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fthc KtfeeMjf journal. ■MnßanwMMics^ 1 '- 7«*»t* ■nuaMßana>i DAWSON, O A., FEBR UARY 2,1866. sar • ~ rsrrz- ~ - TO MERCHANTS. Those having stocks of goods to dis. pose of, and wishing to establish a trade with this cr other towns in South-western Georgia, should remember that, with the arrangements now on foot the Journal will reach every dealer and every family in this community, and the pooplo are aware of the fact that the most liberal ad vertiser is the man to trade with. OUR PAPER This number of our paper is presented to the public more for the purpose of giv- j ing an idea, us to its typographical getting up, than as a specimen of the matter it is. expected to contain from week to week. It has been gotten up in great haste, and there aro doubtless many shortcomings in its reading arrangement, which will be rectified in the future. We shall endeavor to make our paper acceptable to politicians of every strife, Christians of every denorrr ination, mechanics, artists and planters of every description ; and trust we shall re ceive their assistance in building up such a newspaper as will attract the attention of the capitalist and the emigrant, and make all the elements of a rich region of coun try known to the world. DAWSON—ITS PROSPECTS. Situated in the very heart of the garden spot of the Empire State, increasing in population and business interests at a rate unequalled by any town of tho same years standing in this State—offering induce ments to capitalists, farmers and mechanics no whore else held out —Dawson has a fu ture, which is indeed to bo envied. Ihe surrounding country embraces somo of the very best lands in this or any adjoining State. The timber is of tho best kind and there ie an inexhaustible supply. Im mediately in this section are some of the finest and most productive cotton planta tions any where to be found—to say nothing of the adaptation of the soil to almost every species of agriculture. The Northern capitalist has an opening for profitable investment unsurpassed—hot only in the fertility of the soil, and tho tem perature of the climate but also in the adaptation of the section to manufacturing purposes. The establishment of an ex tensive Car Factory in this placois already’ under way, the stock having been subscrib ed, aDd it is a fixed fact that this is to prove at an early day, a feature of the place. W hen established it is expected to turn out from four to six cars per week. This will bo one of tho most extensive es tablishments of this kind jn the State, and must necessarily draw capital. Dawson presents one of the very best openings in the State for tho establishment of an extensive Cotton Factory—having every requisite element for its maintenance within reach. Thosands of dollars are to be made in the saving of freight and mon ies paid to far distant manufacturers We are glad to announce that the people arc awaking to a lively interest in this matter also, and aro hopeful that we will soon see the project substantially set on foot. Prior to tho commencement of the w ar, j a charter was secured for a railroad from Dawson to Bainbridgo, Ga., the head of steamboat navigation on I' lint River , which, by all means should now he taken in hand and pushed through. This pro ject is the crowning point for the success ful building up of a city. When this is accomplished, it will cause an additional opening of this section to the commercial world, which will give Dawson advantages that will enable her to outstrip every other town in South-western Georgia, in every respect, and finally become one the leading cities of the State. All thal is wanting, is a spirit of enter prise and perseverance on the part of the peoplo. We shall speak more fully on these points in our next issue. The President. Every new development increases our confidence in President Johnson, and ex cites a more profound respect tor the dim ness, dignity, candor and incorruptible in tegrity of the man. And these high mora 1 qualities rest ui>on such a solid substratum of good sense, sound judgment, sound statesmanship, modemtion and discretion, that we gather new hope amid the clouds that darken the political horizon, from the fact that Providence, at such a time, has reposed so much of the political power of the nation in such able and safe hands. We refer with great satisfaction to the | telegrams in our last issue, in which the President, with that dignity, candor and moral courage which so pre-eminently dis tinguishes him, is represented to have thrown himself in the breach against the passage of the negro suff rage bill in the Senate. To-day we would call particular attention to the Cincinnati Gazette’s report of recent interviews bet ween the President and the radical members of Congress. jce In eighteen