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EDaUti (Examiner, It Y LOCHRANE, DOpHI &. CO. J. H. STKKLK, / r™,.,, • j. W. DOWSING. { KWT ' iR ATLANTA, GEO.’ ” THURSDAY, AUGUST 20. 1857. TKRMS OF THE EXAMINER. Daily, per annum in advance. - - *5 00 Weekly, “ . “ - - C- 00 "campaign paper. l)ailv Examiner, ... $1 50 Weekly, 50 Advance payments are required for sub scriptions. Direct letters to Editors Atlanta Examiner Democratic. Nominations. FOR GOVERNOR, JOSEPH E. BROWN. OF CHEROKEE. FOR CONGRESS. Second District—M. J. CRAW FORI) Third " D. J. BAILEY. Fourth " L. J. GARTRELL. Fifth “ A. R. WRIGHT. Sixth' JAS. JACKSON Seventh *’ LIN. STEPHENS. Eighth “ A. H. STEPHENS. STATE LEGISLATIVE. For Senator. JARED !. WHITAKER. For Representative JOHN G. WESTMORELAND. See Third page for Late News. Hon A fi. 8TEPHEMS. From the Augusta Ooostitutfooafisr we copy vdsr. a letter of the Hon. A. H. Stephens, addressed to the people of the atb Congress lional District. The letter would hare ap peared on yesterday, bot for the fact that the •‘CooatitutiooalUt” directed, and regularly transmitted to us from that office, fell into bands unknown. This will account for our being “ behind time" in its publication. Our readers, too, we doubt not, will excuse us for publishing this letter in our dnily to the exclusion of our usual xariety. A more im portant and interesting comnaiinnation we cau- eot place be lore them To the Voters of tbe Elghib Con- greusloaal District. It may be unnecessary, perhaps, for tne to say much by way of apokisy or explanation of my reasons lor addressing you at this time and in'this way. The numerous calks that have been mode upon me by personal and political frietds. in primary meetings of the people and otherwise, to allow my name to go before the District again for reflection to Congress with sit the formality of a regular nomination, re. quire a response. This should haTe been made earlier,*!*] would hare been.'but for mat’art of a l» rsonal nature that hare prevented, and which In no way concern the poblic. To reply, however, to each sepantely, would take c..nsiderabie time, and devolve upon me a great ileal of useless labor ; while to select oac in preference to others might be deemed invid ious. J, therefore, take this meihed of an swering all together, and at the same time say ing briefly, not only to those who have '.hu- manifested their w'ubes in this particular, but the other voters of the District generally, that if it is tbe will and pleasure of the people that ’ I shall 9erve them again in tbe national coun cils, I have no sufficient reason consistent with tuy sense of duty to the country and my ob!i gationa to them to justify tne ©refusing—par ticularly at this juncture. I feel profoundly sensible of the signal marks of confidence re peatedly shown to wards me by tbe people of this District. The present may not oe an fort proper occasion to make allu-ion to them and the past relations between us of Representative and constituents. During the whole time I have represented itie district, the houor to been conferred witli- ut any party nomination—this is unusual in our day— and the honor on that account, has been the more highly appreciated by me It has caused me. if poedhlr, to feel more sensi ble the weight of the responsibility re ting on me, to watch over,, look after, guard and pro- ect equally, the rights md interest of all*— How far I succeeded in meeting their expec tations in tbe diacba'ge of the great trusts thus confidingly placed m my bands, tin y must judge for themselves,. Bot it is quite a grat ification to roe to know that since 1 have been so chosen, not n single vote or act ot mine, aa their representatve. was efer subject ot com plaint at the time, as far as I am aware of b a single roan of any party in the district, a! approved, al tbe time it was dune, of every thing 1 dal as their representative. At least nothing was heard to the contrary—no cen sure was made, no disapprobation ever expres •cd. Party aDd nominal questions of the great' magnitude and mo*t exciting cha, nettr were acted on during tbe time. At the Srst session of that term of set vii e, tbe Kansas bill, which is still the topic of so mnch discussion vrat brought forward. I pave it, as you all kt-ow. my warm and zealous support. Its success was bailed, not only in this district, but by ail parties throughout (leorgia, as a great tri umph—a triumph not of one section of the country over another—not of the South over the North, farther than her rey.iration to e- quality was concerned—but of the friends of the Constitution everywhere over those who for thirty years had been endeavoring to wrest that instrument from its trpe spirit, to accum plish selfish and soctiooal purposes against Southern institu ion*. And though I hare seen up to this day no attack upon roe individually, for iny position in connection with that meas ure, yet I regret to say, it is but foo apparent, and Las been for sometime past, that a party n Geoigia.and particularly in tire 8th Dis trict, i- ri-ing up, whose object is, if not openly covertly at leas’, to get a popular condemn*-, lion of it. They now <$*rty insinuate that it was the work of trickster.i and demagogues “ ‘ ^excitemeqk foot reply to cbarftare esio| •ccuastion, for gave itprtfjMM .