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VOL. XIV. THE GEORGIA JEFFERSONIAN IS PUBLISHED EVEBT THURSDAY MORNING BY WIIjIjIAM CLINE, At Two Dollars and Fifty Cents per an nami or Two Dollars paid in advance. A t)VER.TISt£iV)tINTS are inserted at O.YiS DOLLAR per square, (or the first insertion, and FIFTY CEJVTS per square, for each insertion thereafter. A reasonable deduction will he made to those w ho advertise by the year. All advertisements not otherwise ordered, will he continued till fnrliiri. OF LANDS by Administrators, Executors or Guardians are required hj law to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours ol ten in the (nreonon and three in the afternoon, at the Court-House, in the county in which the land is situated. Nntii'e. of fltege sale, must lie niven in a public gazette FORTY DAYS pr*"iou3 to thn day of sale. SALES OF NEGROES must he made at pub lic auction on the first Tuesday of the month, be tween the ostial hours of sale, at the place ol pub lic sales in the comity where the letters Tesla iieritar’, of Administration or Guardianship may have been “ranted; first “iving FORTY DAYS notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the court house whe e such salearsc to t'ft held. Notice for the sale of Personal Property must ho given in like manner FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an estate must he published FORTY DAYS. No’iee that application will he made to the Court Ordinary for i.kavf. to sell land must ho pub lished lor TWO MONTHS, Notice lor leave TO SELL NEGROES must he pnYisVil TWO MONT FIS before any order ab solute shill h” made thereon hv llm Court. CITA TIO VS for LetP>rs of A Iministration, must be published twlKty pat*; for Dismission from Vdministratiou. monthly six months; for Dismissi >n fro o Guardianship, forty day?. Rules for the foreclosure of Mortgage must he -i di'i-sh •;! MONTHLY FOR FOUR MONTHS, estab lishing lost papers, lor the full spare of three m >ntiis; for eoinpeMing titles from Kxeeulors or a ifiiinis'rat.i-s, wlicie a bond has been given by the deceased, the full snare ofrubEF. months. From Mackellar’s‘‘Droop.iiogs from the Heart.” let’s SIT DOWX AN'tl TALK TOGETHER. Let’s sit clown and talk together Os the tilings of olden day, When we, like lambkins loosed from tether, Gaily tripp’d along the way. Time has touch’d us both with lightness, Leaving furrows here and there, And tinging with peculiar brightness Silv’ry threads among our hair. Let’s sit down and talk together; Many years away hate passed, And fair, and foul, has been the weather, Since we saw each other last. Many whom we lov’d are living, In a better wor'd than this; And some among ris still afe giving Toil and thought for present bliss. Let's sit down and talk together; Thor’ the flowers of youth are dead, The ferns still grow among the heather, And for os their fragrance shed. Life lias thousand blessings in it, Even for the aged man; And God has hid in every minute, Something we may wisely scan. Let’s sit down and talk together; Bovs we were—we now are men; We meet awhile, but know not whither, ! We shall meet to talk again. Parting time has come: how ffeetfj’ Speed the moments, when their wings Are fann’d by breathings issuing sweetly From a tongue that never stings! Georgia. We are gratified at the daily evidences which arc afforded of the high and influ ential position which our noble common wealth occupies in the Federation. The following extract from an address of Al bert J. Picket, the historian of Alabama, will be read with interest. By the Way, why is? not this distinguished citizen called to fill some political position worthy of his moral worth and large attainments? We suggest him, fts Pol Winston’s successor in the Gubernatorial chair of our sister State. Let the State honor the man who honors her But to the extract, Col. Pick et says: C'dumb us Times. The most prospering and enterprising State iu the South is that which lies uptfn onr eastern border. She has nine hun dred and ninety-nine miles of Railroad, over which run, night and day, cafs laden with freight and filled with passengers.— Georgia is truly a great titate, and a pat tern for ours and all other Southern States. Her limits are so large as to compose ninety-nine comities, the soil of which is as diversified as the climate; yet her people and products are brought together, in the space of a few hours, by means of the great internal improvements to which I have alluded. Evidences of remarkable prosperity are observable in all directions in t'.at State. The water-lalls are seldom left us Nature formed them; but Factories tfind Flour Mills are propelled by then’ power In Augusta, the Savannah river lias been conduct and to the most elevated ground, by a long canal, which is studded, also, with Mills and Factories. There is, 4.0®,, a general intelligence existing, in Georgia that we do not find in any other State° Whatever is illiberal and mean in *>ther States appei tains not to Georgia I have reference, of course, to her public spirh The people look to the interest of their whole State, and effect improvements upon a scale of magnitude and importance. Ravines of great depth are filled up; the inounta'n spurs are leveled-; mountains themselves are tunneled* costly bridges are