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’& C it c ’ftJL BAINBRIDGE WEEKLY DEMOCRAT. VOLUME I» BAINBRIDGE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, AUGUST 1, 1872. NUMBER 59 PUBLISHED AVERT THURSDAY MORNING. SUBSCRIPTION TERMS: One Copy one year - * * $3 00 One Copy six months • - • 1 50 (trading Matter on Every Page. Imperishable. The pure, the bright, the beautiful, Tliat stirred our heartsin youth. The impulse to a wordly prayer, '1 he dreams of love and truth; The longing after something lost: The spirit’s yearning cry; The striving alter better hopes, These things can never die. The timid hand stretched forth to aid A brother in his need, The kindly words in griefs dark hour That proved a friend indeed; The plea for mercy softly breathed. When justice threatens high; The sorrows of a contrite heart— These things shall never die. Memory of a clasping han<b The pressure o* a kiss. And all the trifles sweet and frail That makeup life's first bliss; If with a firm, unchanging faith, And holy trust and high, Those hands have clasped, those lips have met These things shall never die. The cruel and the biiter word That wounded as it fell, The chilling want of sympathy. We feel but never tell: The hard repulse that chills the heart, Whose hopes are bounding high, In such unfaded record kept— '1 hese things shall never die. ’Let nothing pass, for every hand Must find some work to do; Lose not a chance to waken Iovp, Be firm and just and true, So shall a light that cannot fade Beam on thee from on high, *-■ And angel’s voices say to thee, These things shall never die. HORACE GREELEY IN 1867. Ills War with the Loyal League “Blockheads”—Why he Signed Jeff. Davis’ Bond—His-Plea for Amnesty—They Stop his Paper —Refuse to Elect him Senator —He Defies Them, and Promises to Fight on to the End. From the New York Tribune, May 23, 1807. By these presents greeting—To Messrs. George W. Blunt, John A Kennedy, John O. Stone, Stephen Hyatt, and thirty others, members, of the Union League club. Gentlemen: I was favored on the 16th instant by an official note from our ever courteous president, John Jay, notifying me that a requisition had been presented co him for “a special meeting of the club, at an early day, for tljc purpose of taking into consideration the conduct of Horace Greeley, a member of the club, who has become bondsman for Jefferson Davis, late chief officer of the rebel government.” Mr. Jay continues: “As I have reason to believe that the signers, or some of them, disapprove of the conduct which they propose the club shall consider, it is clearly due, bo h to the club and to yourself, that you should have th'e opportunity of being heard on the subject; I beg, there fore, to ask on what evening it will be convenient for you that I call the meeting.” etc. In my prompt reply I requested ths President to give you reasonable time for reflection, but assured him that I wanted none; since I should notRttend the .meeting nor ask any friend to do so, and should make no defense nor offer aught in the way of self-vindication. I am sure my friends in the club will not construe this as implying disrespect; but it is not my habit to take part in any dis cussion which may arise among other gentlemen as to my fitness to enjoy their society. That is their affair altogether, and to them I leave it. The second point whereon I have any occasion or wish to address you is your virtual implication that there is something novel, unexpected, as tounding, in my conduct in the mat ter suggested by you as the basis of }our action. I choose not to rest under this assumption, but to prove that, being persons Of ordinary in telligence, you must know better. On this point, I cite you to a scru tiny of the record: The surrender of General Lee was made known in this city at 11 p. m. of Sunday, April 9, 1865, and fitly annouced in the Tribune next morn- ing, April 10. On that very day I ^rote, and "next morning printed in fhese columns, a leader entitled: -Magnanimity in Triumph,” wherein I said: “We hear men say: ‘yes, forgive the great mass of those who have been misled into rebellion, but 4 punish the leaders as they deserve.’ But who can accurately draw the ine between the leaders and the followers in the premises ? By what test shall they be discriminated? We know of none. Nor can we agree with those who would punish the the original plotters of secession, yet spare their ultimate and scarcely willing converts. On the contrary, while we would revive or inflame resentment against none of them, we feel far less antipathy to the original upholders of ‘the resolutions of ’98’—to the disciples of Calhoun and McDuffie—to the nullifiers ot 1832, and the ‘State Rights’ men of 1850—than to the John Bells, Hum phrey Marshalls and Alexander H. II. Stuarts, who were schooled in the national faith, and who, in be coming disunionists and rebels, trampled on the profession of a life time, and spurned the logic where with they had so often unanswerably demonstrated that secession was treason. ***** “We consider Jefferson Davis this day a less cultivated traitor than John Bell. But we cannot believe it wise or well to take the life of any man who shall have submitted to- the national authority. The execu tion of even one w r ould be felt as a personal stigma by every one who had ever aided the rebel cause.