«Of**rty ah approval at 9n' time it J£see4«* fry bodyehe. If trieX - stm were’the authors of it, they were the trickster bettkm. The pretext now that they then gave their approval with a reservation pr exception as to the “alien suffrage" anl "squatter sovereign ty 1 ’ features as tiny called it, will not do. This is but an after thought, and wholly untueabk 1 at that. All the ’•aflensuffragv" tbe bill.ever bad in it was in it when it met the approval of the Georgia Legistatnre In February, 1854, ami when they declared that hostility to the prindpta of the hill should be regarded as hostility to the South. And as for the'squat ter sovereignty' feature, thatwa; nothing but a fancy of the brain from the beginning— which was conjured Bp some (hue afterwards —about ttie tuna it was discovered that tbe only dcfvudc s ef tb ‘ bill at the North, with lew exceptions, wore lfomocraU. So such principloTlinwever, w*» ever in the bill. '1’his was ccdelusively shown daring the canvas* last year, and is now generally admitted. Iu fact, the main argument last year was uotso much to sliiiw that any such principle was re ally iu !h' bill, as to prove ihat such was the Northern construction or it. It was strenu onslv contended that iWr. Buchanan had put tha’ coostragtion upou it in iiis letter of ac ceptance. But by his Inaugural even that ground ot complain (altogether imaginary and unsaMau'.ial as it was.) was removed. This is now also openly acknowledged—and a very important acknowledgement it is— for with it the last vestige of that pretext for opposition or objection’vanishes. It is a matter to be noted aud remembered that the Warreaton Convention, of the Gth iust., that nominated my honorable competitor, expressly state and proclaim : "We confer, -iiui. our surprise, when his (Mr. Buchanao'si inaugural address rk.sovnced socstrur. so\ Kij.vn*—and the edge of our op- position to his udmiuistratiou was blunted by the apparent Iwldness and honesty of his sen timents." This is an honest and timely confession. It is a complete answer to most of the arguments of their orators and newspapers of la-t year. Buchanan's "squatter sovereignty principles was then the staple of tbeir speeches and edi torials—it was the bartheu of their song, "the Illiail of their woes." It was this phantom that caused some iu tbeir maddened rage to -av that the bill, with this construction was worse for the South than the Wilmot Proviso itself Most blinding most have been that rage which could have caused anybody to see that anything could have been worse for the SCUth than tiwt positive, ahsahilt and perpetual prohibition against slavery in a territory, put oq In 1820, and which the Kansas bill remo ved! / But such things we have witnessed and per- baps stranger ones are yet in store for us. It is not so much, however, with the past as with the present, and the future we have to deal. 'I he past it is true frequently throws light on the future, and fortius reason, it is not to be neg lected or forgotten. I need not assure you that I was for th*’ biU in the beginning and am for it yet. and shall stand by it to the last.notwitli- itanding the new “fire in the rear" as well as the old one "in the front.' From late indications the next Congress will have before it deeply interesting, if not unusu- a ly exciting questions—net lewmotban those before* tin- last. In the elections for tbe last Congress the RErnt. of the Kansas bill was a prominent issue at the North. Upon the as sembling ot that !>ody a large majority of the Houre were claimed to fie in favor of its repeal. But they did not sncced in tbeir object. If. however, it was an-ttowiee measure, got up by agitators and tricksters to serve selfish and par ty ends, ought it rot to Lave been repealed? On this point the XVarrentoa Convention, if such be tbe drift and tendency of tbeir policy, a-e again estopped -at least their party is— for as late as Ice 2sth of January, of last year the following resolution was offered In the House of Representatives by Mr. Meacham of Vermont: ‘ Retotpeety That in the opinion of this House the repeal of th-* M-iwonri Compromise of 1820, prohibiting slave y north of latitude 36° 30’, was on example o! useless and factious ag itation of the slavery question, both in and out of Congress, and which was unwise, as will as unjust to a portion of the American people 1 his resolution D but a short statement of th< sal stand ol tbe commentary of the Wat* reuton Convention, and ftbey are right their representative ought to have voted for it. But he did not, nor did a single member of the American party, or nnv party from theSouth, vote for it except Mr," Etheridge from Ten nessee. Messrs, Foster and Trippe from this State, voted against it. so did the two Mar shalls from Kentucky, Mr. Zoliicoffer from Tennessee—all the leaders ol the party, aud every member of it from the South, with the exception Hated. We.