hundred and sixty-five there were six hundred and eighty-two murders committed in the United States, and only ninety-eight executions; thirty five murders were commuted on (. lirist mas day. Blessed is the homely man, for the girls shall not molest him; yea, thrice blessed is he, for when he asketh a lady to dance, she will answer him, saying, “ 1 am en gaged for the next set.”' A Mormon paper of Halt Lake charac terizes the fresh attacks upon polygamy “ Hell boiling again.” The Dregs in tho Cup. A certain Congressman from Connecticut, Hon. H. C. Deming, bus recently trade a speech in the House of Representatives, which has gained him much applause from the Radical Republicans, and even tho “Conservatives” so-called, speak of it as the star speech of the session. It has, ***' fact, excited more attention and remark in j the North than any other speech on the , Presidential plan of restoration, and,! strange to say, ft seems so far not to have 1 elicited a w ord»f rebuke from any quarter.! Wo wish to call attention to a few para-! graphs of Mr. Deming’s speech. Tn nf u r times it will be denied that so base, wicked and cowardly an assault upon a brave, honorable and defenceless people was ever perpetrated bya man calling him self an American Representative. Mr. Deming says: When the administration of Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated, two alternatives were liefore them. They could have staid here, fighting the government from the in side as they had done for the last thirty years, and while warmed in its too gentle and forbearing bosom, marking it for slaughter and measuring it for the grave. They could have gone out and attempted an assault upon it from the outside. They chose the latter. They raised their bloody hands in rebellion; and had no sooner done so than they found themselves con fronted with the most puissant military power which the world has overseen when begirt for war, and when it had summoned its children for battle. They went down with their short-lived banner in the dust of humiliation and de feat. And if there is any truth in the in troversion into the .Southern animus , whieli lias been laid before the country, they are, like a wily and discomfited enemy, watch ing the chance to steal back and adopt t lie other alternative, and strangle the govern ment here in the very sanctuary of its power and majesty, “O! doubterund gain sayer,” I hear some ardent friend of read mission ask, “have they not repealed the secession ordinances? Have they not adopted the amendment to the constitution and repudiated the rebel debt?” (), yes, with a command of countenance and sol emnity of visage which, under the cir cumstances, is truly marvellous, they have told all the beads, repeated ail the aves, and pattered all the prayers enjoined upon them as a condition of absolution, but it is within the limits of possibility that they have done all this to purchase unlimited indulgence to sin ; and not to lie invidious in comparison, l am told that Italian brigands are never so devout in kneelings, crossings, and paternosters as when they arc about to plunge afresli into crime. They have ratified the amendment to the constitution, have they? But how have they ratified it ? With a construc tion anil gloss upon it which is mors trum pet-ton gued proof of their perennial perfidy to the black race than all the hypocritical mouthings of acquiescence in emancipa tion which could be collected in a six months’ hunt from Richmond to the Rio Grande. They have ratified it with a con struction that it merely abolishes the in famy of buying, selling, and owning hu man beings ; and under the exceptional i clause (“except as a punishment for crime,”) reconstructed North Carolina is now selling black men into slavery for petty larcency, and reconstructed South Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana, are fettering the contractsystem with so many subtile formalities, forfeitures anil condi tions, that a modern labor-contract is | much like an old-fashioned slave-pen a ! trap to hold the fveediuan to his work and cheat him of his wages. It is also true that in equivocal ami guarded language, they have repealed the secession ordinance ! ami repudiated the rebel debt. But who i can have faith in a generation of vipers? j The next Legislatures may re-enact seces sion and reaffirm the debt, and I am de termined for one to accept no bonds for their good behavior, which they are at lib erty either to cancel or steal. But the oaths! t lie oaths! They have sworn oaths to be faithful to the constitution and to support the laws. Yes, my friend, they have piled IVlion upon Ossa in tho shape of oaths ; hut, alas 1 they have taken all these oaths before, and on t lie top of them taken perjury upon their souls; anil those wlio witnessed their perjured