Newspaper Page Text
VOL. XV.
THE liOUGH JPFERSONfiK.
,9 published kvert Thursday morning
B¥ WILLIAM CLINE,
At Two Dollar* and Fif*F?Cents pci? an
niun*rTwo Dollars paidlin advance.
A.WKRTISKMKNTS arc jnsor'oil lit O.Vfi
FAR rv , r aw 4
FIFTY CE.VTS per square, Tor path insertion
A r-as<r i> .* i!ed Hoi ion “ill he miulc to tliosr
tvlin a'lver'i- : lv tlie year.
Alt r.S'f .fMCinents not ..tiierwise ordered, will
I•# car r 1 ’!’ ed till lurtiiri. . . .
5 r r ALES OF I.AXDS l>y A iimunrt rotors,
Kx'f‘ dors or Gmnliiins tire reauircl 1” >w to be
l.eidnnttie tirsl Tuesday in the month, between
the tio.iv!> o’ ten in the forenoon amt three in the
afternoon, at the Coirl-tlnne, in the county in
which the land is situated. Notion of Liese saK
must lo given in a public gazette FvRTY I A >
t.r>”ion'> ttie dnv ofsale. ,
,? ir F $ OF XEGROF.S must he made at p.ib
|i,. auction on the first Tuesday ot the month, be (
tween .he i.mtl hours of sate, at the p ace ol pub
j.,. st !cs m the count v where tho lettirs le. a
Men’vry, of A-Wmir=ition or
bnv.beeu j.ran!ed; first giving F ORTi LA 1
notieo tl,e:.-ot'in one of the public gaze.tes ol .li
S'a". an i at l In* court house where such samarsi
‘■'rWceh.rthe sale of Personal Property must
: - rr Ven in like manner FORTY DAYS previous
♦ loe dav of sale. . _ .
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an cstr.te
must be published FOR 7 Y DAYS. ~
Notice itvat application will he mndeto t ic Court
Ordinary for leave to sell land must t>c pun
li?h*>rl for ’TWO -MO<S TllS,
Notice lor leave to sell negroes must hr
p<.f,’:s'ied TWO MOM'THS before any order ab
po'ulc shall be made thereon by the Court.
CFT IT 10 VS for Letters of Administration
must he published THIRTY DAYS; for Dismission
Coin Administration, monthly sis months; .or
Pic nise>n from Guardianship, eorty day-.
ftnle< fori he ‘.foreclosure ol Mortgage must he
*Se.l MONTHLY FOR four mi.KTHS, ejtnh
osl.:og lost papers, lor the full space of th,.ek
months; for coin filing titles tro.n Lxecuto. ois
A i o!:iis r rators,wheie a hornl hnsoccn JMUnli) 1
„ . a0,... a -ed lb- foil soaee r>t thrf.e_mon2HH—
mWWU OF MR. RENT,
OF GEORGIA,
€ n iSie Koinastead Bill,
J)-live red in the llju se of Representatives,
Tuesday, Feb. 21 st. 1854
Mr. DEN T. V‘ r - Chairman, repre
senting, os i do, ia part, oim of the sove
reign btates of the Union, I feci it to be
, nT duty not to let this Homestead bill
iium without stating my objections to it.
1 have waited, with great patience, in the
hope that some .other gentleman from
Georgia would secure the floor, and do
more justice to this subject than 1 can hope
to do. Doing entirely anew member, and
unaccustomed to the proceedings of legis
lative bodies, i have felt at a loss to know
how to proceed to obtain the floor to
sneak in opposition to the . bill I have
desired that this bill should be opposed by
someone from Georgia, because the peo
ple of that Slate nre opposed to it \
have no notes, ami my remarks on t.ie
present occasion must be rather disjointed;
I JU t I propose to enter my protest against
the pending proposition for the disposition
of the public lands now beforo this com
mittee. lam < pposed to the homestead
biil for various reasons it is unjust and
unequal. It proposes to give that which
belongs to the sovereign States and people j
of this confederacy to a set of individuals, j
who, perhaps, are a* little worthy to re
ceive it as any other class on the conti
nent, if I remember the language of the
bill, it, in effect, really invites the pauper
population of Europe to eomo and take
possession of our public lauds.
j|r. DAWSON. I beg leave to cor
rect the gentleman in that There
is nothing in the bill holding out induce
ments to the population of Europe. Its!
provisions are exclusively confined to those
who are now citizens and residents of the
States and I erritories of the United
States.
Mr. DENT. A friend has just handed
me a copy of the bill, and 1 find the fol
lowing to be its language:
‘ : Sec. C. And be it further enacted, That if any j
individual, now a redolent of any one of the k.a-.es ;
or 1 • rriioik*, un<i nut a citizen of tho United!