thrown across rivers—all—all—for the tracks of Railroads. From the Ten nessee River to her distant seaboard, Geor gia opens to her people every facility; the young, the middle-aged and the old, rapid fy travel from one portion of the State to another. No one can visit Georgia with out becomiug satisfied that she possesses a great and happy people. A slight frost occurred iu Augusta on Sunday morning—on Sunday night a row occurred in the streets, between a watch man and two individuals, named Feagan and Cartledge, during which the watch man was killed—and a fire took place on Monday night which consumed a stable. tSav. Journal, 19 th inst. When H’addix’s wife kicked him out of bed, says he—“ See here, now! you’d bet ter not do that again! If you do, it will a coclncssf fflw ©erivnia Jcfftreoitian. From the Fedcrnl Union. diivehiorl Election. Enthusiastic. Demonstration in Baldwin. On Monday evening of last week, after It was known tkat Judge Johnson was cer tainly elected, the citizens of M illcdgeville and its vicinity expressed their joy at his election in 3, manner which showed their high respect for him as a fellow-citizen The booming of the cannon from the cap itol hill soon conveyed the glad tidings to the surrounding country, and abont dark a large number of onr citizens with a band of music marched out to the residence of the Governor elect tit Midway to congrat ulate liltti on the happy event. The Jridge received them most cordially, and at their request liri gave them a speech, which con tained so much sound doctrine and good advice, that We have solicited from hirii a copy for publication. We give below the substance of the speech and commend its spirit and the sentiments contained in it, to the whole Democratic party of Georgia. Let us all remember the memorable Words of President Pierce: ‘‘The hour of victory should be the hour of magnanimity.”— There are in the State no doubt thousands of honest Democrats who did not vote for Judge Johns On. They were deceived by the slanders and falsehoods of the Whigs. They were told that the Democratic can didate for Governor was a disnnionist; — they believed this slander, and therefore could not vote for him. All of these men will soon learn that they have been deceived by designing men They will discover that Judge Johnson is a firm, substantial, na tional Democrat; one that will give a zeal ous and cordial support to the Administra tion of Franklin Pierce, the President of their choice. When these Democrats find out that they have been deceived by the enemy, and. that the Governor elect is neither a disnnionist nor a freesoiler, but a true Democrat of the Jackson and Polk school, they will hereafter act with their Democratic brethren in the State and the United States: and the Democracy o r Georgia will be stronger than it ever was before. The result shows that many of those Democrats that did not vote for Judge Johnson, refused to vote for Mr. Jenkins; this proves that they did not con sider themselves Whigs, but they were de mocrats who would not vote for a man whom they had been told was a diSrfnidn ist. We now, in the hour of victory, in voke a spirit of harmony. We hope that all of our democratic brethfen Os the press throughout the State, will endeavor to promote peace and harmony in the Demo cratic patty. Let us ail believe that every Democrat in the State has acted from honest convictions of right. If this spirit shall prevail, we shall soon see the whole Democratic Party of Georgia reunited and invincible. The Whigs are already pre dicting quarrels and dissens’ons in our ranks. We must disappoint them in this, as bad as we did in the election. We have proved their former predictions false; it remains for us to show that their present hopes are groundless. We must now con vince them that we know how to rise a victory, as well as how to gain one. But we will not detain our readers any longer from Judge Johnson’s excellent speech. JUDGE JOHNSON’S ADDRESS TO THE CITIZENS OF MILLEDGEYiLLE. Bellow-Citizens:— l aril pleased to see so many of you to-night. As my friends arid neighbors, you are here to offer your congratulations on the result of the late election for Governor. This manifestation is the voluntary and spoiltatfeoris offering of those among whom I live, and who know me as a neighbor and fellow-citizen. Accept, gentlemen, my hearty thanks, for the pleasure you exhibit for my election to the Executive Chair of our beloved State. As intelligent freemen, your rejoicing implies something more than gratification for my mere personal eleva ion. With the masses of the people, of whom yoii are a portion, the success or defeat of any •me individual is a matter of small moment. It is insignificant, when weighed in the balance with the great principles which were involved in the canvass. Your visit speaks your joy for the ascendancy of De mocracy—its vindication at the ballot-box —the popular approval and support of the Administration of Franklin Pierce. The real question was, whether the people of Georgia would “ rebuke” our President array themselves in a sectional, organized opposition to his policy, or, whether, they would stand with the great National De mocracy in its support, until it shall be fully developed, and have a fair trial before the