT FOR rr.UR i.oXTIIS, ostuli! lia'uas lad papers, for the full space of three movms for eont,ellinff lilies from Lxecutors or Adini'iistrati-in, wlieto a uomJ has uci-n given by Ihe i|ei r.*|Je.|. the lull Anacc of rIIRF.F. MONTHS. Fjr the Jeffersonian. Jots and Sorrows. IY \V\f. F. WIGHTMAN. Joys and so-rows they come and part In the niysiic depths of the human heart. Like the sunbeam's “lance through tin; tempest cloud, ‘Vlien the s'ortn-g ,and ri.leilt lii"!i and proud. In their pathless High! they come and go, Like ocean's tides in ohh and flow; And the heart is lit fora moment luig-lil, lint to grieve o’er joj’s departing light. L ke star'*oams mill night’s frowning gloom, L ke golden wreaths on a uiouh.’nng tomb, I Inis ever joys and sorrows come, T o dwell apace in the heart's deep home. Like the joyous Ir.tigh mid the iiiniirnev’s prayer, L’kc the ghsl’ning light inn falling liar: L'ke the Christian’s smile o’er his dying face, When the goal is won in lift’s short met! Joy Band sorrows, ol: what are they? But like the moonbeam’s silent play O’er the tide’s daik face, that gleams a while In the light ot the innotiheani’s ghsl’ning strt'le, There linivnsagain when night’s proud qiu-cil, I las verlerl in gloom her silver sheet! I Inis joys and sorrows conn* and part. O'er the clnuigeiul tides of :he human heart. Griffin, Ga. 1 lie following articles were prepared f r our paper of last week, but crowded out for want of room. Some of them arc too good to be lost, so we insert them to day : “Coming again, Massa” We once heard a story of a man comin i in to the fire of a very cold morning, where a little negro had been set to keep up the warmth by throwing in chips. The unc tions state of the poor fellow’s nose, soon attracted little darkey’s attention, and as the oily substance was scon to exude, he would officiously call out “Coming again, Massa!” “There! there! coining again!’’ The communications which have lately ap peared in the Macon ‘Messenger,’ in op position to Col. Bailey, have forcibly re minded us of this greasy anecdote. Two appeared the week before last, and anoth er last week. Wc believe they are all from the same manufactory, though bear ing different signatures, and probably will not cease till after the election, though they already show signs of much weakness The last is certainly the weakest of the three. It charges Col. Bailey with not being present at a large number of ballot tings which took place in the house, as if a member of Congress had nothing else to do than ballot. Now there arc a thou sand things appertaining to a member, and all within the legitimate sphere of his duties, which may prevent him from vo ting on mere minor questions. It is well know’ll that nine-tenths of the votes in Congress are for taking up bills, reports or resolutions, postponing or committing the same, taking up or postponing the order of the day, adjournments, and on a large number of collateral issues, which it is not of material consequence how they are de cided. These questions frequently arise while the House is in Committee of the Whole, and members arc speaking for Buncombe, when it is well known the oth er members, who feel no interest in their speeches, and cj.iT* read them in the next day’s paper, withdraw to write letters, draw bills, make out reports, prosecute researches in the public olliecs or the li brary, or otherwise devote themselves to some useful employment. The writer of these articles, wa arc sorry to say, must be exceedingly stupid of the common rou tine of duties of a Congressman, judging from his article, and he could scarcely have proluced better evidence of the ac tive habits and industry of Col. Bailey while in Congress, than showing that he was not always in his seat upon the floor to answer yea or nay at every call. John Randolph, after his sarcastic manner, very severely pdiculed this class of yea and nay representatives, by comparing them to the cUckoo bird, whose constant and unvarying note is “cuckoo!” U mdolp’i styled them the “Cuckoo members.” Mr. Bailey is no Cuckoo member. When he finds no thing of interest going on ia the House, lie devotes himself usefully elsewhere.