Stale-, but, at tile tunc of making euch n; plication j
for the benefit of this act, shall have filed a deem- j
ration ol intention a* required by rtie naturaliza
tion lows ol the UuitcU alalc*, tind shall become a
citizen ol the dunie before, the issuance ot tlie pa
tent, as made ami provided tor in t.-ns act, shall be
pLccd upon no equal fooling with tlie nativc-oorn i
citizen ol the United SUles.”
There is no limitation in the bill. Its
operation is to be perpetual, and &3 soon
as the pauper population are informed
that iu this country, to which they are na
turally disposed to come, such a law ha3
been passed by the American Congress,
our shores will be lined with millions of
them.
Mr. D UVSON. I only interrupt the
geutlcman to turn his attention to the
language of the bill He seems to have
overlooked the words ‘mow resident,”—
‘1 ho provisions of the bill are exclusively
eon fined to tiiose who arc now citizens or
now residents of the States or Territories.
Mr. DENT. Very well; then ten years
hence—for this bill makes no limitation as
Iw the length of time it is to be in force—
those emigrants who come here from Eu
rope within the next live years will then
be citizens’ of the United States, and con
sequently entitled to the benefits of this
homestead law.
Mr. DAWSON. Not at all. T 1 e gfn?
tleman from Georgia labors under a great
luigappreheusion as to the effect of the
bill.
Mr. DENT. Very well; if I be mis
taken, I am willing to be corrected by
the gentleman from Pennsylvania
Mr. SMITH, of Virginia, (interrupt
iug ) I desire to state a few words in re
ference to this matter. I suppose the gen
tleman from Pennsylvania certainly does
not mean to coniine the operation of this
bill to those persons who are now in the
United States; because every body knows
that the principle to be adopted, that the
same argument which would carry this
bill iu favor of those who are citizens of
the United States to-day, would also be
carried out in favor of those who come
here to-morrow. The principle embodied
here, would, if settled, apply as well to
those who come hereafter as those who
are here at present.
Mr. DAWSON. ‘I lie only answer 1
have to this objection is, that there is no
provision iu the bill which confers its ben
efits on any other than those who are now
citizens or residents of she United States
As to what the Congress of the United
States may hereafter do on the subject is
a matter for Congress itself to decide.
Mr. DENT. Ido not recognize tho
right of any gentleman on this floor to in
terrupt me while 1 am addressing the com-;
mittcc; aild I wish to be distinctly under
stood that it is no want of courtesy on my !
part, when I object to these interruptions.
Still, if I make any erroneous statement,
lam willing to be corrected. Tut lam
speaking extemporaneously, without note',
iand therefore do not wish to be inter
rupted.
In rising at this time, Mr Chairman, 1
wish it. simply to go before tlie House and
the country, that there is at least one re
presentative on tiiis floor from the sove
reign State of Georgia who is opposed to
the distribution —the disposition that is
now attempted to be made—-of the public
lands; not only in reference to this home
stead bill, but your great Pacific Railroad
enterprize, your railroad grants; and in a
word, to every measure that is now pend
ing before this House to dispose of the
public lands, except to that one which
proposes to relieve the soldiers who fought
and bled to acquire these territories, who
served their country when she was in dan
ger: , who stood by herein the hours of
trouble
I understand the principle which j re
vails in some of tho connnitteejrooms. I
understand the feeling in this House which
prompts members to refuse justice to those
who, by the best right, are entitled to
these lands, while they arc ready to give
them to tlie pauper population of Europe,
and to that class of men who are too lazy
to work for the land necessary to provide
themselves a home.
But, it is proposed to give away the
land to the great rri’ oad companies; it is
proposed in this republican country to
build up an aristocracy of wealth, by ta
king away that which is common to us all,
and giving it to a few companies. Sir, I
object to the whole of this unjust and un
equal system. The public lands are the
common property of all the sovereign
States, and should not thus be alienated.
The constitution of tho United States—if,
from my reading, I recollect it aright—
says, “that Congress shall have the pow
er to dispose of the public lands, and to
make all needful rules and regulations in
reference thereto.” But, in the same
clause, it goes on to say, “that Congress
si all do in act which shall be prejudicial
to the United States, or to any State of
the Union.”
Now, sir, if you take the public lands,
and divide them up between new States,
with a view that they may then give them’
to railroad companies, do you not do an
act which is unjust—which militates a
gainst the interests of some of the States
of the Union? What, then, is to become of
the rights wlrch the o f States have to the
public domain? Would you, sir, if you
were a parent, having thirty one children,
divide your vast estate between the young
est twelve, and cut off from a share in it
those who helped you to make your for
tune, and to accumulate il? Would you,
I say, give all your property to the twelve
j youngest children, and deprive the rest of
‘your family of that which, you had ac
quired by their co-operation?
That is precisely the argument brought
in hero. Gentlemen argue that by giving
to those railroad companies this amount of
public land, you thus enrich the whole
country. 1 object to it. I object to the
doctrine advocated on this floor, that Con
gress owns, or that the Government is
the proprietor of, the public domain. It
is not tho proprietor, it is but the agent,
the common agent of the sovereign States,
and as such, can exercise only certain del
egated powers which have been given to
it. Further than that it cannot go.