country. They have deliberately chosen the latter position, and placed Georgia in company with twenty-seveu o the other States of the Confederacy which favor the Administration of Franklin Pierce. It is a proud spectacle, to sec twenty-eight of the thirty-one States of the Union, all standing on the Democratic Platform and maintaining triumphantly the principles ot Jefferson, Jackson and Polk. I congrat ulate you, gentlemen, on the bi’illiant fu ture which it opens up to our happy coun try. It betoken > the prosperity, and the perpetuity of the Union. But, gentlemen, while we rejoice at the triumph of Democratic principles, let me beg you to discard from your bosoms, any feeling of vindictiveness towards our op ponents. It is unworthy of you as free men - it is unworthy of you as Democrats. They are our fellow-citizens, and the mass of them are as leanest as we are, in their opinions; while we imMge in the glories of victory, let us not forget to be magnani mous to the vanquished. The contest which has just closed was one of unusual virulence. It has been conducted, on both sides, with a fierce de termination to conquer. The press has discussed, with unparalleled severity, the merits and demerits of both the Guberna torial candidates. But amidst all, it is gratifying to me to know, that the kindly I personal relations between me and my re spected opponent have not suffered the slightest disturbance. Charles-J. Jenkins ■is an amiable and; able man. We have traveled together through a large portion of upper Gieorgia. We have eaten and slept together. We have met each)other in political debate: autl I have always found him courteous aud frank in this bear GRIFFIN, (GA.) THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 27, 1853. ing, and it is with unfeigned pleasure that I state that, in not a solitary instance has he indulged au unkind personal reflection!. It was my purpose to reciprocate, at all times, his elevated and gentlemanly bear ing; and if I have said or done aught to wound his feejings, I am not aware of it. If I have, I take occasion, in this presence, ami at my own house, to make the amende honorable As it could have been no dis grace to have been beaten by him, I es teem it the highest possible compliment to Ibe preferred to such a man as Charles J. Jenkins. The value of the compliment is increased, if possible, by the smallness of the majority, which indicates the popular preference. It would seem to’ indicate that the people paused to’ deliberate, and hesi tated to choose between us. The occasion, gentlemen, is suggestive of many rejections, touching the points and modes of attack by which our oppo nents have industriously sought to defeat my e'ection. Os many of then!, I Will not trust myself to speak. They are so false in fact, and so ungenerous in spirit, that I will not yield to the temptation to speak of them as they deserve. But their lead ing design stands out too prominently re vealed, not to afrest the attention of the most careless observer of the progress of the canvass. That design was to seduce the Union Democrats to abandon their cherished principles. It was only in this way, that they could indulge a shadow of hope of success. For this purpose, two prominent ideas were constantly held up before their minds, and pressed with an nrgency worthy of a better carise. The first Was, that the Conservative organiza tion was indispensible to the maintenance of the Georgia Platform, and synonvmous with that of the Constitutional Union party. Os this 1 shall no't speak. The trick was too transparent to deceive. The second was, that I was a Secessionist, and advocated disrinitfri as a remedy for the evils tis the “Compromise measures/’ and that, consequently, my Democratic Union brethfen Could not, consistently, vote for me. Their prejudices Were appealed to, and an unceasing effort Was made to keep alive’ arid active the asperities of feeling which were unfortunately engendered be tween! the two wings of the Democratic party, by the exciting issues of 1851-52. To influence the’ mind of my Democratic brethren against me, it has been constantly asserted, by the opposition presses and speakers, that I denounced them in my Sandersville letter, as a “pack of knaves arid fools.” It iS Only necessary for any fair minded and candid man to read the whole paragraph of the letter, in which these terms Occur, to be satisfied of the great injustice of the charge against me. The paragraph reads sts follows : “ It is almost universally admitted, that “ the South has been grievously wronged “ by the late action of Congress respecting “ the Territories of the United States “ There are a few, however, who deny even “ this proposition. They arc, of course, 1 “ not only in favor of uncomplaining sub “ but for kissing the hand that “ smites us. They even profess to sec, in “ the recent measures of Congress, the in “ dication of a returning sense of justice, “ on the part of the North, and the dawri “ ings of a brighter day for the South.