Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

VOL. XIV. THE GEORGIA JEFFERSONIAN 18 PUBLISHED EVERT THURSDAY MORNING BY WILLIAM CLINE, At Two Dollars and Fifty Cents per an num, or Two Dollars paid in advance. advertisements ar* inserted at one DOLLAR per square, (or the first insertion, ami FIFTY CENTS per square, for each insertion thereafter. A reasonable deduction will be made to those who advertise bv the year. All advertisements not otherwise ordered, will he continued till forbid. OF LANDS by Administrators, Executors or Guardians are required hy law to he held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court-House, in the county in which the land is situated. Notice of these sale, must be siven in a public gazette FORTY DAYS previous To the dnv of sale. RALES OF NEGROES must he made at pub lic. auction on the first Tuesday of the month, be tween the usual hours of sale, at the place of pub lic: sales in the county where the letters Testa- Hentary, ol Administration or Guardianship may have been granted; first filing FORTY DJIYS notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the court house who c such salearsc to t'e held. Notice fi,r the sale of Personal Property must he given in like manner FORTY DAYS previous to tlie dav of sate. Notice to Debtors and Creditors cf an estate must he published FORTY DJIYS. Notice that application will he made to the Court Ordinary for leave to ell land must lie pub lished for TWO MONTHS, Notice for leave to sk.il negroes must be published TWO MONTHS before any order ab solute shall be made thereon bv the Court. CITATIONS for Letters of A lmini-tration, must be published thirty dats; for Dismission from Administration, monthly six months; lor Dismission from Guardianship, forty day . f!ules (brtlie Foreclosure of Mortgage must he nnhti.h'*d monthly Fon four months, estab lishing lost papers, lor the full space of three Months; for compelling litlra from |''ymn>non- Administrators, wheip a bond has been given by the decease I. the full soace of three months, ‘''■L-g-LJ™ ! COMMUNICATED. DOYLE AND CRITTENDEN. Democrats to your post. Rally to the standard of the true democracy'; never let the flag of your principles trail in the dust. Arouse! wake up—hoist your ban ners, and let us have a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether, and the victo iv is ours. The Doyle banner having been flung to the breeze at first under very unfavora ble circumstance?, is now, from good au tliorit3r, afloat upon a more certain sea. It was the general opinion, especially among the knowing ones of the demo cratic party when he last announced himself a candidate, that he would be distanced in the race—but what a change lias come over the people! the tide is be ing turned in his favor, democrats of the old school, particularly those who act from principle, cannot refuse to vote for him, and like men good and true, they are es pousing his cause all over the country. All that has been wanting to bring a bout concert of action, is the proper ap preciation of the principles upon which Cos/. Doy/e was brought out. The people are now beginning to un derstand that, and are rallying to the true democratic standard every where throughout the county. Democracy wants no mcvgrel breed in her ranks. — Principles not men! is one of the leading characteristics of democracy; therefore we cannot expect to have our principles advocated and carried out by voting for a whig. What do democrats expect to gain hy voting for Moseley? Do they expect to make a democrat out of him, by sup porting him for Senator at this particular time? , v ... Hardly. Then where is the party to h>e :sene jilted, by giving him our support? It is onlv giving him a stick to break our own head with. Re.mlse his advances i>s jou would the opening jtws of Bn.ad der; both are” equally dangerous , Vote for Moseley, and you give the enemy a power which will hardly, if ever, be over come. Democrats! Friends! Think before vou take the fatal step. Look well to your future interests. A miss step now, may prove your everlasting ruin. Think of it.— Doyle, the poor man’s fiiend, is the Democia'ic candidate', and calls loud ly for your suffrage, upon correct princi ples, while Moseley,’ the iron hearted despot, expects to swindle you out of vour votes by making false pretences. — Listen no longer to tbe syren songof .Moseley at.d the crusaders, against our party and the principles we advocate. News front ail quarters throughout the county proves conclusively, that Doyle is gaining ground daily, and that if things go on as they have tor the last ten days until the day of the election, he is just as certain to he elected as the day coni“S. The still sow always drinks the slop. Do your duty democrats, and Doyle and Crittenden are certain to cany aloft suc cessfully, the banner so gallantly thrown to the breeze. He inactive, and whig gery nrd despotism reign for years to pome. ]t is known-th2* Moseley is only rawing to defeat his OWr. party, because h'e failed in getting the nomination —thetl do not throw your votes away on him. Preserve the integrity of your princi ples and ali is well TKUF DEMOCRACY. Sept. 20, 1853. A> this little sample of Young Ameri cas humor, we have laughed, perhaps, more than the occasion required. It is from a description of a fight in Virginia, done by an eye-witness:—“l teckin he was from low down on Guyan, somewhar. .Tea as f’ieyjg|ar j' lw *V “ c!, '*P r,>^e u l* on a boss I reckiti he was Messinger stock, a scrowging anemt/, a fettle blind o’ both eyes—a peert-looking chap enough—an’ when he got fernent the place, ses he, ‘ls this a free fight? an’ they tole him it war. ‘Well,’ says he, giiting off an’hitchfpg his ole claj-bank to a swinging lim, ‘count me ihV He hadn’t moie’n got it out, afore someone fetched him a lick, an’ he drapt., lie tiz dreckly with some de/icAully, and Bes he, ‘ls this a free fight?’ an’ they lole him it arr. ‘Well,’ ses he, unhitching his hoss, and puttin’ his left leg over the back leather, ’count me out 1 ’ an’ then he mar velled.” Frequent application is to the mind, what repeated tillage is to the earth. MR. jtfC’ilfflULAiVS ADDRESS. In the Federal Union of the 9th inst. we find an address to the people of Geor gia, from Hou. Robert McMillen, of the county of Habersham. Mr.” McMillen presents a lucid view of the Whig party, showing its direct emenation from old federalism, and its tendency in every phase of its career, to federal measures. That it is indeed nothing but old federalism subdued and checked by the voice of the people. We have not room to publish the whole of the article, but subjoin the latter part of it, which treats of the present times: They now are no longer Whigs but “Resolved, that they are “Republican Citi zens,” and invite the co-operation of “all those, whether whigs or democrats,” &c., and yet in the same resolution and in their presses and stump speeches, denounce President Pierce for affiliating with any j but Simon pores. They denounce, and consider the country in “imminent danger” from, the fire eaters, secessionists, &c., and yet are by all means in their power, invi ting those fire-eaters and. disunionists to co-operate with them. Before their late defeat, and for the last two years, thqif motto was, “a faithful execution of the compromise measures, finality of the slave ry agitation.” The body of the democrat ic party of Georgia belieririg that the South had been wronged, Opposed these measures until they were settled against them finally, then, as was their di*ty*tiicy acquiesced. Now the whigg,'(b‘f I should say a portion of the whigs) are opening the agitation anew, and thereby showing that their vows about wishing the compro mise to be a final settlement of the ques tion, was as faithless in this, as in the compromise of 1833, in the days of cation. The same men who put in office and supported Fillmore and his cabinet of freesoilcra —Tom Corwin of bloody hands memory, and others, say that they look with distrust on President Fierce,, This same party in Georgia ptit tht}, trtiq test of political orthodoxy upon the question of acquiescence in the compromise mea sures. I defy them to show, that the President has appointed a man to office of any kind who does not subscribe ,to this doctrine. In his letter accepting the nom ination, and in his .Inaugural he declared this to be his creed)’ and he has appointed no man to office who did not support him and the platform, fugitive slave law and all. These men get up scare crows when ever it suits their ends. Some of them objected to Gen. Scott on account of;hi§, freesoil proclivities, and to answer tlieit designs in Georgia, took up Daniel Web ster, who boasted that “I never would con sent and never have consented that thopy should be one foot of slave territory be yond what the old thirteen States had at the time of the foundation of the Union. Never! never! the man cannot shew his face to me and say he can prove that I ever departed from that doctrine.” This is Georgia whig consistency, these are the men who talk about the country be ing in “imminent danger” by the appoint ment to some minor offices under the su pervision and vigilant eye of the Presi dent, .When a freesoiler filled the Presi- dential chair, and whose every vote on the subject proves him to be so, and al ways against the South, when these men put him in office, lie was their “Model President”. -Not a syllabic then about the country being in danger. Since they see that they are broken down, and their policy and political tactics repudiated by.the people, they are now, as of old, endeavoring to assume demo cratic positions, and deny their old cher ished principles, until they can attain pow er. For this ptitposc they are becoming “all things to all men.” fn one portion of the State they are running as “Union men,” in other counties as “Conservatives,” in others as “Republican Citizens,” .and in some counties they have even.ihc temerity to run <as*“Whigs.” The different names are adopted in different sections to de ceive Whenever yon hear of a man pass ing himself off by different names at differ ent places, it is a bad sign he wants to deceive somebody—call them by their old name Whig, and they repudiate it—call them by their lately assumed name of “Re publican Citizens,” and they feel as squea mish as a boy who has got on a sto len coat when you point your finger at him. With regard to thoir new faith set forth in their new platform of opposition to internal improvements, distribution. &c. also relative to economy, (on the Tariff and other favorable measures they are