What would you think of a parent who
should make such a disposition of his cs-/
tate? What would you say of a guardian j
j who should give to twelve of his wards;
! tlie whole estate, leaving the nineteen]
penny less upon the world, and then say he i
has made tlie whole family rich? You j
would take him up and put him into a j
lunatic asylum. Justice is the parent of j
peace.
Gentlemen representing the old thirteen
! States, and indeed any State in which the
j public lauds do not lie, do themselves and
j their States great injustice to allow a set
jof gentlemen to come i:i upon this floor
j and make a kind of log-rolling business of
these matters. The homestead bill is a<l-1
vocated by some, and grants to railroads
by others. I understand that something
like a hundred bills, of this latter charac
ter, are now pending before both branches
of Congress. The original land system of
this country is good. It has worked well,
’ and my doctrine is to let well enough a
iloue. if you proceed to give lands to
i some roads, to some States, and to some
i companies, upon the same principle you
j may proceed to give the balance to other
companies and other States, which will be
soon knocking at your door, asking for
land. And if you continue thus to give
away, in a short time you will have dis
posed of the whole public domain of the
country.
Sir, the public lands are the wealth of
this nation. 1 have always been opposed
to tho distribution of the proceeds of the
public lands. Being a Democrat, I stand
with the Democratic party. 1 understand
that the doctrine of tiie Democratic par
ty is that we must hold on to the public
domain, and not dispose of it; neither to
divide it between the States nor the pro
ceeds of the sale thereof. That was the
original Democratic doctrine, and 1 see no
reason why it is not good doctrine to-d iy.
If, sir, wc proceed to give away the
public domain, wc deprive the Treasury of
the money which would naturally flow
into it from the proceeds of the sale of
such public lands. But is said that these
lands do not yield anything to the coun
try. I understand, if I recollect right,
that the President of the United States
in his late message informs us that nearly
fifty-four millions of net proceeds from
their disposition have been deposited iii
the National Treasury. That amount of
money has gone to support the Army, to
support the Navy, and to carry on the
great machinery of the General Govern
ment. That much less, then, was required
to be levied and raised by a tariff.
My doctrine has been , and the demaud
THE GEORGIA JEFFERSONIAN.
GRIFFIN, (GA.) THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 9, 1854.
of my people has been, free trade. We
want to keep the public lands, to be sold
as the people demand them for settlement.
We want the proceeds thereof to go into
the public ‘Treasury, and thus do away
] with the necessity of having a protective
( tariff, or bring our tariff to a low stand
! nrd. That i:i what the people of this
country want. The great body of the
American people want free trade They
want the world as a market, in which to
sell the products of their soil.
Keep your public lands; let them be
sold as the wants of the people require,
whether they be foreigners or citizens. ]
am glad to see tlie people of other coun
tries who have no homes in the old world
come and take possession of lands here
under the laws and constitution of the
country. We have in our possesion a vast
public domain, and I am glad to see them
settle upon it, and cultivate it. Justice is
the parent of peace, and he that does not
take care of his own household is worse
than an infidel.
Wc should first take care of our own
people. First of all we should take care
of those patriotic men who made this “the
land of the free and the home of the brave,”
and those who stood so gallantly by the
flag of the country in the second war of
independence—the war of 1812—some of
whom have never received an acre of land
for their services. There arc instances
where men who volunteered, or drafted,
marched to the rendezvous, entered into
the service of their country, actually en
gaged in service for twenty-nine days, but
who have been excluded from any benefit
under the celebrated law of September
28, 1850. Pay your debts with yonr pub
lic lands. You owe a debt of honor to
your old soldiers. Pay it with the public
lands, so far as they can liquidate any
portion of it. First and foremost, above
all things connected with the public lands,
1 hold that the soldiers of the war of lbl2
should be paid. You give the soldier
who served thirty days in tho war of
1812 forty acres of land, while you give a
man who served in the Mexican war less
than a month, if he was honorably dis
charged, one hundred and sixty acres
When the country becomes powerful, and
is abundantly supplied with munitions of
war to fight a half-civilized puny race of
men, you give those soldiers who served
less than a month one hundred and sixty
acres of land, while those who served in
the war of 1812, when the country was
weak and feeble, and when we were con
tending with a great and powerful nation,
that prided itself upon being mistress of
the seas, you give but forty acres of land.
Proposition after proposition have been
before different committees of the House
and have been introduced into the House
I for the relief of these men; but they have
found but few friends.