Senators and Representatives, their perjured officers, military, naval and civil, their perjured judges and their perjured curs of low de gree, rushing from the Bible which they had kissed to the rebel Congress and the Confederate camp, will require more ir reversible guarantees from the returning prodigals than those which end with “so help me God!” Confidence is said to be a plant of slow growth, and it there is any kind of confidence which should be long er than the American aloe in blossoming, it is confidence in any oath which these convicted oath-breakers t’an take. it is in the face of such malignant vitu peration of the whole Southern race as this, that Northern papers read Southern edi tors grave homilies upon their irritability and eensoriousness in respect.to tlie people of that section. Speaking in his represen tative capacity, upon a grave public ques tion, with the eapitol as his auditorium and the nation lib hearers, Mr. Dealing brands the whole Southern people, in so many words, as faithless “perjured traitors, hypocrites, oath-breakers and a generation of vipers. From ibis universal brand of infamy, lie makes no reservation. The whole Southern race is alike perjured, per fidious and hypocritical. The descendants of the men who led the armies of the revo lution, and who elaborated tlie political system, which such men as Doming have wrested by brute force to the destruction of Southern life and property, and would fur ther pervert to our moral infamy, are branded as a generation of vijfcrs. And the baseness of the assault is in keeping/ with its malignity ; for it is made against the defenceless. No son of the South w«s there to lift up a voice in vindication of Ids race and lineage. Blind Sampson grinding in the mills ot ! the Philistines, was a grievous ease; but j not so piteable as when fettered v/ith brass he was brought into the 1 louse of ! Dagon, to become the sport of his energies. The material ruin of the war, and even the hecatombs of its gallant victims Who have fallen with their faces to the foci do not so wound the South as these two months’ discussion in Congress, wherein the walls of the national capital have echo ed to little else than the most malign defa mation of the Southern character, and king and grave Impeachments of their faith slid -honor. And for what f Docs any Southern man pretend to say that lie would not prefer independence to political connection with a people who loathe and abhor him ? Does any Southern man sot up an original, voluntary allegiance to the Government of the United States? Was it demanded of him? On the contrary, does not the oath itself, which was prescribed to him, clearly imply that it is no free election j upon bis part—that he law been seeking to escape from the control of the government, | but having failed, <"id being offered the 1 alternative of punishment or submission, •he elects submit and taky upon himself | the /■/edge of obedience henceforth, rather i/ian suffer the punishment for his rebel j lion, so-called. ! Is there any deception in this matter, so far as the South is concerned ? Tho Gov ■ eminent chose to prescribe and to accept this pledge of future obedience and sub i mission, instead of being at ! and trouble of Imaging, imprisoning and expatriating tho people or of enforcing sub mission by a permanent standing army, it was a compact between the two, and the conquered people of the South have complied with their obligations under it to the letter. They have done everything demanded of them by the government at every sacrifice of prejudice, interest, or of inherent or political rights. They have taken every step, only in the time and manner they were bidden to do it, and they are now applying for representation in Congress only at the command of th£ United States Government. Why then are we charged witli hypoc risy in pretensions to loyalty, or with im pudence and presumption in claiming rep resentation in Congress. Are these whole sale slanderers in tin: United States Con gress too cowardly to make issue where it belongs—with the President and liis Constitutional advisers? Does their ineflable baseness require a helpless victim —a victim silenced by their own votes— hound by oaths prescribed by their own government—and who can neither strike back nor talk back? Says a London cor respondent of the New York Times, of the tilth: Whatever the English may do at sundry times and in divers places, it is against their doctrine to strike a man when he is down. Never, perhaps, in the world’s his tory was a people more thoroughly beaten than those of the Southern States. The true policy to he used toward a people that lias so bravely fought, and been so utterly conquered, ought not, one would say, to be doubtful to any generous mind. Peace is the proper fruit of victory, anil