mum,) and also their loathing of freesoil ism. For proof of their insiuccrity only look to their whole history and past course. It is but another stratagem, a pretended repentance since the last election. Why did they not declare against these mea sures in 1834, in 1841, in 1842, in 1844, and 1846, when they and their party were -rlopt>ng, battling for, and enacting them, lit fact every time they ever got into pow- eras I have yhowS; not a word then a i bout extravagant and appro priations for internal impi’Pve.Tcnts of the Whig administration of 1841 and ’42, and distributions of the land fund, and all iu?se | reekless appropriations; and distributions made, too, at the same session of Congress at which they passed a bill to borrow twelve iniilions of dollars—thus beggaring the treasury to give them a pretext for laying a high protective Tariff. If they afe sincere now in their repent- ance and in their new avovfal of opposi tion to those measures which they have al ways supported heretofore, and enacted whenever they had the power, how is Jt that they are opposing Judge Johnson who has all his life opposed those measures con sistently, and have put up against him Mr. Jenkins who has been a firm adherent to the whig party and supported its measures and its men all his life? If these men were sincere in the doctrines of their plat form, would they nbt support the man who has always battled for them? When a party undertakes double-deal ing their path is difficult., The “Republi can Citizens” convention for the purpose of catching democrats, say—“both the ! whig and democratic parties of the United GRIFFIN, (GA.) THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 29, 1853. States have been faithless to their oft re peated pledges of economy in the expendi ture of public money, and we view with great alarm and disapprobation, the par tial, unequal, and unjust appropriation of the public lands, to internal improvements, &c.” And yet, as I have shown, all this i was done by whigs and whig administra tions put in powetf and supported by the very, men ivho built this “Republican Citi zens” platform, without a word of com plaint from them—and Mr. Jenkins says but lately, that he has a “ stronger desire than ever before to adhere to the National Whig Party.” ,Ye,t, though not one act or measure of the whig party has since transpired to change that “strong desire” in accepting his norainatibn by,-the con vention which resolved that the .“whig party has proved faithless” to its pledges] Mr. Jenkins says “an entire sympathy with the spirit of their deliberations, forbid even momentary hesitation of acquiescence in their wishes,” and although he makes a fling at appointments to office, and altho’ Ihe says by the late contact with demo- J erats lie is ‘‘not at all democratized,” and although he repudiated Gen Pierce and set up for himself with the freesoilers on the Webster ticket, yet he has now the modesty to ask “the support of all my fel low citizens by whatever party designa tion heretofore known.” Anybody! Any body!! Now who will help them to form a captious, sectional, faction, to save them- selves? Oh yes— “VVc f>k not, we care not if enilt’a in thy heart, Come join our new party, whatever thou arl n Mr. Jenkins says “upon th 6 closest self examination I do not perceive that I am at all democratised.” and yet he and his friends are calling on democrats to vote for him, saying as does one of the whig candidates sot Congress in this district “we are all whigs, and all democrats.” There is just one half of this declaration correct, or rather the “all” is made up in this way —‘They’ are whigs” but‘we’ afg .hot; ‘We’ democrats, but ‘they’ are not. If they were .cfempcr.at9 they would support demo cratic men and democratic measures: “If ye love me keep my commandments”^-sup port Judge Johnson, and then we will have some-evidence, of, jpnr being “democrat ised;” prove your faith by your Works— as it is your works do give your profes sion a. contradiction!-flat. Mr. Stephens ana others in an .address to the people of Georgia just published, and other whig leaders cry out that the democrats will waste the people’s money in building a rail road to the Eacilte, and denounce that project—while Mr. Morton, another whig candidate for Congress in this district tells the people here that the project “will re ceive my warm support.” Thus they go in different plages,. ‘ ■Mr* Stephens and the committee say, Mr. Jenkins “has waived the attractive honors of National position.” How has he done it? was j| by managing with the aid of Mr. Stephens/and Mr. Toombs (or per mitting {hern to do it for him) as to get np opposition to Gen. Pierce or Gen. Scott, and run for Tice President on the freesoil, Federal ticket, with Daniel Web ster, who voted against an appropriation of money to rebuild the Capitol of the Union, after it had been consumed by British fire, and boasted that no man could show his face and prove that he had not always been opposed to the extension of slavery. This committee also say, Mr. Jenkins “as a member of the Legislature, is identified and indissolubly associated with every measure which looked to the moral, social, intellectual and material progress” of Georgia. Is this proven by his advocacy and support of the principles of the “Algerine law” by which no citizen of Augusta should vote for Aldermen un less he owned “one thousand dollars worth of real estate, or paid twenty-five dollars tax?” Mr. Jenkins not only voted for this law, but declared its doctrines to be his principles, by avowing that ‘I am op posed to the repeal of the act.’ Apply this principle to the voters of Georgia, and how many would be deprived of the ines timable privilege of having a voice in ma king the* laws by which they are to be governed. ,in England, no man dare to vote for a member of parliament unless he has this property qualification. But God forbid that such a revival of British des potism should ever be fastened upon a freeman this country. .To be taxed and governed without a voice in the same was one of the despotic evils set forth in the Declaration of Independence, qud on account of- which the Revolution was fought. These men talk about fairness and candor, and yet the Editor of the Washington Gazette, a whig paper in Wilks county, is called a knave or a fool, and is to he put down for publishing a letter .of Mr. Jenkins’, in which he says be is not “at all democratised.” Mr Jenkins talks about love of State, &c., better than party; and his friends talk about his high bearing and fairness, &c. When did he ever vote for a democrat, or a democratic measure against whiggery? Has he not been the uncompromising opponent” of de mocracy all his life—do they fprget that in the contest of 1844 between Clay and Polk, that Mr. Jenkins was one of a club in Augusta who on tbe 22d of October, just a few days before the election, got up a Bulletin and signed their names to it to give it influence, and headed it “WHIG 3.ANKER,” telling the voters of Georgia that til? democrats had formed a ‘coalition with the abol'tionists’ and that “abolition” was “avowed cs ft democratic principle.” This document Carefully issued and sent out by thousand.? °y er . Geor gia just a few days before the so that there could not be time to conirau'ct its false influence anil impression. Talk about principles and fairness—they are now running whigs in every whig district ancF. county, and where whigs stand no chance, they cry out for a “Union” demo crat as the best means to divide the demo cracy. They put their opposition to Pre sident Pierce upon the ground of his ap- pointments to office. - This is the ground in their resolutions at Milledgeville. They “view tfltls Alarm,” &c these “appoint ments.” This is their only hobby on the stnmp and everywhere. • To prove that this is a mere pretext and a false cry and that their true objection to him is, that he is a democrat, it is only necessary to re* collect that before he was elected and be fore he ever made any appointments, these same men put up Danie^Webster and Mr. Jenkins to defeat hinf (n Georgia—to “save themselves,” altlflrrugh they well knew that such a ticket could not get a rote outside this State. Their whole farcical coarse has been but the result of a well concerted plan to break np the democratic party, and get office. Look at it—Pierce men (almost) Buchanan men (quondam) Webster men their opposition to Pierce—opposition to Scqtjt, any thing by which office iraight be qbtajned and democrats divided. Elect these men and what would be the result? Let the past answer—we do not gather grapes of thorns and figs of thistles.— When the Greeks made war upon Troy, they besieged the city for ten years with out effect; at last.tjiey effected, by strata gem and deception, what they could not do by fair and open warfare—they built an enormous wooden horse, planked up his sides with boards, covered him with furs for haii I ,’ set him upon wheels that the Trojans might the more readily roll him into the city—all inside, this horse was hollow, and in the night the Greek sol diers encased themselves in the great horse, ad but a few who went on an island close by, so that in the morning their, camp-fires were left, and a straggling Gneek s,uildier:(left for the purpose) was taken by the Trojans into the city, and closely questioned—who told them that the Greeks had. abgndqned the .war, nnd as an evidence that they hacf ceased hos tilities, and were sincere in their friendship, they had left for the Trojans a present from Minerva, of the great horse. The Trojans shouted with joy, ppened their gates, threw down enough of their walls to admit.it, and,rolled the horse into the city shouting hosannah'. But no sooner had they got him into the heart of the city and the Trojans lu’led to quiet—than the Greeks burst forth in the dead of the night, from their wooden horse, and join ed by the “outsiders” took the city cap tive. The whigs have been battering at the gates of Democracy ever since the days of John Adams, they succeeded in deceiving the democrats in 1824, with John Quincy Adams, but were expelled; they again en tered the city in 1840 by means, not of a wooden hqrse, but log cabins, cider bar rels, &c. and did play havoc, by setting up pillars of a protective tariff, internal im provements, distribution of the land fundj, a United States Bank, &c. but democracy rolled back their cover and themselves with it. Not despairing they again made a desperate effort and succeeded in getting within the gates, but democracy this time hurled them headlong without the walls with force and