I have been a silent member of the
House, yet a constant observer, and I find
that the great idea howls, that ail the va
rious railroad bills and the homestead bun
combe bids are included under one gene
ral arrangement, by which if you tickle
me, I will agree to tickle you. I have
seen enough to know that some of the
great railroad interests of this country
have the legislatures of several of our
■ sovereign States almost in their breeches
pockets. 1 hope such is not the case in
this House, and that uo extraneous, out
side influences of this character have been
brought to bear upon us here; but that
wc will legislate upon this matter of the
public lauds as becomes American states
men. Your public lands should be held
sacred.
Gentlemen argue, that by giving rail
roads alternate .-ections of land, they in
crease the value of the lands remaining
unsold, and that the government does not
lose anything by the operation
I hold that all the railroads which it is
/necessary to have bait—all the great
i lines of railroad—will be built by private
enterprise. If lam right in making this
assertion, then let these private companies
go on ami build their railroads, and let
the government sell all their lauds at
j $2 50 an acre; or, in other words, if it is
to be a speculation upon the part of the
I government if the government is to make
money by giving away one half of the
land, and selling the other at $2 50 per
acre—if these railroads are worth so much,
it would be better for the government to
build the roads out of its own funds, and
then sell all the lands for $2 50 per acre.
| But, sir, it is not the policy of this coun
try to put the price ol our ’ public lands
at $2 50 per acre. A humane and gene
rous policy has always characterized the
course of this government with reference
to the disposition of the public domain. It
has been our policy to give these lands to
poor people cheap. A dollar and a quar
ter an acre is a low price, and with that
price the settler is content.
Your preemption laws have been dicta
ted by a humane policy. Under them the
poor man who takes possession of a quar
ter section of land in the deep wilds of the
far West, and has not the money to pay
for it, is protected in his right to the title,
and time is given him to make the money
from the proceeds of his farm. This is the
true policy of Government, and to change
it is, in iny opinion, wrong.
If you pass this homestead bill, and give
a portion of yonr public domain away to
settlers, and the balance of the various
railroads, reserving a little for the great
Pacific, ini a short time you will find that
you have killed the goose that laid the
golden egg. It will all be gone.
Gentlemen talk about keeping this land
out of the hands of speculators Why,
sir, that is out of the question. Humane
as it may be to give the poor man this
land, yet if you compel him to live upon it
five years, no Georgian would thank you
for tiie gift. No, sir, they are too proud
—too high-spirited to accept the gift with
any such reservation or restriction. If you
will give it to him without condition, he
will be obliged to you for it, and will ac
cept it, provided all his countrymen share
alike with him; but no true American citi
zen would thank you for the gift of one
hundred and sixty acres of wild land, if
you had dictated to him terms by which
you would compel him to live upon it for
live years. By the terras of tiiis bill, if
the settler absents himself for six months,
on account of sickness, or from any cause,
he loses his right to the land.
Sir, this bill is Wrong in principle. The
Constitution of the United States does not
authorize Congress so to dispose of the pub
lic lands. Congress may, and it is its du
ty, to dispose of the public lands, but it
must do so in an impartial mariner. We
.are all interested in their Tsp- ; tion. The
people of every State, fidnl Maife to Geor
gia, from California to Virginia, are all
equally interested. The sovereign States
of this Union are, each and every one of
them, interested in this matter.
I am willing to make some alterations
in our present laws. This bill, even, might
be so perfected, and put in such a shape as
to meet my approbation; but I have no
expectations that sucli changes will be
made as will induce me to vote for it.
1 may vote for giving these lands for the
construction of several railroads for which
they are asked, but before I shall do so,
there must be something done to make
the benefit applicable to all sections of the
country. There must be some compro
mise made. Compromises have become
to be very fashonable at this day, I am
not, however, much of a compromise man.
I believe in administering the government
according to the plain letter and intent of
the constitution. But if compromises are
to be made, I ask for sucli a compromise
in reference to these lands as will give the
old States a fair share to divide a por
tion of ilm common property of us all.—
Let those gentlemen, therefore, who want
the votes of the Georgia delegation for
this measure, I am not authorized to speak
for tlie whole State of Georgia, but 1 may
speak for tlie people 1 represent, and I
think in this matter I speak the sentiments
of a large majority of the people of the
whole State—l say, let those gentlemen
prepare a plan by which the old States,
and the citizens of the old State3, may be
benefitt-cd as well as theyicw States, if they
wish to got our votes. It is impossible
for me to recollect the precise amount, but
a very large amount of land— a hundred
and thirty million of acres perhaps—has
already been given away to about fourteen
of the States of this Union. A large
amount of land has thus been disposed
of.