— Me will venture to say that he answered to his name quite as often as Mr. Toombs or Mr. Stephens ’ Our neighbor down the street argues, because Mr. Bailey held certain opinions in 1850, which have since been put to rest, he must be governed by the same opinions still. Let us see how this argument will apply to Sandy himself. Some time prior to 1840 he was supposed to be a pretty good Democrat, at least avowed himself such, and acted with the party. At that time he held the lucrative office of Clerk of the Superior Court of Henry county. It was intimated to Sandy, however, that he had had the fat of that office long c noagh, and it was only fair that publie pap should lie divided round. Sandy could not Ift go the prolific teat; ko, to insure himself another term, lie went over to the Whi<;s in the Harrison stampede, under the assurance that lie should be elected again. Sandy was thenceforth as sound a Whig as he had ever been a Democrat, until the Union and State Rights ques tions came up, since which time he has been hopping about like a monkey. He was first a Union man, then went to Mil ledgeville as a Scott delegate, deserted liis friends while in Millcdgcvillc and went o ver to the Webster portion, and is now, we believe, a Toombs and Stephens Con servative Republican Citizen. If Mr. Bailey retains all his old notions and opin ions, although being removed from before the people, wc presume Sandy does too, and we won'd ask, what arc Sandy’s o pinions at present? He’has been Demo crat, Whig, Union, Scott, Webster, and Republican Citizen. What color will that make when it is all mixed up? Sandy, what is the color of yc ur political tronsa loons now? You can always know the winning from the losing part}’, as well at a game of pol ities as of cards, by the manner of their play- The winner is collected, quiet, and content with matters as they are progress ing. The loser, on the other hand, is fret ting and fuming, swearing and calling names, and otherwise cutting fantastic tricks and making a fool of himself.— While the friends of Jenkins are charging the General Administration with appoint ing abolitionists, frecsoilers and negroes to office, and Judge Johnson with being a spiritual table turner, a follower of the unchristian doctrines of Swedenborg as they say, a secessionist and disuniouist, all of which have not one shade of truth in them, either as applied to Mr. Tierce or Judge Johnson, —while the whigs are thus conducting, the democrats are as pas sive as a coy girl when asked in marri age by the one she loves. They have not a word to say on the subject. It is easy to see who is riding the winning horse un der such a state of things. Toombs, Ste phens and Jenkins have been pawing the dust amazingly for several weeks past, while the little fellows, the host of seventh rate orators of the whig ranks have been most industriously imitating their leaders, striving to hollow louder, and throw the dust higher, if possible, than their illustri ous examplars. If noise and fustian could gain the day, the Jenkins men would have it. But the democrats, like good soldiers, arc saving their ammunition, and waiting until they can see the whites of their eyes. That will be at the ballot box, and then the whigs will receive their broadside. We do not wish to slight Sandy, or treat him with inattention, but we really have no room to devote to his popgun dis charges against Col. Bailey. Ilis small business cannot alter the state of things, or interrupt manifest destiny. That child is already christened, and the name has be come a fixed fact. Sandy cannot save his friend Trippe from the worst sort of a beating. So he had better save his am munition for that woodpecker Col. Bailey told him of. A Hit. The Recorder of last week, in making some enquiries as to the whereabouts of Judge Johnson, asks, “Where is he now?” And answers, u side by side with a frezsoil , abolition-appointing President.” Judge Johnson was at that identical time side by side with Mr. Jenkins, filling joint appoint ments to speak in the Cherokee counties. We perceive that the yellow fever is prevailing at Natchez with great mortali ty. The citizens are much alarmed, and fleeing from the dreadful contagion. It is supposed to have been brought from New Orleans. Well, it is too bad. An editor is ex pected to know every tiling, and yet is kept so busy as to afford him no time to learn any thing. The Savannah Journal wants to know what the Georgian means by the 11 rrnly bronzbicss of the hautboy .”— How should the Georgian know? He is no organ builder. Is not the critique suf ficicnt? Liberal Contribution. —Tim Central llail Road Company contributed two hun dred dollars for the use of the sufferers at New Otleans by Yellow Fever. GRIFFIN, (GA.) THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 8, 1853. Communicated for the federal Union. Messrs. Editors: —The desperate and despicable efforts of the Southern Recor der, to defeat Judge Johnson, demand the stern rebuke of every friend of truth and virtue. The writing editor of that journal [whom alone I hold responsible] lives in the same community with tho object of his constant assaults, knows that his charac ter is above reproach, and yet in every is- Mie of his journal publishes base inuendoes and downright falsehoods, with the hope of exciting prejudices against him. It is not enough that he gives circulation to the misrepresentations of