terrible disaster. In Geor gia a few of the scattering captains have assembled at Milledgeville, and built a Wooden Horse, by which to deceive the democracy, but the moment you rub a de mocratic hand over him the fraud is appa rent, the coon-skin fur flies off a,ml there are his sides planked up with Ahe rotten log cabin boards of 1840, his ribs are made of staves of the old hard cider bar rels, without a spark of vitality or a drop of blood. Nothing but the old hard ci der, high colored with an old string of red pepper pods, while all within is hollow ! hollow 1 ! hollow !!! And then the build ers of the wooden horse—who and what are they? Pull off the cloak, and there stand tho whig skeletons with federal bones, bank sinews, tariff joints, internal improvement features, anti-war hands. In short, true whig frames ready to besp r ung into life and vigor upon getting hold of the reins of government. They fight,with the two edged sword of craft and decep tion, and self aggrandizement. Let the Democracy stand by its party organization, and keep it as it has made it, the protec tion of the rights and liberties of the peo ple, the guardian and shield of the consti tution. ROBT. McMILLAN. Clarksville, Sept. Ist, 1853. Letter from lion. John P King:. Augusta, Sept. 7, 1853. (jrtntlcmen: —l have received your invi tation to attend a mass meeting of the de mocracy of the fifth Congressional district, to be held at Kingston on the4Hb inst.— It will not be convenient for me to attend, but for your invitation you will please accept my thanlfs. , ■ I do not consider the approachin g elec tion for Governor of the State, as of great importance in its immediate effect upon our State interests. .Our domestic policy is pretty well setljled, and both tbe candi- dates are able and experienced men, well acquainted with the resources of tbe State, and the wants of the people, and either of them is, no doubt, in all lespects, well qualified to perform the duties of the office. •. - . >* In a national point of view, an 1 in its influence upon our federal relations, the approaching election is vastly important. Ev.cry year added to our age as a nation, strengthens the conviction of the excel lence of the institutions under which we five. History furnishes no example of such.wonderful advances in power, pros perity and true national greatness. Rome is often referred to as the classic model of ancient republics, yet we have advanced more in seventy, than Rome did in seven hundred years; the condition of our citi zens, individually, compared with other nations, is not less enviable. They are prosperous, secure and happy, under the combined influences of liberty and law. Other causes may something to these great results, hut they are mainly owing to the admirable form of our government, a.ud the principles l which it has been administered. — Such and government, honestly administer- ed, should be honestly sustained. We have some diversity of interests to recon cile, but these will nsver breed disturb ance or civil strife, under a firm, faithful and impartial administration of the go- vernment. Such we have in the admin istration of Mr. Pierce, and t:e * e no l bound by every - obligation of duty to sustain him? He has not been treacher ous to his own sectioo, but his whole .history is one cf unwavering devotion to the constitutional rights of all the States the South included. He has been no holiday-friend to the South, but whatever the political turns around him—whatever dangers seemed to threaten him ac home, he has never for a moment hesitated be tween policy and duty. He is truly and consistently a national dcmodYat; I standing up firmly for “the rights of the | States and the Union of the States/’ If ’ not sustained by the South, what encour agement do we offer to a northern man to do his whole duty, under all circum stances, to every section ? I cannot see the consistency of the present organized opposition to the na tional.’administration. ‘l'hey have dis solved the Constitutional Union party, as having accomplished its object ; have dis carded the time honored name of Whig, and though appealing to Union men, have’ certainly the only sectional organization in the State. What is the basis and the origin of! this organization? To secure the execu tion of the Compromise? We were told in July, 1852, that this object was ac complished, and the Constitutional Union party was therefore dissolved. Then the country was agitated by riots, rescues and formidable combinations, which ren dered the execution ,of the law difficult and doubtful. Now, all is comparatively quiet; fugitives are generally returned withpu} difficulty, and if the compromise has been attacked in any other feature, I *m not apprized of if. But the South is to be frightened be cause the President has appointed some freesoileis and Southern Bights men to office. When did freesoilers become so ‘obnoxious to.the Whig party of Georgia? It may be safely assumed that the whole Whig party of Georgia would have voted far Webster, Scott, Fillmore or Clay. If they could not have been united upon out of them— some om of them, would have taken the Whig vote. Now, these dis tinguished statesmen were all, in an ab stract sense, either freesoilers or aboli tionists. Even Mr. Clay, a Southern mao, not only committed himself against the further extension of slavery, but actually introduced a scheme for the abolition of slavery in his own State; the Whigs would have entrusted the whole executive, power of the government in the hands of these gentlemen for a constitutional term, hut organize against danger, if a Democratic President appoints a freesoiler to subor dinate office, to be removed at pleasure. I do not wish to deal harshly with these Whig preferences. I would on)) ask a deepnt respect for consistency.