peace be tween equals means justice, and between the conqueror and tin: conquered it requires even more than justice—generosity. If I am not entirely mistaken in the Southern character, benefits will unite anil injuries divide. m But those men insist that their enemy shall be silenced and chained, that they may vituperate him, spit in liis face and insult him with impunity. If the inveterate malignity of these peo ple cannot be satisfied blit with the moral and material extinction of the South, let them at least show some manliness in their revenge. If the South are a race of per jured hypocrites and ageneration of vipers, let them exterminate it at once —drive it out of the country and show that they fear not the responsibility of vindicating by corresponding action what they declare in words. But for week in and week out to prostitute the Capitol of the nation and the moral power of Congress, in pouring upon a voiceless people, a never ending, still be ginning tide of infamy and opprobrium, passes human forbearance. Have all man ly sentiments fled from tho Aiutside world, that it sees this work going on without lifting up one word of remonstrance? Fenian Privateering. The Daily News, with a flourish of trum pets, announces that tlie Fenians have sent a war vessel to sea, flying “ the green flag” from her mast head, and that “ Britisli commerce is to be swept from the ocean.” Tlie vessel sailed from tlie pory of New York on Sunday night tlie 21st, but pre viously to her departure the reporter of that paper viewed her from stem to stern, and she was afso inspected by Head Center ()’- Maliony. She was under command of Capt. Morley, a gallant young Irishman. The News announces that the time fur taking revenge for the depredations of the Ala bama and the Shenandoah has arrived, and tlie Fenians have taken it Into their own hands to give tlie British a taste of tlieir own neutrality. If such a step as this has been taken, it is much to be regretted. The ‘ so-called” Confederate States were recognized bellig erents when they issued Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and these letters issued from a regularly organized government—a gov ernment de facto , exercising jurisdiction by tlie consent and ordinations of the peo ple of the Confederacy. The Fenian Bro therhood is a volunteer association of ex patriated Irishmen, the most of whom claim citizenship, and all claim residence in this country. They set up no jurisdic tion m Ireland at all, and so far from being recognized as lawful belligerents, no state of war act ually exists. There is not the least similitude between the cases of the Con federate and Fenian privateers, and Capt. Morley and rew, should they molest Bri tish commerce on the high seas, would be adjudged guilty of piracy by any court in Christendom. We hope aud believe no such madness is contemplated. \\ ein the fifouth have seen enough of misery from unavailing civil war and hope the Fenians and the Irish will keep clear of it. Wholesale Thieving. The garden of one of our neighbors was robbed the other night by tlie two horse wagon’ load. Tlie thieves brought up a ve hicle of this description to the fence in the rear of bis lot, and went at the business systematically,upon the labor saving prin ciple. In the morning, a flourishing gar den, well stored with cabbages,turnips etc., resemhled much that famous scene in the mountains of Hespidam, spoken of by the prophet, “where the Lion roareth and the Wliaitgdoodlemourneth for her first-born.” This may seem a joking matter, but it was not so to the neighbor aforesaid, nor will it be to the next one when the wagon comes round again. The prosperity of the thiev -1 ing trade may be considered a sett led fact, j when the rascals can afford to carry it on I with two-horse wagons. By his will, Lord Palmerston requests young ('owner to take the name of Tem ' pie, and as liis reward take the late peer’s j Great Britain and Irish estates. The editor of a journal called the “Jiraplecute,” Jefferson, Texas, announced | oently that it would not be published the next week without something important demanded it. Home fun in publishing e 1 paper that way, THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. Statement of the President's 1 leu’s in Pe nned to deconstruction and Part// Pol itics. A special correspondent of the Cincin nati Gazette, i radical republican,) lias the following very interesting account of con versations with the President upon the state of the country : Wll AT l 'ONSTITUTTON AI. AM ION DM ENT'S HAVE JIKION SUGGESTED. Tn one case, several members, popularly known as Radicals, said to the President that if lie would he satisfied with constitu tional amendments, basing representation on voters, making all men equal before the law, excepting in the matter of