• the* all tricksters, agitator, und demagogues, or the backers of such paltry characters'.’This resolution passed the flou-e. but the majority did not succeed in tbeir attempt* to carry a repeal of phe re a- sure by law. Their whole effects then were directed to another election. In Ibis liiey were signally defeated again, as well in their attempts to get control of the Executive a* of the next I louse. 1 bus opened aud thus coded tbe la..'. Congress so far as tbe Kansas bill was concerned. It passed tbe ordeal of three stormy a*- ions intact and unf luched, ai d came out of tbe I’reShWuthil 'cofcfr,t sustained and endors ed by the people ol the United Hiatts and by '-••■try Southern state save one. It was after this memorable popular ver dict, m il- favor last fall—after its principles seemed to V settled so far as the action of Congress waa concerned—after everything pertaining even to a doubtful construction was put to rest by tbe inaugural of Mr. Buchanan, and after the main principles rf the bid wen iully affirmed by the Supreme Court of the United States, .n tbe Drcd Scot cj*. that 1 did indulge a strong desire and wish to retire It was with this measure above all othen, 1 bad become identified in my public career With the prospect of its being firmly established in every department of govern ment, the time seemed suitable *3 well as propitious, for me to take that course, which was so agreeable to my feelings. But since the indications to which I have alluded, have furnished grounds to appre hend that these and kindred questions will come up before the next Congress, I deem it due to you to say that 1 feel no disposition to shrink from the responsibility of meeting them. Whatever may have been my wishes for repose, however congenial to my feul- mgs end health, quiet and rest might be, I ha»i no inclination, voluntarily to quit the field ol action, so long a* the fight lasts on this measore. I shall, if the people so will it, stand by it to the end, let that be what it may. As to my course, it elected, 1 have no new pledge or promise t„ make. The form In which this question will prevent it,i questioiqof si; the control of self most probably in the next Congress, will not be on a repeal of the measure ; that idea is abandoned. It will be upon 1 he point, whether in principles shall he truly and faithfully carried into effect. It will be my object to the utmost extent of my power, to see to it that this is done ; not only in Kan sas, but in every other Territory ol 1 ho Uni ted States. These principles were 9et forth in the Cincinnati Platform of last yenr, in the following words: '‘Fetched, Thai wc recognise the right ot the people of all the Territories, including Kansas und Nebraska, acting^ through the legally and fairly expressed will ota majori ty of actual residents, and whenever the number of ilieir inhabitants justifies it, to form a Constitution with or without domes tic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with other Stales." This resolution not only embodied ihe principle* upon which the Kansas bill was founded, (thereby fully endorsing them) but it proclaims them as the permanent anil set tled future policy of the general government towards all the Territories so far as the* ac tion of that party uttering them, can make It rests upon the basis of removing the ‘ slavery in the Territories from of the General Government and leaving il to be settled iu the proper way and at tho proper time, by the people most deeply interested m it. It sernres the right of perfect equality between the citizens of all the States in tbe Union in the enjoyment of the public domain as long as the Territo rial status continues. Since 1S20, an effort has been made by the anti-slavery men at the North to use the powers of the General Government against southern institution.