others, he en dorses their slanders, converts the remarks made in jest by Judge Jolison into sober truths, bases upon them the gravest char ges, reiterates them after he has been told of their falsity, and worse than all, with a recklessness unprecedented by any journal making any pretensions to decency, manu factures out of the whole doth, assertions without the slightest foundation in troth In every issne of his paper, for several weeks past,, I can designate perversions of truth, as gross and palpable as those con tained in the following: “When immediate secession was openly recommended at the Macon meeting by Rhett & Cos., in 1850, did lie interpose one word of dissent? Did he not stand upon the same platform, and permit the flag of his country, waving those stars and stripes which no true American can behold with out a thrill of patriotic pride and pleasnr *, to receive indignity and insult? Did he not on that occasion make an ultra resist ance speech himself, thus adding fuel to the fire, affording aid and comfort to the South Carolina disunion missionary? Was not his heart and hand with Towns and McDonald,* throughout the great conflict, and were not his valuable services in the disunion cause rewarded by a seat in the United States Senate?” In this brief paragraph, to say nothing of its false inuendoes, there is no less tfaii four unequivocal and absolute untruths. Ist. Judge Johnson did interpose pub licly and privately his dissent to the course of policy recommended at Macon by Me .srs. lthett, Yancey, &e. 2d. He did not stand on the same plat form. for lie was not present at the meet ing in Macon. 3d. He did not on that occasion make an ultra resistance speech , for he was not there, and it may be added, he never did make an ultra resistance speech, for he never harmonized with the ultras. 4th. His services in the disunion cause were not rewarded by a seat iu the Uni ted States Senate, because lie was ap pointed in 1847, two years before the sub ject of secession was agitated iu Georgia, and at a time, when honest men never dreamed that the Whigs of Georgia, or the Hecorder, once the States Rights Nullification party and the advocates of the right of secession, would ever repudi ate their once cherished sentimen's, and revile those who repudiated their nullifica tion, but maintained the republican doc trine of the right of secession. But this editor of the Recorder has a way of his own, a way of insinuating a falsehood when, from the fears of detec tion, he has not the manliness to assert it. Os all modes of deception, this among casuists and honest men, has ever been deemed the most mean and despicable. - Instances like the following, taken from the last Recorder, may be found in every number for several weeks past. Af ter bespattering Mr. Jenkins with praise, daubed oil so freely that his best friends could scarcely recognize him, making him first and foremost in the construction of the great Rail-road enterprizc of Georgia, he adds: “To Chas. J. Jenkins’ eloquence, statesmanship, firmness and unyield ing integrity of purpose and action, is Geor gia more indebted for her material pros perity, than to any man, whatsoever, ei ther living or dead.” Then follows: “when Charles J. Jenkins was thus nobly labor ing to give Georgia, through her well de vised system of internal improvements, her present attitude, where was Judge Johnson ? IVas not his position then hostile, to the true interest of the State ? Are the people will ing to entrust him with the management of those interests now?” What do those in terrogative inuendoes mean? Do they not mean to carry the idea, that Judge Johnson was opposed, was “hostile to” the internal improvements of the State, the State road and all her “material prosperi tyV ’ If they mean any thing, they mean this; and yet Judge Johnson has occupied on these subjects the same platform with Mr. Jenkins, and in the sphere in which he has moved, has co-operated with him. For the then of the cause of journalism, for the sake of Mr. Jenkins himself, vrho, if he be as you say, a pure and honorable gentleman, cease Mr. Knowles, this mode of warfare; the world may give you credit for a bold and abso lute falsehood, pertinaciously adhered to, while it remains undetected, but it detests the sneaking, cowardly inueudo, which shows a heart willing to deceive, but desti tute of its courage to sustain its propensi ties. Yon complain that your brethren of the press revile you. Do not impose up on them the necessity of exposing you Their independence is commendable, and far distant be the day when a more enlar ged “experience” will have given them bet ter “manners-.” JUSTICE. * Guile likely. —Editor Jeffersonian. Coinmifhicated for the Macon Telegraph. Views of a Union Democrat. Sir;— l regret to discover, that