— The South should make no war on ab stract opinions upon the subject of slave ry. This would be to disfranchise all the citizens of the free States, an I effect a dissolution of the Union at once. We ask only that our constitutional lights shall be respected. , ; But Southern Rights men have been appointed to office; is this a subject of alarm to the South , that requires a sec-.- lional organization to meet the danger ? i hardly think so. The fault charged up on the Southern Rights men was, that their Southern attachments ran into a dangerous passion. That they would sacrifice by rashness what might be pre served and secured by prudence. I'hat their remedy was fraught with unmitiga ted evil, and no good could come of it in short, that it was no remedy at all.— Their attachment to the South was never questioned, but their rashness was sig nally rebuked by the sober judgment of the masses, and I was glad of it. Like sensible men, they submitted to ibis im posing judgment, and are now the most quiet and orderly citizens vve have. 1 am sorry to see our friends the Whigs, striving *.o occupy their vacant place, by a sectional organization. The object ot the President in making these appointments has been national in character, and pure and patriotic in mo-j tive. Mis object has been to silence sec tional complaints, and quiet agitation.— He has wished to show his own conli dence, in general submission to the late measure of adjustment. He has wished to prove to every class of our citizens, and every section of our country, that they have a common interest in a common govern ment. Ifheshoull be disappointed in his instruments, he has the. remedy in his own hands, and will - doubtless apply i>.— Will not t!)e President be sustained by Union Democrats ? This class of our cit izens I have considered as eminently .pa triotic. When they believed the State was in danger, they broke obi .party ties, and rallied around the standard of their j country. They will do so again if the necpssity should require, but il will not be by forniin r a sectional organization, ichich they so lately contributed to gut doom, Much more might .be sajd on this , sub ject, but I must come to a close. Should j . the Democratic party be defeated on this | issue, Georgia would present rather a! strange figure amoug her Southern sisters, i They are all quiet—having nearly all re cently decided that the South is perfectly secure, and that the President has done, his duty. Will Georgia be found “solitary and alone” upon a platform hastily erect- ed—with her lance poised against ene mies nowhere to be found, and prepared lo meet dangers long since passed away? Is our State prepare ! to cut so ridiculous a figure ? 1 hope not, JOHN P. KING. Messrs. Clayton and others, Committee. The St. Paul Minncsotian of the 25th ult., is responsible for the following. It is a fast way.of doing business, and beats Australia and California all.hollow: One of Miss B—’s pupils, a young la dy , stepped into the school-ioom the other morning, and commenced gathering up her books, staling that she was sorry that she was compelled to leave the school. “For what reaso i?” mildly inquired the teacher. . “Oh, 1 was married last evening, that’s all.” “Why did you not inform me before?” “For the simple reason,” replied the blooming bride, “that 1 did not know it myself until during the same afternoon, never asked me until then.” The favorite cosmelic in Paris for re moving freckless, it is said, is an ounce of lemon juice in a pint of rose water. Hungry mon call the cook lazy . ’ Once a use and ever a custom. “One of the People.” In our last we copied an article, written by a Scott Whig, from the Central Geor gian, with the .above title, addressed to : the Hon. A. H. Stephens. To-day we make an extract from a subsequent num ber, which appeared last week. It reads as follows : Upon a careful perusal of the Address to th? people of Georgia* above referred to, I cannot resist tho- desire of express ing Ip you some ideas that occurred to me while so doing. The acts and doings of Mr. Pierce seem to meet your general disapproval; and there is to my mind, a shade of disappointment and of offended pride, pervading the whole Address, which gives, it the cast of; complaint.