-. Tlu*. first point of attack was the Territories. Tlteir policy was to hedge in, hem up, bind round and by restrictions to prevent the South from any further growth and expan sion. That this might ultimately weaken, cripple,and perhaps destroy the institution in the States was the main object. On the part of the South, it was justly insisted that her right of expansion was equal to that of the North. This fight, after a struggle for years, was first secured in 1850, alter the de feat of the XVilmot Proviso, or the Congres sional restrictive policy. The Kansas bill did but follow up, and carry out the policy of 1850—while the resolution just quoted, adopts and looks to the establishment of this as the future policy of the Government. In my judgment, the principles upon which this policy rests, are worth the Union itself. Its objects were and arc not to make Kan sas, or any other Territory either a slave or a free State by the action of Federal authori ty, out to let tbe people in each, when they come to form their State Constitution, make it for themselves “in their own way,” sub ject to no limitation or restriction, except the Constitution otthe United States. It was to prevent the General Government from hav ing anything to do with or exercising any influence over the formation of the Constitu tion of the new States, either for or against slavery. If carried out in good faith, it se cures to the South unlimited right of ex pansion 10 the utmost extent of her capacity. More than this, she has no reason to ask. And with this, she has nothing to fear now or hereafter, either from “ British philan thropists" or “ American abolitionists,” or the “moral sentiment of Christendom.”— Secure in her own State institutions, without the power of molestation on the part of the Federal authorities ; with the full enjoyment of the right to grow as the country grows, to enlarge as that enlarges, and to carry her slave population wherever climate, soil, and production- invite them in our immense public domain, she lias nothing to fear from any quarter. 1 am not one of those who in dulge in forebodings of evils to the South in any contingency, either in the Union or out of it. She holds in her hands, not only her destiny and thbt of the Union, hut the destiny of much greater interests than all these combined. One of her great staples alone now forms the basis of th^eommerce, enterprise, arid wealth of the world. Not only, the northern States, hat most of the na tion* of Europe are fast becoming depen dent upon her. The idea that the question of African slavery is one of vital interest, only to those who own the slaves, and to the extent of the money invested in them, is one of those chimeras which might be expected to emanate from tbe brains of tiiose who think it a divine mission to war against di vine decrees. The amount of capital invested in slaves is but’a drop in the bucket compared with the mnch vaster amount.put in motion and sustaine d by the products of their labor. There is not a flourishing village or hamlet at the North—to say nothing of their towns and cities—that does not owe its prosperity to Southern cotton. England, with her millions of.people and billions upon billions of pounds sterling, could not survive six months without it. This they begin to feel and lament. We emphatically hold the le ver that wield the destiny of modern civili zation in its widest scope and comprehen sion ; and all we have to do is to realize the consciousness of our power, ami be resolved to maintain it. I11 this connection, it tnay not be amiss or out of place, to notice an article in one of our own journals of a re cent date. The Co lumbus Fne/uirer, in il- issue of the 12th May last, says : “From the commencement of the govern ment until the present period, the South comparatively, has been growing ‘small by degrees and beautifully less’ in wealth, popu lation, in literature, and in .ill the elements which add power and trreatness to a State. If any one should be incredulous of the fact, let him examine the different census reports which have been made, ami the truth w ill reveal itself iu all its fearful proportions.” This ought to he a most mortifying re flection to every southern man, it upon re ference to the authorities cited, the facts were found to sustain the statement. But the censuses furnish no material for such a depreciation of our section. It is true the North has a larger population than the South,and this she had at the beginning.At the first census, in 17DO, the population of the present non-slave holding States was (1,900,970) nearly two millions, while the wjiite population of the South was only 1,- 271,468, nut much over one. It is also true when we look not only to this great dispro portion between the numbers of the white population of the North and the South, but also to the still more comparatively small number of slaves at the South, the prospect for future settlement of new States to be admitted into the Union out of the public ter* rttory, would seem to be greatly in favor of the North. These very census reports, however, render this prospect much less di.i- cotrysfing