a por tion of the Union Democrats are permit ting themselves to be deceived by the tricks of the enemy. A Union Democrat, myself, I have never hesitated before giv ing my humble support to the Democratic candidates, and 1 am fully convinced that such is the position ot’ all who have a true understanding of the political condition of Georgia. I did not become a Whig when I uni ted with the Union organization, and I do not see why I should support the new party of Mr. Toombs, simply because I defended the Compromise. I was born a Democrat, and a Democrat I intend to die. When I considered the Union in danger, I abandoned my party, but in a period ot profound peace an 1 quiet—when | the issues of 1850 are extinct, and our safety in no jeopardy whatever, nothing shall seduce me into the sttppo t of my old Federal antagonists. The Union par ty is dead, and I, for one, am not willing to chain myself to the carcass at the bid ding of the Whigs. Many months ago, Mr. Jenkins publicly proclaimed that the Union organization was disbanded, and he openly rejoiced at the result. He not only did that, but he announced himself as good a whig as ever. lie avowed that he was not democratized in the slightest particu lar, and he advised the Union Democrats to return to their old party organization. I intend to take his advice. I have faith in the Democracy, and no personal Xecling shall make me an instrument in the hands of Mr. Toombs. Upon what pretext can Union Democrats support Mr. Jenkins?— Not as a member of the Union party, for he himself has declared it disbanded. Not as a Democrat, for he has asserted himself a Whig. Not as a supporter of the pre sent administration, for his partisans are denouncing the President. Not as a friend to the people, for he is the advocate of a law making one thousand dollars the price of suffrage. Upon what principle, I ask again, are Union Democrats to sup port him? If his position differs at alb from that which he occupied in 1844, I have yet to discover it. He is neither a Democrat nor a Union man. The Con vention which nominated him was not a Union, convention, and no sane man sup poses that it was Democratic. Mr. Jen kins is a Whig—a bitter, consistent, un compromising Whig—and as such, I con sider it my duty, and the duty of those Democrats who acted with me iu 1850, to oppose him to the last. I am told that the Union Democrats have been proscribed in the division of the offices. Sir, this may be a good argu ment for those who are democrats for the sake of spoils and plunder, but to men who are Democrats from conviction such rea soning conveys an assault. lam not a Democrat because I want office for myself or my friends, but because I believe the Democratic creed. It would not affect my position if all the offices in the State had been appropriated as alleged. Men may deprive me of political honors, but they cannot deprive me of my faith. To that faith, I intend to stand under every contingency. When I know that Johnson and Colquitt are Democrats to day, and when I remember that they were Demo crats long before the issues of 1850 came into existence, lam satisfied. lam more than satisfied when I compare them with Mr. Jenkins, who has been a bitter Whig from my earliest memory, and witli James Jolinson, who has become a renegade and a W big for the sake of political emolu ment. I am not singular in these opinions.— They are shared by many Union Demo crats, whose views are worthy of attention. They are the sentiments of Gol. Chappell, the Tresident of the last Union Conven tion—of Mr. Chastain and Mr. Ilillyer, both Union Democratic members of Con gress, and as I believe, of all Union Dem ocrats who have studied the position of parties. To my mind, the path of duty seems very clear. Others may do as they please, but I will never support the man who declared the Union party no longer necessary, and at the same time denied that he was in any way a convert to De mocracy. PULASKI. Communicated for the Georgia Ciilz'r*, “Important Card.” Dr. Andrews. —You will oblige sever al of your friends, and probably revive some interesting reflections, by publish ing the following “Card,” which is a relic of the past —a fragment of the en gine that Mowed up the great national whig party. It will be remembered by some gentlemen, that on the 3d of July, 1852, Mr. Toombs made the famous speech in Washington city, in which he strongly urged that the “Great Constitu tional Uniou party,” of that day, should support Mr. Pierce for the Presidency. On the 6th of the same month this card was issued. Let it be recollected also that this was done by Messrs. Toombs and Stephens, with the unasked, volunta ry obligations resting upon them, to abide the decision of the Convention which was to assemble on the 15th. It will be also well to