suffrage, repudiating rebel debt, and guaranteeing national obligations, they would make an effort to bring the party in Congress to an adjustment of the reconstruction question on that basis, and would even go to the length of admitting Tennessee in advance of all the other (States and of the general adoption of this policy by the South, if she would individually agree to those amendments. WHAT THE PRESIDENT SAYS OF CONBTITU TI( IN AI. AME N1) .11 ENTS. Without entering into any serious con sideration of their subject matter, the President said that lie had objections on general grounds to any constitutional amendments. He had once been in favor of some himself, and was on the record in their favor; but these were changed times, and tile tendency was too great toward unsettling the foundation of things. These liT'ii uent amendments were calculated to weaken the force and solemn sanction of the constitution, and make its provisions like the work of town meetings. As to any propositions for making the payment of the rebel debt unconstitutional, lie con sidered them unnecessary, and doubted tlieir propriety. The Southern people were in no danger of ever wanting to pay those debts. The objections in the South to their payment would every year grow stronger and stronger. How would it look to provide by a constitutional amendment that the United States debt should not lie repudiated? Yet this would be no more improper than the other. Furthermore, there was gross inconsistency in the pro posed mode of securing these constitution al amendments. They were to be pro posed by a Congress from which the South was excluded. Then the rebel States, who were unfit to lie represented in Congress; were to be considered fit to ratify a consti tutional amendment. If they were ex pected as States to act upon the question of ratifying them, they should be permit ted, through their representatives in Con gress, to act also in proposing them. In effect, lie did not think it right to demand the adoption of any constitutional amend ment as a condition of admitting Southern members to Congress, because those States were in now and entitled to all the rights of States. LEGAL GUARANTEES SUGGESTED. Perhaps the most generally accepted plan of re-organization involves constitutional amendments. But there are others in Con gress who prefer to regulate the whole sub ject ir law. Among these are the most who \\.. Ii to meet squarely the rugged is sue of negro sulfrage. In the last Congress Mr. Winter Davis came very nearearrying through such a law. Substantially the same measure is now before Congress again, and is known as Ashley’s bill. Numerous Congressmen have urged this upon the President’s attention, and more have press ed the general policy of providing by law than by constitutional amendment the guarantees whieli the entire Union party I with exceptions too insignificant to men tion) agree in considering essential to any safe organization. To such suggestions the President has replied that lie considered Mr. Ashley’s measure, simply a bill for the dissolution of the Union. He had risked liis own life and property to preserve the Union. The people of the country stood and had stood upon the position that the rebellion was to lie put down, and the States thereby kept in tile Union. Mr. Ashley’s bill now pro mised to turn them out and prescribe con ditions for their return. He thought the true course fortlie Union party to pursue, was “with open arms and cordial hands” to welcome these Stales in to a participation in the government.— Thus we would have them its the friends of the Union party, and not make them its enemies by slamming the door in their faces. THE PRESIDENT’S STATEMENT OF HIS OWN THEORY OF RECONSTRUCTION. In such connections, the President lias more than once stated his own theory of reconstruction in words much moreexplicit than have found their way into the doc uments. During the rebellion tlie loyal govern ment liad in a sense been overthrown. It was, therefore, the duty of the i nited States, and of the President, during this time, to do all in their power to secure to the .States republican governments. This became especially ids own duty, us one charged with seeing that the laws were executed. His own action in prescribing terms upon which these States should be recognized, in so as lie liad prescribed any, notin harmony with their forms of State government, or in so far as it seemed to ap ply that they would not lie recognized as States unless they complied with bis con ditions, was in reality and was meant only to be advisory. He liad not intended that his own requirements should beconsidered as conditions precedent, which the Execu tive, or any branch, or all branches of the government liad any right to exact, before these States should be entitled to recogni tion