to us, for with a white population of only- a little over twelve hundred thou sand in the South, against a like population of near two millions in the North, and w ith a slave population of only about eight hun dred thousand when the government yva* formed, tire South lias certainly lost noth ing m coaipafiion with the North, in he; spirit, energy and enterprise, in rolling the tide of civilization onwards, by tha settle ment and colonization of new States. Since then, under her attspieies, and under her in stitutions, there hare been settled, colonized and admitted into the Union the following States: Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Mississippi, and—nine in all—and all slave States, while the free States which have been admitted and which properly speaking, have keen settled and colonized in the same time arc only seven in number. They are Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Indiana, Illi nois, Iowa, and California. Vermont and Maine can hardly properly be taken into this account, tor the tormerwas part of the New Hampshire plantations and was settled as that State, indeed—at the revolution, site claimed a separate, existence—while Maine was cut oil Massachusetts. But if these two also be put in the cuuntT’ it will make but uftte—the ‘same number of free States admitted as of slave Slates since the govern ment was formed. Iu point of wealth, the South has nothing to feur by a comparison with the North. Up on ail fair principles of estimation and com parison, the advantages are on her side. And as lar os our own State is concerned the cen sus shows that no portion of the United States excells her in all the clem nts of power, great ness .and progress, If then, with such great disproportion in population against them in the beginning, und with such a small number of blacks, the South has held her own so well and lost nothing even uuder a partial restriction against her from 1820 to 1854, what need she to fear now with the uulimiteil right of expansion and diffusion, according to her means, inclination, anil character ol her population ? The main tenance of this principle is of vast and vital importance to her. And the great object with her nten und statesmen should be, to sec that it is faithfully carried out in Kansas, let the result under its operation be what it may. 1 have said that this will be an important question probably befotc the next Congress. This arises from the doctrines and position of Governor Walker in his inaugural and late speeches in that Territory. There can be no question, it seems to me, that he lias violated the plaiu letter and meaning of the Kansas bill, as well as the resolution quoted from the Oinciunatti Platform, upou which the present Administration was elevated to power The oncdeclarcs it to be the true meaning and intent of the act, to leave it to lie people to settle their own institutions in their own wav for them. His argument against the possibility of sla very ever going there, waa intended to influ ence the public mind against its introduction. He threw all the weight of his high official position against it. 11' what be says lie true, it was no less unjust than unnecessary to say it. But a grosser violation of principle he committed in urging that the Constitution of tbe new State should be made iu a particular way to snit him, ami in declaring that if it was not. site would not and ought not to be admitted in,the Union.Uniler the Kansas bill the people there have the right to make their own Con stitution 'iatheir own way," "acting” (in the language of the resolution before quoted,) “through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of the actual residents." Now, the Convention which has been elec ted to fonn a Constitution there, has been cho sen under “the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of the actual residents ” as far as it eould be ascertained by law. This no one can gainsay. If any refused to vote it was tbeT own choice not to do if. 'I'lie convention thus elected, have plenary power in conformity to law, to form a Con stitution. It is tlteir right to submit it for ratification or not, as they tnay chose. The question of the propriety of submitting it or not is one for themselves to determine. This, it is their peculiar province to decide. If Gov. Walker had barely suggested, recom mended or advised tts submission, I should not complain of that part ofhis address. But he’goes on to sav that if they do not do it the new State will not be, and ought not to be admitted. This is virtually saying that the people “acting under the legally and fairly expressed will of the majority,’’shall not form their Constitution in “their own way" hut in his way, or that which Congress shall see fit to dictate. This is opening up the whole