I wish it to be distinctly understood, that
I uever will vote a single dollar for the
construction of a Pacific railroad; nor do
1 believe that any Statesriglit man can
vote a single dollar out of the public Trea
sury for that purpose: It is not the poli
cy of this government to own a railroad,
and we have no right to take the peo
ple's money to build a railroad. You may
argue that it is a national work; I as
sert that it is sectional, for whereever you
build the road the people of that section
i will derive the main benefit from* it, and
the balance of the country will receive no
direct benefit. I repeat, that it is not the
policy of this government to build a Pacif
ic railroad. It is the policy of this gov
ernment to survey the routes and moun
tain passes, and to open IflTpossible ave
nues to our enterprising citizens. It is
the policy of this government to encourage
manufactures and commerce. But it is
tiie duty of this government, in dealing
out the public domain, to do it upon
principles of stern justice and equality.—
Bir, let this homestead bill be changed.—
Let the representatives of those States
that want land for railroad purposes come
to those of us from the old States, and
make a fair proposition to us. Much as 1
have been opposed to a distribution of the
proceeds of the public lauds, yet if they
are to be disposed of in that way, I desire
to have them divided upon principles of
justice and equality. lam opposed to all
these measures; but lam in favor of an
amendment of the bounty land law of
September 28, 1S50; and 1 give notice to
the House that 1 shall introduce such an
amendment myself, unless I see one that
suits me introduced by some other gentle
man. I have known claims which called
aloud for justice stilled in committees.
There are the soldiers of the war of 17-
90, who fought our Indian foes; and there
are the soilders of the wars ol 1835 and
’3O, all of whom ought to be provided
for.
I speak now of the volunteers, of the
men who have done as we Georgians used
to do; wc used to work eight days while
our neighbors fought, and then fight eight
flays while our neighbors worked. Sir,
the people that I represent were rocked in
the cradle of war. The people of Georgia,
and South Carolina, and Tennessee had
for years to defend our frontier against a
hostile foe. Not a regular soldier ever
made a track on our soil, unless it was
when President Adams sent Gen. Gaines
with his regi rnent to awe the Georgians
into submission on account of some treaty
difficulties; and if he had not have left the
State quietly and quick, he would have
been eaten up for a breakfast spell.—
[Laughter.] Sir, wo complain of the in
justice that is doue us by this scramble to
divide the public lauds between a few
States and incorporated companies. An
aristocracy of wealth will be budt up in
tiiis country fast enough, without any aid
from the government.
In this view I will candidly acknovrledge
that the homestead bill has more merit
about it than the railroad bills. But
there is too much Buncombe about it, and
too little justice and equality. The bill as
it now stands encourages idleness. It
proposes to givo lauds to those who are
too lazy to work; and the gentleman from
Pennsylvania [Mr. Dawson] seems to be
well aware of that, for he would compel
them to live live years on the land before
lie would grant them tlie fee-simple to it. —
They are placed in a situatiou where they
are compelled to work or die. So little
confidence is placed in their virture, intel
ligence, and patriotism that it is proposed
the government shall be their express
guardian for five years.
Mr. Chairman, tlm remarks which I
have made have been very desultory. I
am not accustomed to public speaking. i
am nothing but a plain fanner, and have
never been educated for a public speaker.
lam not one who could he expected to
tread the flowery paths of eloquence.—
W lion I rose I expected to make a few re
marks only. I would not have attempted
it, but that I wanted, so far as Georgia
was concerned, to let it, be understood
there was oue man here who opposed this
measure, and who believed lie did so with
the approbat ion of his constituents. lam
and always have been, ft railroad man.
I have shown that by my words and
deeds. I have encouraged the building
of railroads in my own State. 1 have
contributed from my own pocket for the
survey ol routes for roads, and have even
gone as a pionecer into the willdcrucs.s;
but I do not own one dollar’s worth of
railroad stock, and never expect to. I
am glad to sec railroads building, I look
on them as a bond of union between these
States. They bring the men of the North
and South, the. East and West, into con
tact By their means the men of the
West are brought with despatch to the
sea-board.
i Georgia lias extended her railroads from
the sea-board to Ihe Valley of the West.
Her roads arc now to be connected with
the valley of the Northwest, and with the
roads to be built to the L’acific ocean.—
I am in favor of seeing a road built from
the Mississippi valley to the Pacific ocean
by private enterprise, and 1 believe that it
will be built. Such is the spirit of the age
that you could not prevent it if you would,
and you ought not to prevent it if you
could. You ought to give the right of
way. Give all the aid and comfort you
can; but give no money and no land. Let
it bo built on its own merits: Let those
who take it in hand do as men do in other
-enterprises—let the n employ their own
capital. That is my doctrine. Very soon
our Georgia roads will be extended
through Alabama and Tennessee, and put
in connection with Kentucky and Ohio.
Very soon, indeed, wo shall be able to go
from the cities of my State to Chicago
and the far distant West la forty eight or
fifty hours. lam glad to see it. You
cannot check the spirit of the age, and
you ought not to do it if you could.
It is our duty to Legislate in a just and
equal manner. I desire that the public
lands shall be disposed of as it has in by
gone days. First and lorcmost I want to
see every soldier who has a just claim on
his country paid in laud. Nothing is
more gratifying to a man that has
stood by his country’s flag, than to know
that he has served a country willing to give
him a homestead. Land is more properly
given to a soldier than money. If 1 had
my way, I would go to your pension office
and strike out all pensions requiring pay
ment in money, and substitute payment in
land. % I would give these soldiers as much
of the public land as would make them
and their posterity an independent home.