recollect that the whole of their charges against Gen. Scott, subse quently proved to be untrue. —The “ante cedents” of these gentlemen may not be uninteresting to your readers at this par ticular juncture. I will simply remaik that James Aber cro i bie, one of the signers, has since been elected to Congress by accident — and that C. J. Faulkner, of Virginia, is now a democrat:— A CARD. [From the National Intelligencer , July G J Washington, July 3d, 1852. l'o prevent all mistakes and misap prehension, we, the undersigned, mem bers of Congress, adopt this method of making a joint statement to our constitu ents respectfully, that we cannot and will not support Gen. Scott for the Presiden cy, as he now stands before the Ameri can people, for the following amongst other reasons: He obstinately refused, up.to. the time of his nomination, to give any public opinion in favor of that series of mea sures of the last compromise, the perma nent maintainance of which with us is a question of paramount importance. — Nor has ho since his nomination made, any declaration of his approval of those measures as a final adjustment of the is sues in controversy. Jt is true the resolutions of the conven tion that nominated him are as clear and explicit upon the question as need be, but Gen. Scott, in his letter of accept ance, which contains all that we have from him on that matter, does not give .them the approval of his judgement. — 1 his he seems studipusly to have avoid ed. He accepts the nomination “with the resolutions annexed.” That is, he lakes the nomination am oncrc t as an in dividual takes an estate, with whatever incumbrances it may be loaded with.— And the only pledge and guarantee he of fers for his “adherence to the jthciplles of the resolutions” are “the known inci dents of a long public life.” Among these “known incidents” of his life there is not one, so far as we are aware of, in favor of the principles of the Compromise—in one at least of his pub lic letters,he has expressed sentiments inimical to the institutions of fifieen States of the Union. Since the passage of the compromise, he has suffered h*is name to be held up bi-fore the people of several of the States as a candidate for •he Presidency by the open and avowed enemies of those measures. And in the convention that conferred this nomination upon him he permitted himself to he used by the fieesoilers in that body to defeat Mr. Fillmore and Mr. YVebsier, because of their advocacy of these measures and their firm adherence to the policy that sustained them. I o join such men and aid them in com pleting their triumph over and sacrifiec of the true and tried friends of the consti tution, and the faithful discharge of all its obligations, is what we can never do. The dictates of duty and patriotism sternly forbid it. We consider General Scott as the favorite candidate of the freesoi! wing of the Whig party. That his policy, if he should be elected, would be warped and shaped to conform to their views, and to elevate them to power in the administra tion of the Government, can be consider ed as a legitimate and probable result. And believing, as we do, that the views of that fraction of mischievous men are dangerous not only to the Southern States (which we represent in part,) but to the peace and quiet of the whole coun try and to the pernnment union of the States, we regard it as the highest duty of the voters of the country everywhere, whatever else they may do, to at least withhold from him their support. This we intend to do. Alexander H. Stephens, of Ga. Charles J. Faulkner, of Va. W. Brooke, ofMisaissippi. Alex. \\ hite, of Alabama. R. Toomb3, of Ga. James Johnson, ot Ga. For reasons tc some extent indicated in speeches and addresses heretofore made by the undersigned, they deem it to to their duty to withhold their sup port from Gen. Scott as a candidate for the presidency. If it should be necessa ry, we will hereafter in some form exhib it more fully to our constituents the facts and reasons which have brought us to this determination. M. P. Gentry, Tenn. C. 11. Williams, Tenn. From the DeKalb Democrat. Ia the Whig party Dead? It is the policy of tho Jenkins party, (we call it by the only intelligible name,) to disguise, confuse, and conceal the is sues before the people in the present cam paign, hoping in this way to induce dem ocrats to cast their votes for a whig can didate. Hence they are proclaiming throughout the land, that if Johnson is elected, it will be a defeat of the Union and triumph of Disunion party. This is untrue from beginning to end, and to ex pose the trick and couvince the people that their is now no questions of Union and Disunion to be decided, but that, on the contrary, the only issue is whom shall we have for Governor —a whig or demo crat, —it is only necessary to refer to a few points in the history of the two par ties. From the begiun.ng of the Government to the present there have existed in this country two great national politi cal parties. 