question in a new shape. It goes further. It brings up the old Missouri ques tion—that is the right of power of Congress to impose conditions am! restrictions upon the new States in the formation of their Con stitutions—when by the plain letter of the Constitution of the United States, Congress can only lo»k into the Constitution of the new State applying and see that it is repub lican in form. If it come from the legally constituted authorities, Congresshas no right or power to inquire into or take jurisdiction over the question as to how it was made— no more in the ease of Kansas than in the case of Georgia or Rhode Island. And if Kansas should be rejected on that ground, then an enquiry might he instituted as to how all the other State Constitutions have been made. The question is one that in volves our whole Federative system. The main point, it seems to me, is always over looked by those who see no error in Gov. Walker's address. Tlteir minds are direct ed simply to the propriety of submitting the Constitution for ratification. On that point 1 have nothing to say, because it properly and directly concerns nobody but the people of Kansas. It is therightof the Convention, their chosen organ, to do it or not to do it, as they please. But suppose theychosenot to do it? who clothed Gov. Walker or any body else with authority to say, either that she would not of ought not to he admitted into the Union ? Certainly, his written in structions which we have seen, warrants him in holding no such language. This may or may not become an important question iu the next Congress, according as the Conven tion then may or may not determine to con form to Walker’s views. If they do thus conform, the question will most probably be ended. But, if they do not—if they adopt a pro-slavery constitution without submit ting it, and present themselves for admission unde; it just. as several other .Suites have done, then the question will come up with all its tnU rcst and magnitude. It will he one of much wider, liroailerand deeperrange, than any one heretofore connected with Kan sas matters, it strikes at the foundation of our Government. It involves everything re cognized as State Rights and State Sover eignty. It is of higher import than anything connected with the position of any man, party, or Administration. If the present Administration takes sides with Gov. Walker on it, he and they will share the same fate. I cannot, however, per mit tnyselfto believe for a moment that they will in that contingency, take such grounds. The doctrine is too outrageous and monstrous to allow any suqh inference. So far as Mr. Buchanan is concerned—to say nothing of the individ ual members ofhis cabinet—there is nothing in his past history to warrant any fticb concltuign ; nothing in his adminiitra- tion limn far affords any grounds even to suspect it, except the fact that he has not re moved him. Apart trout this Walker busi- nem," no administration has ever, in my day, eo folly met tny cordial approval. But in my judgment Walker ought to hare been re- moved. I am not, however, in the habit of condemning without a hearing. Mr. Buch anan may nave reasons for his conrse we know nothing of. In the meantime he must and will be held responsible for the conse quences attending his retention, whatever they tnay be. These he cannot escape from. But as matters now stand- what ought to be done ? I mean what ought to be done by those who really and in good faith, intend to stand by the principles that brought the present administration into power? The clamor by our opponents is loud for the re buke and condemnation of the President, on account of the Walker policy in Kansas.— And who arc those whose indignation at these outrages upon southern rights has been so suddenly awakened 1 Men who consid er the passage of the hill that secured these rights, whicn have thus been outraged, us nothing but the work of tricksters, got up for excitement and agitation—men who twelve months ago could sec nothing in it hut ‘squat ter sovereignty,’ more odious and hurtful to the South than the Wilmot Proviso itself, but who now say, that but for Walker, Kan sas would certainly have conte in as a slave State—men who now find it convenient to express much feigned wrath at the. wrongs that have been done us ; who could not suji- press their delight when they first heard of these wrongs ! One of the leading organs ofhis party in Georgia, the Macon Journal A Messenger, headed an article announcing Gov. Walker’s address, with “Something rejoice at.” Verily out of the abundance of the heart the mouth sometimes speaketh. Sumner or Sowaril could not have been more exultant when that address first met their eyes. But to you, voters of the 6th district, I put the question, are these the men you should join