After I had paid the soldier we all ought
to stand on equal footing. No bill ought
to be proposed here that ha* class legisla
tion about it. No act of this free repub
lic ought to bear on its face discrimination
between the rich and poor. Uo ought
to make our laws equal and just. We
ought to encourage our people to be en
terprising by placing them on a common
level in respect to the public domain,
which was obtained by our common blood
and by oar common Treasure. VVo have
by our blood, labor, and treasure, pur
chased ail tho laud and the territory be
longing to us all; and iu the distribution
of this land, the citizena of tlie whole
States and the Territories ought to bo con
sulted.
Mr. Charman, 1 return my thanks to
the committee for the courtesy and kind
ness with which they have listened to my
extended remarks. I had no intention
of trespassing on you to day, and there
fore 1 have nos prepared myself with notes;
indeed, I did not know that I should ever
be able to get the floor to speak ou the
subject, aud I was not aware that I could
obtain it well, until two minutes before I
rose to address you. But lest I might
never have another opportunity of address
ing the committee on the subject,! was dis
posed to give them a small sprinkling of a
speech, and hope they have got enough of
it to make them pause and consider well be
fore they act on the important question
concerning the disposition of the public
lands.
Commercial consequences of Hie
War.
It being almost universally believed that
a war, which is eventually to involve near
ly all Europe, has commenced between
Russia and Turkey, a very important in
quiry is, wiiat will be its immediate effect
on the commerce of the world? Its effect
has, to some extent, already been mani
fested. It is seen in the rise in tho price
of all varieties of breadstuff's. Flour,
wheat, Indian corn, and rice, have already
exhibited an unusual advance in rates.—
As these are produced in large quantities
iu the United States, a very considerable
portion of the American people must clear
ly be gainers by the war.
But after all, the great staple of the
Union, the basis of its commerce, tho re
gulator of its exchanges, and the very life
of its prosperity, North and South, is
cotton. ‘The value of cotton, it lias been
taken for granted, must depreciate with
the commencement of hostilities. But it
has perhaps not been sufficiently consider
ed that in the pending contest the chief
commercial nations of Europe, and almost
the only buyers of cotton, France and
England, are on the same side of the con
troversy. And it is by no means proba
ble that tho Russian navy can injure tho
commerce of either of thO'C powers. No
thing will bo allowed to interfere with the
shipment of cotton to their ports; nor is
anything likely to interfere seriously with
its manufacture and consumption. If
then the present prevailing estimates of
the crop shall not be exceeded, we sec no
reason to apprehend any further decline
in the price of this article.
The money writer for the London
Times says:
From all parts of the Kingdom, the
most remarkable feature of the various
advices is the confidence felt in the power
lessness of Russia to inflict any permanent
damage on the commerce and civilization
of the world, and the consequent abscuce
of tlie slightest disposition to panic.—
Proper caution is displayed, but the free
dom from speculations so long noticeable
has apparently placed the trade of the
world beyond the reach of anarchists in
any quarter.
The New York Economist, than which
we have no higher financial authority,
predicts that tee war, with the increasing
JoSs of crer&t on the part of European
Governments, will drive large amounts of
j capital across tlie Atlantic, for investment
in American State “railroads, and other
stocks. It refers to the convulsions of
1818, when French 6*B fell in three weeks
from 116 to 61. Notwithstanding the
.fact that revolution then swept over Eu
rope too rapidly to give time by which
“means might bft gradually realized and
remitted” to this country, yet United
States fi’s rose during the year from 97
to 108 1-2.
The same paper adds:
I he quantity ol American stocks is now
being reduced, and the great railroads w ith
landed securities must furnish better in
vestments than the rotten credits of un
stable governments. Hitherto the great
banking houses have been the foci into
w hie * i tne floating capital of Europe has
been concentrated, and applied to the de
mands of governments Their efficiency
depended upon the allegiance of the mon
ied men to existing governments. The
revenues of aristocracy, gentry, and the
better classes of trades people are freely
loaned to the support of governments,
which, under the name of protection, con
ferred monopoly on capital, and exacted
from the laboring man the means of pay
ing interest on the surplus profits thus de
rived and loaned to the State. An entire
change has now taken place, and it lias
become manifest that labor must be eman
cipated from thraldom and oppression;
hence the classes among the bankers re
tailed the stock they took from the go- *
vernments, have no longer confidence in
these securities; and when Austria propo
ses a loan, the meailis of paying off Which
depends upon the subjugation of two coun
tries like Italy and Hungary to a foreign
yoke, iu this age of the world, the hazard
becomes too great, even if the opinion of
money-lenders had not changed against
government. In former years, when the
paralysis of war throw money out of trade,
it found in high governments a safe in
vestment and a patriotic motive. That
credit is now nearly ruined, while the spi
rit of liberalism icpels the motive. In
the public improvements of the United
States, on the other hand, both aefetyand
human progress invite investments. Hence,
therefore, not only the gold of California
but the capital of Europe will accumulate
more freely in consequence of War.—
Mercury.