as States of the Union. In fact these States were entitled to be represented in Congress all through the re bellion. indeed, there was greater reason for their being then represented than there wfus at any other time. Congress had re peatedly dealt with them as States during theffehellion. Members from Virginia, for example, were admitted. Direct taxes wen apportioned among them just us amo lg the other States. The ninth section of tleact of the 7th of June, 1862, in its latte r clauses recognized tlie same princi ple. The rebel States are, therefore, now in the, Union. Indeed, their governments are/ more republican, more democratic, more in harmony with the harmony with spirit of our institutions than they ever \vdre before. If Congress would only look out there now, it would see legislators, Governors, State officers of all grades, mem bers of Congress, all elected by the people; courts in session, taxes being collected, mails being carried. Surely these made States in the Union, if they were ever in it. jo F THE ADMISSION OF SOUTHERN MEMBERS OF CONG HESS, In numerous interviews the President has stated to different gentlemen, in sub stantially the same language, his views concerning the admission of rebel Con gressmen. In one of the minutes before me 1 find a memorandum to this effect: He respectfully alluded to its prerogative and constitutional duty of each House to judge of the merits of each claimant’s elec tion by itself. This also was the wise way ; of keeping bail men out of Congress, who | might not through personal disqualifica tion, lie entitled to seats. But ft was gross ly wrong to exclude States because of ob jections to individuals. Each claimant’s ease should rest on and be decided accord ing to his individual merits Representation in Congress was but one of the rights of States under the constitu tion. Exclusion from Congress does not, therefore, prevent these rebel States from enjoying a i exercising other constitution al rights over which Congress, in spite of its denial if their rights, lias no control. FEELING AND HEARING OF THE PRESI DENT. Throughout all these interviews the President’s manner lias been kind and considerate. No lack of respect has been shown for Congressmen ; no disposition to attempt any coercive measures. On the other hand, he lias exhibited no sense of dependence on Congress, and no feeling of even the slightest apprehension as to the result. He constantly refers to “the peo ple,” with a manifest conviction that pub lic sentiment is overwhelmingly oil liis side; and that in the event of any differ ence between himself and Congress on these points, tho party and the country will he sure to sustain him. 1 do not believe thatthereisanyevidence whatever that the President lias made a single step toward the employment of liis patronage as means of enforcing liis views. Members of the Cabinet expressly deny that anyth in ■_ of the sort lias ever been sug l ie.; 1 tlie only eases I •over, out of which upcr-serviceable assistant • undertaken to lay down ■ hey had no authority. ■ nay lie the possibilities of a lie ween the President and his par ty, frankness and fair-dealing are not like ly in increase them, ft is in this spirit lie has discussed with members of Con gress; anil it is for the reason that the country deserves the same treatment that i I have written. Agate. | GEORGIA LEGISLATURE. > SENATE. Milledgevillk. Jail. 30, iB6O. The Senate met at 10 o’clock. Prayer by Rev. Lovick Pierce, I). D. Mr. McDaniel moved to reconsider the action of tliortcnato on the passage of the bill on yesterday, to allow the several coun ties of the State to issue bonds. The motion was lost. A seat was tendered Rev. I> Pierce, I). 1)., on the tloor of the Senate. The Senate on being notified that the House was ready to receive them into their hall for tlie purpose of electing United States Senators, on motion, repaired thith er, and without completing the election, adjourned till 3i o’clock, P. M. HOUSE. The House met and was opened with prayer by the Chaplain. Leave of absence was granted to Messrs. McDimgal, Hoges, Spear ami Gibson, to attend to important business. Mr. Ridley, of Troup, introduced a bill, sometime ago, to prevent the spread of small jmx in the State, was taken up and passed. Mr. Ridley moved the suspension of the rules to transmit the bill to the Senate, whieli prevailed, Bills on second reading were read and referred to the appropriate committees. Mr. Ridley, of TrcAipe, moved a sus pension of tlie rules to introduce a resolu tion postponing the election of United States Senators until the 15th of Februrary next. The mover Introduced liis resolu tion with quite an eloquent speech, en deavoring to convince the House of the iinportanceof the postponement. He was replied to by Mr. Moses, of Muscogee, in a short