to place their nominees in power for the purpose of rebuking the Administra tion, or even Walker * Surely this would he a rebuking him with a vengeance. It may be true, as stated, that hut for his course in Kansas she would eeatainly have come into the Union as a slave State. But to whom are we indebted for that policy which was leading so certainly to that result! Not to those who are now so indignant, though lately so full of *801110111100 to rejoice at,’ but to those true and gallant Constitution abiding men at the north whom it was the pleasure, not twelve months ago, of these latter day ‘indignationists’ to assail and de nounce with a rancor not surpassed by any thing uttered by Halt* or Giddings. This is no time to follow any such leaders. If Wal ker, or others we trusted, have or shall prove untrue to us upon this great qinstion, wc should at least he true to ourselves. If a re buke is to be given, it ought to he given by those who feel the wrongs committed, and who have the tit and proper spirit to give it. This above all other times, is the one when every" dictate of patriotism "requires all the real and true friends of the Kansas bill; North anil South, to stand together and see that it is faithfully executed—and deal with all those who oppose as they deserve to be dealt by. The whole South in the next Congress will approach nearer to unanimity, in its party character, than ever before—she will present almost a united front—so nearly so, as to warrant the division of the House for all practical purposes into but two par ties, the Democratic and the Black Repub lican. The American party north is utterly defunct—they have not a member elected to the next Congress that 1 am aware of. At the South thus far, they have elected but five, 1 believe; two tit Kentucky, two in Tennessee, and one in Missouri five in all. Should Georgia send her entire delegation ot that party, they could do nothing, however willing they might be, without the eo-opera- j tion of the National Democracy. Front the | north, fifty one democrats have beeu elected, pledged to the principles of the Kansas hill as set forth in the resolution of the Cincin nati Convention 1 have quoted. The para mount object, therefore, m securing the re buke of Walker as well as the maintenance of our principles in any and every contin gency should he to select for Congress men true to the principles themselves, and who will cordially unite with and co-operate with all those North and South, who have the same great end in view. This is no time for those devoted to these principles, to abandon their organization, either State or National. It is a time when they should stand in firmer and more solid column. Il is the time when all true men who look to principles as an object higher than party, shuuld strike for the country, anil strike in that way in which their power can be most efficiently felt. These views, my fellow citizens, of the 8th district, 1 submit to you. They aw given with that frankness with which I have al ways spoken to you. If there is anything in them which falls harshly upon the ear of iany one, he will please jiardon it. It is not my intention to he offensive to any one.— They are tny own sentiments upon some of the public topics of the day, which you wore entitled to know, upon the announcement of my name as a candidate for your suffrages. Consider them, and weigh them us the im portance of the subjects demands. If you sec fit to elect me, the utmost of my ability as in times past shall he devoted to your service. 1 shall assume the trust without any personal objects or aims to accomplish. I have 110 ambition but to servo my country, and to see it advancing throughout its whole length and breadth in all that will add to its peace, development, happiness, prosper ity and greatness. So far as I am person ally concerned, I can say with truth, I would not give a day of rest at my cherished home for a whole life spent at Washington. If you think that my competitor, ’he nominee ol the Warrenton convention, will serve you better, abler, ©ore efficiently or more faithfully, you have but to say so. And if he shall suc ceed iu doing it, J assure you tto one will lx* more gratified at it than myself. Ai.exa.ndeh II. Stephkv-. Crawfordvillc, Ua., Aug. 14, 1857. WOOD'S HAIR RESTORATIVE— This womlerlul preperatiou is having au ex tensive sale iu all part* of the Union. It is one o? thf ffov puticnrmedlfines which are now sold over the country that are really what their Inventors claim for them. Whenever it has had a fair trial, the result has been precisely as Wood predicts. It has never failed to turn the white hair hack to the natural color, where tho directions have been strictly followed end iu numerous eases it has restored the hair upon heads that had lteen bald for years. It Is not pretended that it will make the hair grow in every care, but where it fails there is certainly no remedy. The restoration of the hair has been effected in bo many instances where the ease seemed utterly hopeless, that it iscertain- ly worth while for all who have loet their hair to try the experiment of using a bottle or two olAVowl’s Restorative.