From the Richmond Dispatch.
The last of the Blannerluissctts
The eloquence of William Wirt, and
the memorable conspiracy of Aaron Burr,
made the name of Herman Blanncrhassctt
as familiar as a household word to the
people of this country some forty years ago.
His fame, misfortunes and history, embalm
ed in the gorgeous eloquence of Wirt, are
still familiar to many. But whilst every
declamatory school boy recites with a
voice alternating from a shrill treble to a
hoarse growling boss, the speech.upon the
occasion of Burr’s Trial, none perhaps ev
er enquired the fate of the noble Irishman
after the failure of Burr’s great conspiracy.
When the treachery, hearths-ness and
villainy of Burr had destroyed poo.Mlan
nerhassett’s almost Eden like palatial
home on the Ohio,- and involved the un
suspecting owner in his degradation and ■
ruin, few inquired his fate and subsequent
history.
Herman Blannerhassett, all of our read
ers will perhaps recollect, Was the son of
an Irish nobleman who emigrated to this
country in 1797. Possessed of ample
means, he purchased a beautiful island on
the Ohio river, and expended nearly .a
hundred thousand dollars in the erection
of an edifice remarkable for its Aladdin
beauty of decorations and proportions
The ornamental grounds in their beauty,
and floral and horticultural ornaments,
rendered Blaunerhassett’s residence an
earthly paradise. Surrounded by all the
appliances of the most refined luxury, with
a magnificent library, costly furniture, su
perb paintings, blessed by the society of a
refined wife anil intelligent children, his
wealth and prosperity excited the admi-
ration and envy of all who glided by his
residence upon the waters of the Ohio.—
Seduced by the eloquence of Burr, Blan
nerhassett, at an uufortunate moment, be
- the confidant of Burr; and was as
that person’s accomplice, arrested, convey
ed to Richmond, cast into prison, but dis~
charged, after the acquittal of the princi
pal conspirator.
The pecuniary'cmbarraKsmcnts of Blau
nerhassett pressing heavily upon him, he
was forced to sell his magnificent palace
and estate, and misfortune dogged his
footsteps, until he died in Ireland in 1828,
broken hearted, and almost a pauper.—
llis wife and only surviving son returned
to New York in the year 1831, in very re
duced circumstances. The mother died
many years ago, and until a few weeks
since, the world had forgotton the once
famous Blannerhassctt, and his family.
The following history of the son of Blan
nerhassctt, taken from a recent perfectly
reliable source, illustrates with melancholy
force the strange and remarkable revolu
tions of the wheel of fortune, in elevating
the lowly, and also in crushing the child
ren of the rich in the mire of the Slough
of Despond.
A few charitable ladies a short time
since, visited the Five Points in New York,
that most horrible of A/salias, upon an er
rarad of mercy. Here among the lowest,
the vilest, the most wretched of God’s
creatures, in a damp, low, unfinished, com
fortless room, they found a delicato, re
fined looking old man, destitute of every
comfort of life, without sufficient bread or
clothing, farced to associate with the most
ruffianly and unprincipled of the popula
tion of New York, lie was the only
child of the once wealthy and distinguish
ed Blannerhassctt. v
The son of the man who had set up
merchants, patronized literature and the
fine arts, and been courted and honored
by thousands, who had united with Burr
to conquer an empire, was found almost
starving in a cellar in the vilest portion of
New York. One alone had proved faith
ful to the last of the Blannerhassctt?—one
alone clang to the last spar of a shipwreck
ed, broken-hearted, forgotten family. An
old negro woman, a slave of Herman Blan
nerhassctt, in the days of his prosperity,
who h'acf held young Blannerhassett in her
arms, when his father was the affluent
gentleman and associate of Burr— w.„s
found by the Samaritans who’ visited her
master, devoting all of her remaining
strength to her feeble apd helpless mewder.
Forgotten by the world', this faithful sjave,
afforded to the son or the Celebrated Btan
nerliassett—what the world had denied
him—bread, and an humble roof to pro
tect him from the inclemency of a North
ern wilder. What a moral’ docs this point
of the instability and uncertainty of world
ly wealth mid position--the only surviving
son of Blinnerhassett, perishing almost
for want of the necessaries of life, in Five.
Points, and supported by the exertions of
a faithful negro!
Euoouatov with Burglars, Hero'sm and
Desperate Buttle.