1 hese are ihe parlies known as Republican and Federal in the days of Jefferson and Hamilton—as the democrat ic and whig for tna .y years past. Th v areseperated by a wide gulf of difference upon the fundamental principles of the Government. The one holding to a strict construction of the .Constitution, and believing the Government to be one of limited delegated powers, have war red against and finally defeated the ef forts of the other, whose favorite projects the Ba ik and Tariff, are offsprings pf that latitude of construction which this party have ever insisted should be applied to the Constitution of the Uuited States. While the one asserts that our Federal Government has no right to levy taxes, except to defray necessary expeuses, and no right to disburse money but for the general welfare of the w hole country, the other proclaiming, in former days, that “a national debt was a national blessing,” and -‘high tariffs make low prices,” con tends for a vast consolidated empire, mighty in its authorities, lavish in its ex penditure, magnificent in all its operations. Here runs the line of dernarkation be tween the two, and while our Govern ment las's, it will never be obliterated. Differing in fundamental doctrines, based upon the Constitution, can they cease to exist? The Bank and Tariff ques tions may pass away—perhaps have pas sed away for a time, but the withdrawal of a practical question, cannot effect an amalgamation upon original principles. No, intueory and in principle they differ as much now as they did in the days of Clay and Calhoun, and whenever the oc casions arises, will differ again as much upon practical questions. ihe Bank and tariff were but branches of the great Federal trunk; Can you destroy the root by merely lopping off the limbs? No— it will put forth new shoots, which will again require the pruner’s knife. While the democrats are m power w,e need ap prehend no protective tariff, and hence the whigs.in. Georgia endavored to per suade us that they are now as much op posed to.it as we are. But can we be lieve them? Have we any guaranty that the old Federal root will not pul forth shoots as soon as the sun of power & prosperity shines upon it? No, Gentle men, we cannot trust you; the whig party is not dead but sleeping ll\p possum's slum ber! No longer coons , but still “ the. same, old Coon” Now we come to the question, who are the Jenkins party? Are they not whigs in disguise, who, conscious of the weak ness ut their cause, have adoptud the itnaatie of ‘“Union,” to conceal their odi- ous Federalism, and thereby deceive, mis lead, and defeat the democratic party?— We ask any candid man to look at the facts. No later than 1852, Charles J. Jenkins formally dissolved the Constitutional U nion party, declaring that the questions upon which it had been founded, were settled, telling whigs and democrats to herd after their kind, a-id stating that he was in no wise democratised by his as sociation with Union democrats. This fixed him as a whig against the democrat ic party. How has he maintained this position? Lo! in 1853, he tells the peo ple that the Union is still in danger, and if they would preserve it, they must still light against (be disunion party! We ask, what is his object in thus endeavoring to revive a party which he himself but last year helped to dissolve? Ah! he has consulted with Chang and Kng, and they have told him that the whig party is not yet strong enough in Georgia to.fight o penly under the whig colors for whig principles! Hence the difficulty in under going the rite of baptjsm, and the soreness to the name of whig. But we can fix their position in anoth er way. Suppose all the Jenkins candi dates are elected and go to Congress, facile Jimmy among the rest, who will they aci with? There is no Union party there— .they tried toj'et it up two years ago, and signally failed—they will hardly fry it a gain. Will they join the democrats'*— Xo —because they are denouncing the Pierce administration. They must then join the whigs, the only open opposers of lhat administration and will come home as go >d whigs ps ever voted for bank or tariff. In view of these facts—and we ask for them a cool, candid examination—we ask you democrats, who will you suppoit, Johnson or Jenkins? Mark well, that in voting for Jenkins, you are supporting the old Federal whig party, and denoun cing Gen. Pierce’s administration; in vo ting for Johnson, you are supporting that administration and proving yourselves true to your old principles. We leave the subject with you, confi dent that your good sense and party faith will