— ” To reason With srich would be like “c'nst “ ing pearls before swine.” “Let them a “ lone, they arer joined to their idols”— “ office and place—and are ready to sac rifice on their altars, principles, and “ hoirie. and country. With such, I have “no sympathy—for them, I can have no “ respect If their er'for be founded in “ ignorance, I pity them as fools; if it be “ the result of designing ambition, t con “ deran them as knaves.” Now to whom are these terms “ knaves and /00/s” applied? To the whole body of men who were in favor of acquiesence in the Compromise measures ? Surely not. Bnt to those ‘ ‘who were in favor of uncom plaining submission.” Who were they? You remember that, when Gov. Towns gaffed the Convention, in obedience to the Legislative requirement, there Were those’ who said, it was the duty of the Conven tion to pass a resolution censuring him for so <loing, and adjourn These were in my mind’s eye, when I penned that paragraph, and it was in reference to them that the terms “knaves and /00/s” were used. They were not designed to apply to the great body of Union men. For, in the very next paragraph, I expressed my respect for their opinions, feeling then as now, that there was a broad margin for an hon est difference of sentiment, not only as to’ the measures themselves, but also, as to the best line of policy for the State to adopt in her Convention. •With equal confidence, do I appeal to the whole spirit and tenor of that let ter, for a triumphant refutation of the charge, tint I advocated secession as a remedy for the wrongs which I thought the South sustained by the passage of the “compromise measures.” I thought then, as I think now, that secession is totally inadequate as a means of redress. The measures consisted in passed acts of Legis lation, several of which are irrepealable i Secession, if resorted to, would not have driven California back to the territorial State; it wonld not have annulled the ter : ritorial governments of Utah and New Mexico; it would not have reversed the settlement of boundary between Texas and New Mexico; it would not have abol ished the law prohibiting the slave trade in the District of Columbia; and with the Fugitive slave law, I was satisfied. In a word, secession would not have restored the rights of the South, as involved in any single feature of the “Compromise Mea sures.” Hence, in my Sandersville letter I said: “ Indeed l fear that past wrongs are for “ the most part irremediable. A * * s* * “ It seems to me, therefore, that onr “ Convention should look to future securi “ ty rather than to redbess for past wrongs. “ indeed I am frank to say 1 , that I would “ not dissolve this Union, by secession or “ otherwise, for what has already been “ done, &c.” A'nd'in the conceding part of the let ter, I‘ used this further emphatic language: “ And let us invite the latter (the “ slaveholding States) to send delegates to a southern Congress to meet iAMilltdge- “ Viiie, rin the 4th of July, 1851, not to j “ dissolve the Union, but to devise means ! “ for th!eir enforcement, (i. e. measures of, “ future security,) with the tiew to preserve “ the rights of trie* in the Union.” How utterly unfounded and unjust, therfoTc, is the charge rigoinst me for be ing ri Secessionist and (llsunionist. And yet,- although this letter was published be fore the Georgia Convention met, in the newspapers of the day, in the face of the airijfle testimony which it furnishes to the contrary, the imputation has been affgried and reiterated in a thousand forms, to de ter Union Uemocrats from honoring me with their suffrages'. I shall not notice the miserable “Buz zard” story ; That has been explained by gentlemen, “good and true.” I shall nOt notice the assertion, that I expressed of the Union party “a thorough contempt for the whole pack.” This is a miscon struction and perversion no less palpable and unjust. Nor shall I pause to break a lance with those who have sought to ar ray the prejudices of the religious com munity against me, by misrepresenting my theological views. I believe it is still the privilege of every man to worship God, ac cording to the dictates of his own con science; and he who wonld make any given standard of orthodoxy, the test of eligibil- ity to office, lacks nothing bat the power to erect the stake, prepare the rack, and ordain the thumbscrew, sos ail who do not bow submissively to its dogmas. Let all these, with the “log cabin” and “chicken cart” stories be passed by, with that si lence which is expressive of the contempt they deserve An intelligent constituency have proved themselves incapable of being seduced from their devotion to principle, by such despicable appeals to their preju dices. Still they hafe riot failed to produce their effect. The result of the election shows, that hudfeds were induced to with hold from me their suffrages, by reason of these false charges and misrepresentations; Notwithstanding the rapid increase of our population, fewer votes were polled, by several thousand, than in the Gubernato rial canvass of 1851. And While this may be explained by the fact, of this having been a far less excited contest than that, yet a comparison of the vote cast in seve ral strong Democratic counties, with that cast in the election of 1849, between Towns and Hill, shows, that the diminish ed vote in those counties resulted from the failure of Democrats to vote either for Mr. Jenkins or myself. They exhibit, that while Mr. Jenkius received only a slight, increased vote over that of Ilill, I received a much smaller vote than Towns. In