blit pointed speech. The previous question was called for and tlie motion was lost. Tlie time arrived, which had been ap pointed for the election of United States’ Senators. The Senate entered the Hall of | Representatives, and the President called the joint session to order. Secretary Weems read tlie resolution convening the joint session. Tlie names of Hun. A. H. Stephens and Hon. Joshua Hill were nominated for the long term. On the first ballot, the vote stood—Ste phens, 152 ; Hill, 38. Mr. Stephens having received a majori ty of the votes east, was declared elected United States Senator for tlie king term. The names ofL. J. Gartrell, Cincinnatus Peeples and Gov. James Johnson were placed in nomination for tlie short term. The following is tlie result: On the Ist ballot, Gartrell received 88, Peeples 72, Johnson 24. Second ballot resulted : Gar trell, 93; Peeples, 91 ; the name of Gov. Johnson having been withdrawn. Mr. J. J. Junes, of Burke, nominated Hun. H. V. Johnson. The third ballot resulted as follows: Gartrell, 77; Peeples 70; Johnson,3s. On the fourth ballot, the vote stood: Gartrell, 77; Peeples, 68! Johnson, 35. On the fifth ballot stood, Gartrell, 75; Peeples, 67; Johnson, 36. A motion was made that the General Assembly take a recess until to-morrow, which was lost. The motion was then changed to 3, P. M., which motion prevailed. Tlie candidates have gone to work in good earnest, as no election took place. The Joint S'-toon then adjourned. ■A id War. Th \b in says: iiig at New Orleans arc ,ar. The Navy IJepart i and in that city in refitting a ior active service eleven ii iVese will soon be completed. It . ... . i about that vessels bound for the Rio Grande are ordered to touch at Galveston, in order to convey troops to the confines of Mexico. Is war with Mexico and France inevitable?. Might it not be postponed till the South lias been re-invig orated ? It is due to our readers to say that we have noticed nothing of the above in our other exchanges. A dispatch from Wash ington to the New York Daily News, upon the authority of a private letter written at Paris, Jan. 4th, describes a recent inter view between Napoleon and the American Minister. Napoleon spoke frankly of the Mexican question, and expressed a desire to preserve friendly relations with tlie United States. He said it was his inten tion to withdraw the French troops from Mexico as soon as lie could be assured of our policy of neutrality; but that be would never abandon Maximilian as long as there was any danger of interference by the United States. All he would ask was that we would not interfere with the pres ent Mexican government, the permanence and stability of which, if left to itself, he was convinced would be secured. The correspondent adds: “1 have reason to believe that dispatches from Mr. Bige low, containing a full report of the inter view, were received by the State Depart ment by last steamer.” There is a good deal of reason to believe, if a guarantee of non-interference with the present Mexican government be the indispensable condition to the withdrawal of the French troops from Mexico, the day of accommodation with France upon this subject is distant. We do not believe the United States government will give any such assurance. t , , r A report was in circulate* 11 two weeks ago that the President would speed ily issue a proclamation declaring tlie re bellion at an end, and civil law restored throughout the late insurrectionary States. His delay in so doing « now attributed to ■ he non-arrival of expected official corres pondence from Provisional Governor Ham s ltou i ol' Texas. BY TELEGRAPH SENATORIAL ELECTION. A. H. STEPHENS ANDHERKCU, r v JOHNSON ELECTED! ' [Special to the Journal and Messenger 1 Mili.khgevii.le, Jan. 80.—Hun. . under H. Stephens was elected, on thi iu ballot, United States Senator for the i,,,* term, anil Hun. Hcrschcl.Y. Johnson elected, on the sixth ballot, for the slu, term. 0,1 [Editorial Remarks. —ls the Unite.l States authorities desired tlie utri.i, Possible pledge of the intention of Lii-i.rgp, to act well her part in a reeonsolidaiwi union of the States, none stronger could l* found than in the fact that she offers t„ send her two brightest and most po, m j ar sons to the Senate of the United Slides men carrying more individual weight and inllueuce with the people than probably ant score in the State, in ottering then, for admission to the Senate, Georgia ten tiers her best material to the character reputation, dignity and usefulness of that body; and now it remains for the Senate to say, will you repeal tlie test oath, and receive these our ablest, our representative men; or will yon insist that they shall he excluded in favor of some mere sealliways who will be practically of no account in' the Senate or anywhsfp else, and can on), say tlmt they never ljad any sympathy interest or influence with the people, ami of course, escaped all share in tlieir errors and mistakes?] FROM WASHINGTON. Washington, Jan. 29.