return an unanimous verdict for Herschel V. Johnson, and the democrat ic party. The First Discussion We had the pleasure of hearing Judge Johnson and Mr. Jenkins address the cit zens of Rome, on Wednesday, the 17th ult. Mr. Jenkins who commenced the de bate, occupied almost the same ground taken by Mr. Stephens fthe day before, here and there interspersed with a notice of the political life of his opponent. We thought Mr. Jenkins rather cramped, ow ing to the inconsistent position which his Alexander 1 letter,* dissolving -the .Union party, placed him. Now, when he is seeking the votes of the people as a U nion candidate, he attempts to explain this inconsistency by saying that since the writing of that letter, events have taken place calculated to alarm the friends of the South and the Union—but as we conceived, utterly failed to show them. Nothing has transpired as we know of,, save the numerous undoubting evidences of the administration and Northern peo ple lo silence the slavery question by giv ing the South her constitutional eights. •We have not heard of a single Northern State, since Gen. Pierce’s anauguratiaß*: agitating the repeal of the Fugitive Slav*” Law, or any measure calcu'ated to endan ger the interests of the South. Mr. Jen kins is certainly a fine speaker—a talent ed man, and as Judge Johnson truly re marked, one of the cleverest fellows in the world, and we regret to see him in his present awkward position. It would better suit his honest heart to avow his principles, than to electioneer upon false issues. He did not deny that he was a Whig., but said that the Whig party would not be benefited by his election The fact of it is, Mr. Jenkins intends to oppose the President, though he may. maintain and carry out every principle of the Georgia Platform. Judge Johnson, whom . we never heard speak before, came fully up to our expectations. He told the people that he was a full-blooded democrat—aye, a Jackson democrat: lhat he was a South ern Rights man in the late contest, and that he had no excuse to make for what he then said and done; that since the Convention of 1850, when Georgia spoke in her sovereign capacity, he had been upon the Georgia platform, where he intended to remain. He ’ neither ad vocated nor opposed the construction of the Pacific Railroad, by the aid of the General Government--but left himself free to oppose or advocate the .measure when the route and manner of its con struction were settled upon. He, how ever, thought that if the Memphis route was adopted, it w'ould be a source of immense wealth to Georgia, that it would make Brunswick and Savannah the New York of America. He .made an exceedingly happy reply to the abuse of the Presidents appointments. Messrs. Jenkins and Stephens, Messrs. Fillmore, Webster, and Corwin were bad, yet that in their advocacy of the compromise, they were purified: the appointees of of Gen. Pierce, who had supported the Baltimore Platform, ami since maintained, its principles, were likewise cured of their former Freesoil tendencies. The friends of Judge Johnson throughout the State may rest assured that they have nothing to lose while he is their standard bearer; a wonderful reaction is going on in his favor since his arrival among us. The discussion was conducted in a courteous, mild and gentlemanly manner; the utmost good feeling prevailed, not only between the. candidates but their friends also.— Cassvillc Standard 25th ult. The Yellow Fever continues its ravages unabated in the city of New Orleans.— About two hundred die of the disease daily. He who rises late, never does a good day’s work. Judge Johnson and Mr. Jenkins at Cassville. On Friday last, by previous appoint ment, the Gubernatorial candidates ad dressed a large and ve y attentive, audi ence at this place. Judge Johnson com menced the debate by reviewing the histo- Jry of parties in the State of Georgia for the last two years, and conclusively establish ed the fact that both the Southern Rights and Constitutional Union organizations were dissolved; that the Southern Rights party had been disbanded by the formal resolutions of its members, and the Union party by the deseition of most of the U uion whigs; that in the late Presidential election the Union democrats, to a man, ! supported the democratic nominee, upon the gronnd that he was safe on the rights of the South and the prcservat : on of the U nion; and the Union whigs, although they viewed him in the same light, most of them refused to vote for him merely because he was a democrat. He placed Mr. Jenkins in close quarters about his efforts to dis solve the Union party last year—now ho was claiming Union democratic votes be cause he was a Union man, and warned them not to let Mr. Jenkins deceive them again. Mr. Jenkins made a very pleasant and interesting