— This is rather lowering your dignit) as a statesman; and comes.,with a very bad grace from yoU, considering how largely he was aided, in his election io the Pres- idency, by the indirect efforts of yourself and Mr. Toombs. By your defection 35,000 men cast the vote of Georgia fob him. Had you then.actfed'in’good faith to the Whig party, that disgrace might have been saved the State, and your pre sent complaint of Pierce have had some shawow of decency. This time, twelve, months ago, you had nothing against Mr. Pierce, and would believe nothing against hiu. nor nothing in favor of Gen. Scott. And if newspaper reports are to be cred ited, you even went so far as to say that Mr. Pierce “siumpeu” New Hampshire, while you did the same in Georgia, for the Compromise. On that point, however, I confess I have never been fully satis fied. At any rate, sir, I think you, Mr. Toombs and Mr. Jenkins are fully,charge able for a share of all Mjc, Pierce’s mis doings— freesoij appointments and all. Why should you complain ? Let me put the matter to you in a plain way. Suppose the Scott Whigs by their lukewarmness towards Mr. Jenkins, and their refusal to support him, Mr. Johnson should he eleetde, (which I think at this time very possible,! and a year hence they should come to you with their denuncia tions and complaints against Mr. Johnson for some bad acts, would you not be in clined to look upon, such complaints as a contemptible piece of nonsense, and be induced to tell them plainly that they were to blame for it? that if they had come up to your help, he would not prob ably have been elected Governor? ] think you would be likely to do this, and you would do right. So sir, you need not he surprised at all, if a great many honest Scott men should regard.your attempt to rally them against Mr. Pierce at this time, in a con temptible light; and as a very lame affair at best. They are perfectly willing to let you fight your own battle. 1 am, I can assure you. , Another point, which you sesmed to put much stress upon, I,could not help noticing You hold up as an objection to voting for Mr. Johnson, and probably, very justly, the fact that the Democratic pasty in Georgia migbt.be called upon to support the Pacific Railroad scheme.— Bui you either overlooked another fact, or did not think fit to mention it, that Mr. Buchanan, whom Mr. Toombs once seemed to favor for the Presidency, ad vocates that scheme. But the greatest exposuro to which you laid yourself open, and one positively as tonishing in a politician of your astute ness, is the argument you lay hold of to prevent true Democrats from voting for Mr. Johnson. You tell them he quitted the Democratic party two years ago ! Yst you see he has returned to it again, j Did it not occur to you National i Whigs might take the reasoning to them selves, in regard to yourself and Mr. Jenkins? You quit the Whig party two years ago, and have not returned yet — and I cannot tell when you will do it.— And what is worse, you have succeeded in wheeling off Mr. Jenkins -also. So you will perceive, you are as deep in the mud as Mr. Johnson is in thei mire, if not a little more so. “Some of the Re publican Citizens,” however, tell me they are all to be good Wbigs again, as soon as they can get the Union Democrats firmly welded on to them. “Eye hath nol.-sbeu nor ear heard it yet.” Their wanderings have but just commenced—their mission for jhe “moral, social and intellectual im- proiement of the people of Georgia,’? is but just set out. If they will stick to you, I. warrant you to lead them as wan dering and vagrant a political life as their hearts could wish. Often too, wheie they j will get “well peppered,” like Sir John | Falstaff’s raggamuffins. And I have no | doubt tney will be led by you, as long as | you can keep possession of Mr. Jenkius, as a sort of Ark of the Covenant. Sir, you have chosen your own ground upon which you arc giving battle. But you have chosen it unskilfully. In addi tion to that, you have hiarshalled your forces with little regard to feelings or af- sections, and have evidently given high preference to the mercenary troops over your old and long tried political friends, to whom you now appear disposed to turn a cold shoulder. I prophecy for the “Re publican citizens” a defeat.. And lam free to confess I shall not feel mortified at it. The proscriptive policy so apparent among your partizans, at a time when they should have better understood their depen dence, augured no good to those who dared to oppose the folly of the Tcrtium Quids. It,spoke in language plain enough to ray understanding, that they sooner risk de feat, than give Scott men an honorable po sition. And defeat yon are welcome to for me. THE CHAR3E CONFIRMED. Under this head the Recorder publish es an extract from a letter signed by 1’ G. McFarland, a member of the Union Convention from Walker county, going to confirm the statement charged upon Judge Johnson, that he remarked, in re ference to the Union party, “ I look upon the whole pack with the utmost con tempt.” Mr. McFarland says: 1 had heard of his harsh remark before leaving MMledgeville; and on our return home from the OonVC.'l'mn, a goodly number of us remained at Gordon several hours waiting the cats, Mr. Connelly amongst the number, and whilst there, some gen tleman asked Mr. C. concerning the re ported remark of Judge Johnson. Mr. C. stated inpresence of several delegates,® as well as myself, that Judge J. and him-’ self were standing or sitting together f.fc the time that Mr. Jenkins read the re port of the committee of 33, and after Mr. Jenkins finished reading, Mr. Cor.