other words, it is evident that hun dreds of Union Democrats, impressed by the false charges preferred against me, felt that they could not vote for me. It is not strange that they should thus feel: for if these charges were t ue, they could not be expected to feel otherwise. The opposition press represented me in a light which made me more of a monster than a man; and a monster too, with special an tipathies to Uniorn Democrats. It requires more’ fim’e to refute, than to concoct a slander—more time to remove than to a waken prejudices. Hence, I have no word of complaint to urge against my U nion Democratic brethren for withholding their suffrages. They were honest in their doubts and misgivings; and I confidently trust to time for my complete vindication lirict their sense of justice’ and magnanimity, when that great arbiter shall have shown them, how much they have been deceived j and imposed upon by reckless politicians j and a still more reckless press. There is another fact in this connection I gentlemen, which is not only gratifying but hopeful. It is this: Although these Union Democrats did not vote for your candidate, yet it is evident they did not vote for Mr. Jenkm’s. If they had, lie would have been elected by a large major- i ity. This proves that, in withholding 1 from me their votes, they did not intend ( to abandon their Democratic principles They are Democrats still, and they will yet rally upoli our ancient platform, when time shall have swept away the dust and the sm’oke of the contest, which have dar kened, temporarily, the path of duty, so that they could not see their way clearly ‘before them'. Let us then, indulge to wards there? no unkindness. They are our political brethren still; and let us show our own fraternal feelings, by’ conciliatory, generohs and just action. Such a policy, universally adopted and steadily pursued by our people and the Legislature, soon to assemble', .will c'chsolidate the whole Democl&cy of Georgia, and place it upon a position as impregnable as Gibralter. f should feel guilty of ingratitude, were Ito pretermit, on this occasion, an ac knowledgment of the heavy debt we owe to our Southern Rights and Union Whig brethren, for the effectual aid whcli they have given us, in the late canvass. Feel ing that our policy is the soundest, that the National Democracy offers the safest security for the rights of the South, and that Gen. Pierce will prove true to the Constitution and the Union, they have not hesitated to'cast their lots with us.— Their patriotism is stronger than party ties, and rising superior to prejudices, they, are not ashamed’ of our name. We bid them Welcotne with grateful hearts, into the unterrified ranks of Dfemtoiraey! I rejoice, gentlemen, re-union of the Democratic party. I rejoice in its re-, cent triumphs. May the spirit of discord no more invade it. May the schisms and asperities of the past be all-forgotten, and the ocean of popular feeling, having been calmed; may its surface, like a polished mirror, ever reflect the silvery beams of perpetual peace. T*hc'State Road. From a statement of the earnings of the State Road, published in the Atlanta Intelligencer, we observe that there has been a regular increase in its business for the three years ending first September last. The increase business of the month over that of the corresponding month of last year is, $11,629 27. Du ring theyeAr ending 30th Sept. 1851, the total incom’e amounted to $235,028 44, while the income for the last year has in creased -tin l the ‘sum 5 of $478,876' 06.- — TO THE i TEACHERS OF GEORGIA, At a meeting of FVachers held ai Grif fin, August 10th, a society was organ ized under tbe name of “The Teacher’s Association onrie State of Georgia;” and we wpre directed to address our co-labor ers as to the objects and hopes of our union These are fully set-forth in the 2d Ar ticle of the Constitution and maybe Clas sified as follows-; First—lt is designed to seek out and recommend the best mode of instruction; and the means to be employed are: Ist. The examination and recommendation of the best Text llooks; 21. The delivery of lectures upon subjects connected with instruction; 3d. The free discussion of questions connected with the Teacher’s duties and office. Second—'The Association designs loing all in its power to diffuse education among the people of Georgia, by urging the es tablishment of Common schools, ami bv all other means which may promote this great object, and finally, one of its prime objects is to roduce and cherish a friend ly intercurse anno g Teachers. It in vites eVery teacher in the State to Co-op erate with its founders in the pursuit of these ends, upon the easy terms of sub scribing to the Constitution anJ paying Two Dollars annually into tbe Treasu ry The objects above slated will commend ‘hemselves to the favor of not only every right-minded Teacher, but also to every citizen—a friend to true progress, and they are severally worthy of a full discus sion, if our limits allowed it. It is growing into a settled opinion with tbe well-informed, that teaching is properly a profession, and that every fair scholar is no more necessarily a good teacher than he is a good lawyer or phy sician. But while teaches and tyros are scarcely, if at all, fecognirfed in’ the latter professions, and a long course of study in the art of pleading and of healing is prescribed to the candidates for their honors and emoluments, the youth fresh from a school perhaps of inferior grade, Ur the young inexperienced collegian, without previous training in the art of in struction, is admitted to the responsible duty of directing the moral an and intellec tual destines of our thing generations.