speech; but owing, we sup pose, to his awkward and cramped posi tion at present, his efforts here and at Rome, were not in that lofty, eloquent strain, which is usual with him. He spoke much of his opponent's receut political course, and read a great number of news paper extracts about Mr. Pierce’s appoint ments—that in this respect the President had deserted the principles upon which ho was elected, and showed an untrustworthy desire to conciliate the free-soil wing of the democratic party. In answer to Judge Johnson’s enquiries as to his political views, Mr. Jenkins frankly admitted that he was not, never had been, and never expected to be a national democrat. We were pleased to hear Mr. Jenkins make the a bove avowal; it will tell, with those truly national democrats who are lukewarm in the support of Judge Johnson; for now, let it be distinctly understood, Mr. Jenkins is not a national democrat, nor never ex pects to be, and how can Union demo crats who have always looked upon their Northern brethren as true to the consti tutional rights of the South, support him? In doing so they would desert the princi ples which divided them from the South ern Rights party. In the concluding half hour, Judge Johnson made appeals to the democracy not to be deceived, but to stand by their old and long cherished principles that will ever be remembered by old Jack son and Po!k democrats. The discussion will have a good influ ence in this county; in fact it is what we need; let us bit awaken the people to the true issue, and victory is ours. .We are pleased to see the kindest feeling existing between Judge Johnson ajidLMr. Jenkins; they are exceedingly social—-travelling, eating and rooming together.- —Cassviltc Standard of the \st last. Democratic meeting in Ogle thorpe.’ Oglethorpe, Aug. 26, 1853. Gentlemen: We had a glorious rally of the democracy here on yesterday, and notwithstanding the many numerous and generous predictions of his political ad versaries to the contrary, Maj. Colquitt was present, and by his able and lucid exposition of the doctrines and positions of the party not only showed himself a foernan worthy of the steel of his compet itors, but revived the spirits of his friends and proved to them that it was altogeth er practicable, notwithstanding the boasts of the Conservatives, with proper exer tions on our part to carry the district— He was well received and left an impres sion that will tell,: and tell favorably in October next. lie was aided in his dis cussion by Mr. Howard, of. Crawford, who, in addition to the many home truths he told, made the fur fly from the Re publican Citizen party in general and the division under the command of General Toombs in particular. Major Colquitt, accompanied by Mr. Howard, leaves here to-day for Hawkinsville, at which place they will address the people of Pu laski on Saturday next. lam sorry that my limited time will not allow me a <more detailed account, of the actings and doings on yesterday; at another time when I have more leisure I may do so. It is enough at present to say, that al though our candidate is guilty of the un pardonable sin and presumption of being a young man, he does not fear to meet his adversary on any field of discussion, where the question growing out of the affairs of the country are in issue, and when the meeting does take place his friends entertain no fears for the result — it will be creditable to him and will vin dicate the choice of those who have placed him in the front of the battle. , ‘ LANIER. P. S. Owing to the severe hoarse ness under which Judge Colquitt was la boring, brought on by the exertions cf the previous day, he was unable to make a speech. He nevertheless gave the people a little talk, in which he indicated the true line of policy. The Judge has no new laurels to reap as a stump orator, and the loss fell on those who expected a rich repast. — Times Sentinel L. Further from the Canvass. Hawkinixsville, Aug 26th, 1553. Messrs Editors: —l had the pleasure yesterday of attending a meeting of the democracy of Pulaski county, which; was addressed by Major Colquitt! erind Messrs Chappell and DeGraffenried.— You have good reason to be proud of your standard- bearer in this district.— The gravest charge preferred agains him heretofore, is, that he is too young, but never have I known a man grow old in the opinion ot his enemies so fast as Col cjuit has done sitce he look the-field.- I he danger now'is that the whigs will at tempt to prove him an old Fogy beforethe first Monday in October mext. IJiseffort yesterday was most creditable in every particular. He evinces the most perfect mastery over the questions involved in the contest, and his exposure of the im posture of Chang an*l Eng in their pro fessions of denvu’incv, and in their pre- !Vo. 36.