About two o’clock on Saturday rribrn
i2b Mr. Wright, resting iu tfinth Blreet,
Philadelphia, was aroused by hearing
some persons in his house. He immedi
ately dressed himself and went down
stairs. Before going down he aim cd him
self with a six barrelled revolve, and a
sort of javelin, fortrtad of tV piece’ at whi
ter or gas pipe, pointed on the end, and
secured to his wrist by a thong. Mr. W.
took a stand in the hall, when “he saw
four roughlooking villains light the gas
and Commenced deliberately to ranftfcfr the
dining room in search of v luahles, help
ing themselves to brandy, and to such
other refreshments n,3 they could’ find,—
fiTho Bulletin sayrrr
After a time two of the men went up
stairs, leaving the other tyro in the dining
room. Mr. W. knowing that the chain’
hers of the members w.-ra kept locked,-
and tint no person was in his o\Vn room,
(Mrs. W, being absent from the city,.)
suffered the two villains to ascend th
stairs without disturbance. Soon one
of the twain who remained down stair •,
and who appeared to be a leader of th
gang, gave t to his fellow a boulder of
stone, weighing about two pounds, an !
told him to tuke it upstairs and ‘‘sivc u
to the mastei,” admonishing him, et
the same time, with an oar.h, to “give it i *
him right.’*
Mr. W. thinking this was a favorable
moment for an attack, rushed into the
dining room and made at one of the vF
laii 8 with his javelin. The fellow attem |. -
ted to defend himself with a formula!.l ;
looking butcher-knife, with a sharpe
blade, about ten inches in length. The
handle of this weapon Mr. W. struck as
it was thrust at him, anti the broken pot
tion can now be plainly seen. Mr. W.
immediately caught the”fellow and threw
him headlong on the floor: The second
burglar rushed to the aid of hi 9 comrade,
and was greeted with a shot from the re
volver, but it is uncertain whether the
load took effect.
The noise of the scuffle ani the shouts
of Mr. IV. sUrmed the two burgUra whs.
were up stairs ransacking the house, and
they immedia'cly rushed down to the as
sistance of their companions. The fight
now became frightful, and Mr. Wright
was compelled to defend himself against
the four burglars, who cut at hiih° with
their knives and strove to kill him. Five 1
shots were fired from the revolver, the
sixth missing fi r e, and the javelin was not
kept idle. Meantime, a lad, a son of Mr
VV. hearing the noise shouted murder lust -
tly, ami ttie feilo’ws’ made the best of
their way off; but not without having
sustained some serious wounds/
Mr. YV., states that he fired a shot a‘
one of the ruffians while struggling with
him, and that he held the pistol close ! •’
the back of the neck of the latter when
he fired, -and the collar of ihc coat was
thus set on fire. Tne putially burnt col
lar was found in the room after the battle
A round crowned drab wool hat was al
so found with the rim at the rear sCorcbed.
The crowu of this hot hears a heav\
mark of Mr. YY’s prowess, this side is cm
through evidently by a heavy blow of
the javelin. The lining is staimd with
blood, and a clot of gore on the inside
has a lock of long red hair matted in is,
From the manner in which the hat is cut.
and from the marks inside, a very seriou->
wound must have been infl.cted on the
robber. A black cloth cap was also
found; the inside is deeply stained with
blood, and the cap is torn by tho blows
inflicted on the head of the wea-er. One
half of the skirt of a blue frock coat, left
in the room, has a bullet hole in it in such
a location as to render it almost certain
that the shot which caused it was lodg
ed in the right thigh of the wearer some
where about the hip joint. About one
half of one leg of a pair of broad striped
pantaloons was torn of in the struggle,
and was left behind by the robbers.
They were tracked a long distance in
the street by the blood which flowed front
their wounds, and as the police are Ph
search of them, there is little doubt of
their arrest. On Sunday last a man came
to Mr. >V’s house and asked for food,
and he gave him a hearty dinner. Tne
fellow was joined by three others just af
ter leaving, and this gang, no doubt, are
the robbers. It is a singular fact that
Mr. Wright had a similar encounter,-
four years ago, with four desperate negro
tiurglars.
Tiie Japan Expedition.—A letter from
Hong Kong, dated December 11th, says
that the United States squadron, •onipri
sing the Susquehanna, Macedonia, Pow
hattan, Plymouth and Vaudalia, were then
in the harbor, and were preparing for de
parture northward. Commodore Perry
was expected over from Macao, in the
steamer Mississippi. At Canton, were
the storeship Supply, and the chartered
steamer Queen; and at Whampoa, the’
storeship Southampton. The Sea Witch
at Hong Kong, was about to proceed to
Namoa, to ship laborers for the Panama
Railroad. Doubt is thrown upon tho re
ported death of the Emperor of Japan.
The report is said to be explained by the
circumstanci that the death of a Japanese
M onarch places the Court in mounting
three years, during which time no foreign
embassy can be received.
The rumored duel and death of Mr*
Soule, we learn by our exchanges, is not
credited at Washington.
No. 10.