-* nelly turned to Judge Johnson and him, “well Judge, what do you thiolc now of the submissionists” or “submis sion party?” I don’t recollect distinctly which term he used; the Judge replied,’ “I look upon the whole pack with the UTMOST CONTEMPT.” We are pleased to see that the writer has made his charge so plain. Judge Johnson will not deny it, if true. But by the mouth of two witnesses shall all things be established. Mr. Conneiiy is dead, but fortunately “several delegates” heard Mr. Connelly’s statement. Where are they? VYhy are they not named, and; their evidence produced? The charge may be as Mr. McFarland states. But where-there are several who can testify to a fact, one is hardly sufficient testimony. Let us hear what the others say. Draw ’em uo, Mr. Recorder! Thera may be a mistake. Canton, Ga. Sept. 19th, 1853. Capt. Wm. I’. Wofford: Dear Sir—l noticed an editorial in your paper of the 23th August last, denying certain statements contained in a corntfut nicatiou/signed ‘‘Cherokee,” published iii the Southern Recorder of August 10th, which charged that Judge Johnson, in his speech at CaHton, in August, 1852, used some very offensive language in respect to Union Democrat. 1 also noticed that in the Recorder of the 13th inst., “Chero kee” has another communication, in which he publishes a certificate, signed by fifteen persons, sustaining his state ments, and says he can get a list of three hundred if desired.’ He, however, makes his correspondent, Kemp, certify that “no one pretends to j here.” ! He states that the issue is fairly made be tween you and himself, and, with muck parade, asks you and the other editors, who published your denial, to publish his article. When 1 saw his first article and your denial, 1 determined to pay no further attention to it, as 1 supposed he had only adopted that as a mode of liv ing publicity to 1 a little of his whig spleen against Judge Johnson, and that he ex ? ? pected his gord readers to make the. necessary allowance; but since he has put himself to the trouble to procure a certif icate of fifteen persons,Who are, as he certifies over the signature “ Ckerokcef “highly respectable citizens,’? ,1 have thought it proper to pay some niten'ton to his charge, and to furnish, you with abundant proof to sustain you m this is* sue, wkich, He says, isr now “fairly made.’’ . I send you the subjoined, state ment signed by fifty-one citizens cf Cher okee county, who heard Judge Johnson’s speech, and whose credibility, I suppose “Cherokee” himself will not deny. Giv*> me time to see persons.who heard thO speech, and I can increase this list to al most any number they may require. I suppose, however, that no one, acquaint ed with the persons whose names appear below, would ask for more evidence. f f James H. Hardin is now a Justico of the Inferior court of Cherokee county. James McConnell is also a Jusiice of the Inferior court and was a Union whig.— Jasper L. Keith is Clerk of the Superior court, and was a Union democrat. James- Jordon is Ordinary of the county. Gen. Littlebery Holcombe is now the comman ding General of the brigade to which Cherokee now belongs, and was a Union democrat. Frederic Burtz is brigade in spector, and has commanded one of the battalliohs of the county for years—he was a Union democrat. Ira R. Foster was a Colonel in the Florida war—has since been biigadier general, has represented his county in the Legislature. Maj John McConnell hss represented his county in the Senate, and is one of its most reliable and trust-worthy citizens. Maj.‘ James M. Fielder commanded-;a battallion in the county for several years. Col. James E. Rusk has for years commanded one of the regiments of the county. Joseph Mc- Connell, Elias Putnam, aud Amos Braz- leton are justices of the peace. L. M. and John H. Gregory were Union whigs. John M. Nuckolls is now a Jen kins man, he asked to be permitted to sign as an act of justice to a political oppo nent. But I have not time to notiee the character of each gentleman on the list separately; the respectability of no oue of them will, 1 apprehend, be called in question. I regret to think that any friend of Mr. Jenkins should have thought it necessary to resort to such means lo injure his opponent. Frommy knowl edge of Mr. Jenkins’ character for-up rightness, honor, and integrity,- I feel confident that he looks forward with dis approbation upon the course pursued by this correspondent r “CherokSr.” I will only add, that I sent off the list to some of the papers below when 1 had only ob tained the signatures of 33 persons, in the hopethal it might reach them in time sos- publication in this week’s papers. This 1 did in order to give “Cherokee” time to prepare his list of three hundred, of which he speaks. I hope it may reach io time for insertion this week, and ■ then see how far “Cherokee” can go towards the three hundred. • > v / He will have lime enough. * In conciiK sion, I respectfully nsk the 4 Recorder a „d all other Jenkins papers in theSSft f _ e w |jo have published for “Cherok<’ e ** to pub lish thrs communication together with the statement-of fact* an( i lis ” of I think ii is a* fcet of justice to Judea Johnson which will not be denied by any h.ghmindta, honorable gentleman, cun. dueling ah opposition press. Very respectfully, Your ob’t Servant, JOSEPH E. BROWN. Here follows the same certificate which ’j we published last week, copied from the Macon Telegraph. It was then signed by thirty-three names', to which eighteeq more have sin je been addeds, a •* - - r .A. i'rj/ ■ “ No. 39.