— The verv nature of the leachet’s duties indicate the necessity ofsuch instruction, while the facilities therefor are wholly wanting in the Southern States. There are shonls of Medicine and Law, and yet it cannot he believed, that he, who is set to develope and train the innocent and untutored intellectual faculties, and lo stamp an eternal firiprfe’ss tiipori the mortal na'fore of the plastic young, needs less direct oreparation for his peculiar work, thitrr he tfoS‘3 who is called to baf fle physical infirmities, or to guard pecu niary interests. And yet our destitution of normal schools and institutes for the training of teachers,-and hitheito of teacher’s associations has left this large aud useful class of professional men to the adoption of such chance methods of instruction as the example of their form er masters, or their own caprice, o’r indi vidual genius might supply; perhaps in too many cases to no efficient methods at all. If in any case the teachings of a wise experience are needed, surely there is de mand for theft) in a work where the sub ! tleties of the mental and perversity of the moral nature ought to Ire exploded, understood and directed rtf controlled so as to develops the tiaf ve powers of the mind in the highest perfection in wisdom and usefulness Our association propo ses, as far as can effect it, to supply the defieiences- of a regular professional training, and to bring together ou'r indi vidual experience as a common stock, from which all may draw useful and impor tant lessons. Vvri* hope thus to magnify our calling by eliciting every possible im provement in etHch system of instruction., to subserve more efficiently the interests of our race in accomplishing ou'r great mission. It h not necessary to discuss at length the measures proposed to effect these ob jects.- ft may he sufficient to sav, that while they are obviously the most simple, and therefore, most likely to suggest themselves in the incipiency of our en terprise, a large experience will doubt less lead to the adoption of such other measures as shall render it entirely suc cessful. The second object above mentioned is to do all in our power to jdiffuse educa tion among the people of Georgia, by urg ing the establishment of common schools &c. A nation of freemen should be a na tion ot scholars, that each man may read and mink and act for himself, unaffected by the pernicious teachings of unscrupu lous demagogues. This is our only se curity for a wise maintenance of our lib erties. Progress in’ olh'er departments, in arts, in manufactures, commerce and the means of inter-communication is of questionable,benefil to a ! people', if they are to’he'left from generation to genera tion without moral anil intellectual cul ture. Hereditary stupidity will become a characteristic of the people and fit them all the better sos being tools to those whose superior knowledge of shtew'd ness qualifies them for taking advantage of the mulliplie 1 resources of the age, to achieve their selfish ends. The worst despotism - is that which the control of vast sources of p-uver gives to the edu cated few over the uncultivated'“many,” ainrunless education - arid Virtue go hand in hand with physical progress, it may become a minister of the most flagrant corruption and of thb’direst mihei Let us, then, no longer glory in out- vast im provements so long as perhaps four-fifihs of our youth of pfoper age are not at school, while 50,000 of our white popu lation, of whom’ more ifian 16,000 are voters w’ho cannot read and w'rite.— These latter have each a power at the polls equal to that of the most enlighten ed voter, and it is befitting, to say the least of it, that they should know how to write a ballot or to read one alter it is , printed for them. We shall never be the Soulhern Empire State until the facili ties of at least common school education be afforded to everv freeborn citizen. We owe this to each other, and to ourselves, for our individual good depends upon the common wcai; the State owes it to her sons—ifbe sons owe it f> their State U 1 see that non# are by necessity so igno rant that they are not able to learn at least from the newspaper and the Bible all they need to make them intelligent and virtuous freemen. I hat this is a necessity generally felt, is not to be denied. No more is if, that there are vast practical difficulties in ti e way of accomplishing it We believe that these, and not indifference, is the reason of so lit'le baing done'in this great cause. None have yet been fond with enough to find the way out of this labyrinth; none porhnps have been suffi ciently well-informed as *o the precise nature of the work to be dotfe. Who shall he the pioneers in this great enter prise—shall level the hills and fill up the valleys, and lead the way into the fields of general culture? The Teacher, mani festly is indicated by the