—The Senate dis cussed a bill to provide for the protection of all persons, without distinction of color or race, in their civil rights. Trumbull ottered to amend the bill by inserting that all persons of African descent horn in the United States are citizen thereof, and made a speech in support of tlie bill. Sattlsbeiy replied, contending that the liberties of tlie white naan were entitled to the same consideration, and that it was time to cease shedding tears for tlie ne groes. A resolution was offered and referred to tin* ('oinmittee on Naval Adairs, tendering JJtc thanks of ('angress to Karagut and bis officers for meritorious conduct in Mobile Bay, in August, 1864. In the House, Kaymaiul refuted (he p>- sition of those who maintained that the Southern Slates were nut, of the Union. This he denied, and maintained that Con gress lias no power to do anything against them more than against the other States. Tlie Southern States had reorganized, and tlie only question was the admission of their representatives. Congress should art separately upon tho cases from each l)is trift, and admit those wlio can take the oath. We have to live with the South, and good policy, as well as patriotism, should induce them to leoonsidertheir action. He said the House owed it to tlieir dignity to repudiate select committee reconstruction; all the paper constitutions in the world would not save the country, unless there was sufficient patriotism among tiie peo ple. Washington, Jan. 29.—Official news to tlie 29th December, says the French have sent an expedition against Juarez, at El Paso; but abandoned it on hearing that lie had made preparations to repel them. Washington, Jan. 29.—The arranp*- incuts for the testimony against Captain Simmies arc nearly completed, it is ex pected that it will he commenced towards the close of the] present week. A Naval .Commission, however, lias not yet been appointed. New York, Jan. 29.—Cotton firm, sides 800 bales at 48 cents. Gold forty. Washington, Jan. 2s. The PresidentM ilay, said to distinguished Senators, that t tie agitation of tlie negro franchise question in the District of Columbia, at this time, was a mere entering wedge tn tlie agitation of the question throughout the States, ana was ill-timed and uncalled for, anil calcu lated to do great barm. He believed it would engender enmity, contention ami strife between the two races, and lead to* war between them wliidi would result in great injury to both, and certain destruc tion of tin* lifcgro population. iTercileinr, lie thought, should be given to more im portant and urgent matters, legislation upon which was essential for Hie restora tion of the Union and peace of the tnuiiti'y, and the prosperity of the people, mid .in foregoing is implicity true. A Democratic Call on the President. A letter from Washington to the M" York Herald, written on tlie 21st, say*, the day previous, a delegation ot the teiic oeratic party of Pennsylvania, bended 1 ? At r. Wallace, Chairman of the State ■Mw'’ utive Committee, and composed ot «n members—R. Vaux, Col. Davids and ot '- ers — were introduced to the President y< Hon. S. Randall. The Chairman wie'b stated that the motive of their visit*** otter to the government at this crisis t hearty and loyal support. “If you con me as patriots,” said the President, I may count on tlie support you one , 1 ■ if as partizans only, it is more doubtm^ 1 shall not swerve from my sci.-w , j, for party men or party olrec s. went on to explain his views <>l f cal situation in terms so and decided as to touch eve > ■' )y w The result of tlie interview make an enthusiastic John rv member of the commdtee, w ho pieu^ ; unconditionally the entire vote ol tlie P : to the Executive policy, as ht stood it. , M nse of “l shall not swerve from nn A •ire endeavoring to cause him to , from his sense of Juy to tlie counff?, to hand over one section to the I eontrol of another. Trampling u] • tice, and scorning the Constitution, w, seek to carry out purposes, ami gi' to principles totally at variance past history, and they may that he does not intend to succuny^ PROSPBC7 <,b OF “Dawson Weekly Journal rue publication of » weekly jouiu,?. (ii1 .,,,u 1- allow title, at I lawson, terrellv*"" -,f meet tiny tin- -M of February. it N' ~nd, want* of every class ”1 t? 11 further the interests ol ;,Uj„uslai*- ‘h,.. mechanics, politicians, and r on ot Mouth be published in the richest isali ~i nd lia •» Georgia—in a rai.idiy grtjj’irw tll that sect, assurance of universalt ir u t hcn ioio l ** otters advantages to ndvcitls' (.jn-ulatnl 10 Joyed. A spoeiim u copy w,il . Advertisements taken.Un R ( jun3o-tl‘.