—[dJo/ine }Varkmcn. Sold by all respectable Druggists. August 8,1857 d*w2w OBITUARY. Diul, 00 Saturday evening tho 15th inat., ADELAIDE LOUISA, aged twenty-one months and two days, daughter of William P. aud Maria L. McDaniel, of this city, Gently they laid her down to rest, Nor doubted that by Ilcav’n was blest, Tho spirit of their lovely babe Tho' grieve they may that she is gone ; Tho' weep they may for the lost ono ; In Jesus’ arms she’s laid fill the ‘last trump' shall summon forth Parent and child o’er all the Earth. Special Noticee. .SPECIAL NOTICE. * The members of the ATLANTA VOLUN TEER COMPANY, are requested to meet at Hayden's Hall, to-night, at half past seven o'clock. A lull attcudauee is desired. Wcslern Freight*. FROM ST. 1,01'IS, LOUISVILLE, GIN’ cinnnti, Slid other Wi .totn Cities to Atlanta via Memphis, Tun umbis, and Nashville, at THROUGH KATES? over tho Memphis, Nashville, ami Wostorn & Atlantic Railroad. E.B. WALKER. Muster of Transportation, W. A A. R.R. August 12, 1867 dim Samuel Swan & Co., ATLANTA,.. . .GEORGIA. BASDELMEIS. siud DenUrt in (iuld, Silver, Bank Note* and Domestic Exchange. Demand Exchange on New York, New Or leans. aSt. I.oujs, Savannah, Charleston, and all point* in the United States. Uncurrent Bank Notes and Specie bought and sold. Collection* made everywhere anti proceed* remitted by Sight Draft on Now York nr New Orleans, on day of payment, 8AMF«f. SWAN OIO. P. IDDY. At'onta, July lf>, 1867 diwd \I.KX. CAMPBELL. JAS. V. fillKPPKRD. WASHINGTON HOUSE, C’lioHiiut st. above Seventh at. PHILADELPHIA. I S central, in the immediate vicinity of the nioal important Public Inatitutiona. the beat and most fa.hionablc place, of bu.inrss,and the attractive Public Square, of the City In the imfsirtant requnite, of light and vertilation, tw o principal object, aimed at in the recent enlarge, tnent iml thorough improvement of thi. Hnu.e, it i. not exceeded, perbapa, by any e.tahliah- ment in America. To stranger., therefore, its position is peculiarly desirable The subscri ber returns thanks to his friends an,I the public for the libersl patronage they have extended lo him, and assure, them that he will emleavurto tne,it a continuance of their favors. A F. GLASS, Aug 10, 1857 d2w CAMPBELL & CO*, | Receiving Forwarding and General COMMISSION MERCHANTS, (17 to 72 Front and 70 to 75 Commerce Street. MOHILE, AI.A. Aut I*, 57 wly 4 ilminlitratin'* Male.—By virtue r\ of an order issued by the Court of Ordina ry of Forsyth County, Ga., on the fir»t Monday in August instant, will be sold at Gumming, in said county, on the first Tuesday in October next, within the legal hours of sale, One slave—to-wit: ont Negro Woman,a- bout 60 years o( age ; one Lot of Land, No 870, in the Hth District and 1st Bcction, Forsyth county, containing 40 acres, more or lea., im proved. Sold as the property of Henry Ed wards, late of said county, deceased, and sold for the benefit of the heirs of said deceased. Terms made known on the day of sale. WILLIAM FINCHER, nug lit—w ide Administrator 8. B. Oatman, DBALtaS tit Italian, Kgyptian and American STATUARY And Fast Tennessee Marble 0NUMENT8, Tombs, Urns, and Vases, "arble Mantels and Furnishing Marble. All orders promptly filled. Atlanta, Ge. feb 24 dly jnjiLE Jijvn FKjrtaijLM: To the Citizens of Atlanta. THANKFUL to my friend■ o Atlanta [or their liberal patronage tor the past session, I would respect fully solicit an increased patronage lor the next session, which will com mence tn Monday, July 20th, 1857. Our Kooutsai - large and airy, protected by a piazza fifty (eel long, from tho sun. Every attention possible will be paid to tho manners and mors a Is of every pupil committed to my care; and a thorough and practical education imparted.— A rigi I hut parental discipline will be enforced. No one need apply for admission for their children into thin school who do not wiah thoir children governed. U. ROGERS Principal. li. U. A JAB. E. ROGERS Assistants. MK«. E. «J. U. & MIH8 L.M. ROO. E KB, Assistants Female Department Terms per Session of Twenty Wttks. Reading aud Spelling $8 00 Arithmetic, Geography. History and Gram mar 10 00 Philosophy, Chemistry, Algebra, Geome try, Latin and Greek. 16 00 nr iderital Expenses. 26 pB'd'o ition payable quarterly. Atlanta , July 10, 1867 d8m W. J. KIDIIIIX. i. M. KOBXRT8, J. D. THUtl.l. RIDGILL, ROBERTS & TERRELL, AND OMISSION MERCHANTS. No 13 CARONDELST STREET, NEW ORLEANS. dtf Bop