character of his work as the proper leader here. His profession makes him acquainted with the intellectual wants of the people; his ex perience, more than that of others, mav best indicate the remedy; his devotion to his peculiar task fosters that sympathy for the young which prompts to effort, and is the surest pledge to success. Let us then take hold of the subject, let us bring together our experience, our zeal, our knowledge, and combine in a common effort to give’ a school to every neighborhood, and to’ open its doors to every minor, and it will be done. We may not, nay, we do not yet see the best method of doing this, but we do distinctly see the work to be done, acd we know that it can be done, (for it has been else where accomplished,) and our will shall find for us the vfray. Our combined ac tion will arouse the public mind, awaken the dormant faculties of Legislators, and set in motion forces that shall sweep be sotted ignorance out of our fair land from mountain to seaboard. The space already occupied forbids a discussion of the third object specified. Suffice it to say, that our first meetin o, opened to those of us present such new and lasting sources of pleasure, that we believe that none of the members will willingly be absent upon any like occasion. In conclusion, we would respectfully invite and urge every Teacher in the State to be present at the next semi-annual meeting of the Association, which is to be held at Milledgeville on Wednesday, 30.11 November, at 7 o’clock,- P. M. * We further beg leave to suggest that even a few days’ absence from school duties, fo'r sudd a purpose, cannot meet with the disapprobation of even the most exacting patrons, since every addition to the efficiency of the Teacher, is a direct benefit to the people, and the advantage will doubly repay the lost time. We would refer those who may wish to learn more of our Association and its objects, to the Common School Jour.ial, published in Columbus, Ga., at $1 per year, by Rev. T. F. Scott, and recom mend that every educator in the State subscribe to this Journal. With s-ntimeuts of paternal regard for our fellow-teachers, in behalf of°the As sociation anti for ourselves,- we commend these matters to their consideration. E. H. MYERS, I o JOHN DARBY, | § C P. 13. MARTIN, V 3 J. E. WILLETT, = L. LA TAS TE, j ? The Committee beg that those papers in the State friendly to the cause, publish the address that it may reach nil the Teachers. The Sister of Charity. The Mobile correspondent of the Mont gomery Advertiser, alluding to the mel ancholy death of several Sisters of Chari ty and their untiring, self-sacrificing la bors during the prevailing epidemic, has the following beautiful and touching pas sage “What beautiful lessons of Christianity are presented to us in the life and death of one of these good sisters. Her hu mility, when, sacrificing the pride and vanity of the lie'll, she cut olf her hair, a woman’s most becoming ornament, and clothes herself in a coarse and most un becoming dress and subjects her will to the enlire control of a superior. Her self-denial, when she voluntarily with holds herself from all those indulgences and all those ties which are looked upon by the worldly as the source of enjoy ment and hafppin’ess, and devotes her life to the service of o'.tteitf. “Her fortitude, when she is ever ready to face that moo3ler before whom the strong man trembles, even when he pre sents himself to her in his most painful and loathsome form. Her battle-field has no colors flying, nor drums beating, nor trumpets sounding, nor wild hurrahs to urge her oa. It is in the hospital, a,tnid the beds cov’ered with the sick and the dying, filled with an atmosphere impreg nated with the sickening fumes of dis ease, where little breaks the stillness but the cries of pain, the groans of suffering or the hard and intrepid breathings of ex piring humanity. Her charity, as broad as *he earth, and so comprehensive.as to embrace every sutfering child of Adam; a charity that acknowledges no territorial limits, and knows no distinction of class, or race or creed. Like a ministering au g<d she glides among the sick, whispering hope and encouragement to one, moisten ing the parched lips and bathing the fe vered forehead of another, easing the restless head and smoothing (he pillow of a third. “Every victim of disease before her, seems to remind her of the agonies and sufferings of her crucified Redeemer, and for his sake, forgetting that fear of death and loathing of disease, which are the common instincts of our uature, she con tinues her labor of love without fear.— And in death, well does she illustrate the morals of her life. The same humility, self-denial, fortitude, patience and resig nation which she practised id life, abide with her tot the last Caring nothing for the pleasures and enjoyments of this life, she leaves it wi hout regret. Having laid up her treasures in heaven, her heart has long been there, therefore she is ready to apjiear before that God, whom in life she has loved and served so well ” 1 ‘dasrr - Prom the IVI-AiL Tribune. A Ilomily. We suspect that if a wise man were set to select what he considered the most important virtue in society, he would efioose that which is called economy—a very modest virtue, if it he admitted as ai virtue at all by some people oay, a great many people—for it is come to be imag ined extensively’ that economy and mfeari ness are convertible terms Not so, however, to one who sees any considerable number of inches bevond his fioise. Submit the matter to this tes': Gather up all the persons who stand well in a community—take Mobile—and see who are now the most comfortable, the most respected, the most influential.— Then, in another, parallel, column, put down all those who are otherwise. Go a little farther, and find of the for mer, who began life dn nothing like visi ble capital, had not a sou—got married and bought the household bed and thd consequent cradle on credit. Then take the other column and see, of those whose names are Within it, How many began life on better terms with For tune—started, as it were, in the life-heat of fifty miles, o'r thereabouts—soma ten dt twenty, may gain, forty miles in the start—and see, where, after the race has hedri run, how many have fallen away far behind. Examine, then, into the cause, and see if this may not be written down —that each lagard lacked thrift a .id industry— the two inseparable—and to this lack, and no other lack perceptible, is the. cause to He traced. Go, then, farther— still on this track—and count how mmy clever vun / men, fit for any pursuit, capable of filling any post in life, have sunk down—been I o'st here forevermore to themselves, and friends, anJ the commonwealth, from a total lack of this economy and thrift. The result will be surprising, and it the observer do not respect econo Tty and feel indignant when some thoughtless person shall call it meanness, we will a bandon all hope in this life of attaining to the character of a ivizard. We may say that economy is the best virtue a young man can start in this life with. The luscious peach grows from’ the soil and the unseen elements in the atmosphere* the rose bldoms on a dung heap; and thus economy, though but generally little prized, arid quite unhand some, is the source of all the best virtues which spring up in the social field. In itself it may be homely, as the soil is, but its products are as beautiful as the rose and luscious as the peach. I/et then this principle become a house-bold god—to be worshipped with as much reverence as things terrestrial deserve". We < eed much now, and shall presently perhaps, heed more, of this Sort of admo nition— for the world is prosperous, and in the bright present we make pictures of the future which will allure us from self denial into those “primrose pa'hs” where self-indulgence is so seductive and ruinous. To the young mechanic, or the young clerk, or the young lawyer, we say this, lei this word ECONOMY be written at the head of thy bed, where, as thou te tirest at night weary, thou m&vst see it; and where, in the morning - , whn thou risest refreshed, it may stand out a moni tion and a text for the day’s doings.— Young man give heed to this, it among thy dreams of the future be pla'ce, an comfort and respect—if thou hast a hor ror of dependence, discomfort, and shifts which ruins souls, and the death which is painful both to men and angels. With this grave—perhaps in some sort, somnolent preface, we copy the following from the Boston Transcript: “The rriost fashionable cravats are sold at five dollars. The fall style of velvet vests range’ froUn $lO to $22 each. Most of the desirable patterns of the best qual ity have been already taken at prices above S2O. “In the m'atte’r of vest buttons, there is great extravagance. VVe heat of sales of single sets at upwards of a hundred dollars, and the jewellers on Washington street have elegant styles at prices rang ing from $lO to S2O a button, or from S3O to $l2O a set of six. At the latter price a superb set,- with diamond centres, can he obtained. “The fmest shirts in Faneuil Hall cost sl2 each, and a small fortune is required for a “fashionable suit” of gentlemen’s clothes,” See how these gilded baits are held out —shalcen, as Circe shakes her ambrosial curls, in the young man’s face. Shun this temptation. Let not the example of Mr. Young Sopht, who is starting with a few thousand dollars, be to thee, who hast nothing but thy hard-earned wages, a snare in this matter of twelve dollar shirts, or twenty dollar vests. Work in linsey-woolsey, it it be necessary to save thee from pecuniary crampings; or iff plain, sound cloth, if thou canst afford it —hut shun, as if it were a pestilence that example of the youthful Sopht. By this, thou mayst patiently attain to one horse respectability, nay, even tq thkt consummation of all earthly good, four horse respectability, and when, by econo my, ihou hast reached that Haven, per haps to Mr. Sopht—then reduced to the class loafer and become plain Sost —thou mayst be an aid and a comfort when he is shiftless and trouserless, and has not where-withal to purchase that daily es sential, bread. The sheers of the tribe Sopht despise, and it will be well with thee. Thsr household-—thy wife and tittle ones—may call the blessed, when the out going generation of the Sophts will not find in any man respect enough to pro voke a kick—a thing that even a dog is sometimes worthy of. Godjlovas m w better tb&n man loves t himself. Let discretion temper your desires? No. 43.