— Each would say to himself, ‘I am as culpable as he; we differ only in that I am deemed of comparatively little consequence.’ A single Confederate led out to execution would be ever more enshrined in a million hearts as a conspicuous hero anti marfyr. We cannot realize that it would be wholesome or safe—we are sure it would not be magnanimous—to give the overpowered disloyalty of the South such a shrine. Would the throne ot the House of Hanover stand more firmly if Charles Edward had been caught and executed after Cullodcn ? Is Austrian dominion in Hungary more stable to-day for the hanging of Nagy Sandor and his twelve compatriots after the surren der of Yillagos ? We plead against passions certain to be at this mo ment fierce and intolerant; but on our side are the agps and the voice of history. We plead for the resto ration of the Union, against, a policy which -would afford a momentary gratification at the cost of years of perilous hate and bitterness. * * Those who invoke military execution for the vanquished, or even for their leaders, w-e suspect will not generally be found among the few who have been long exposed to unjust odium as haters of the South, because they abhored slavery. And as to the long-oppressed and degraded black so lately the slaves, destined to be the neighbors, and (we trust) at no distant day the fellow-citizens of the Southern whites, we are sure that their voice, could it be authentically littered, on the side of clemency, of humanity.” ^ On the next day, I had some more in this spirit, and on the 13th. an elaborate leader entitled: “Peace- Punishment,” in the course of which I said: “The New Y'ork Times, doing injustice to .its ow-n sagacity in a characteristic attempt to sail between wind and water, says: ‘Let us hang Jeff Davis and spare the rest.’ We do not concur in the ad vice. Davis did not devise nor in stigate the rebellion; on the contra ry, he was one of the last and most reluctant of the notable ot the cotton States to renounce the definity of the Union. His prominence is purely official and representative; the only- reason for hanging him is that you therein condemn and stigmatize more persons than in hanging any one else. There is not an ex-rebel in the world—no matter how peni tent—who will net have unpleasant sensations about the neck on the day when the Confederate President is to be hung. And to what good end ? We insist that this matter must not be regarded in any narrow aspect! We are most anxious ta-secure the assent of the South to emancipation: not that assent which the eftndemn- ed gives to being Lung when he shakes hands with the jailor and thanks him for past acts of kindness; but that hearty assent which can only be won by magnanimity. Per haps the rebels, as a body, would have given, even one year ago, as large and as hearty a vote for hang ing thd writer of this article as any other man living; hence it more es pecially seems to him important to prove that the civilization based on free labor is of a higher and humaner type than that based on slavery. We cannot realize that the gratification to inure to our friends from the hanging of any one man, or fifty men, should be allowed to outweigh this consideration.” On (he follow ing day I wrote again: “We entreat the President promptly to do and dare in the cause of magnanimity. The Southern mind is now open to kindness, and may be magnetically affected by generosity. Let assur ance at once be given that there is to be a general amnesty and no gen eral confiscation. This is none the less the dictate of wisdom, because it is also the dictate of mercy. What we ask is, that the President say in effect, ‘Slavery having, through the rebellion, committed suicide, let the North and South unite to bury the carcass, and then clasp hands over the grave.’ ” The evening of that day witnessed that most appalling calamity, the murder of President Lincoln, which seemed in an instant to curdle all the milk of human kindness in twen ty millions of American breasts. At once insidious efforts were set on foot to turn the fury thus engendered against me, because of my pertina cious advocacy of mercy to the van quished. Chancing to enter the club house the next (Saturday) evening, I received a full broad-side of scowls ere we listened to a clerical harangue intended to prove that Mr. Lincoln had been providentially removed, because of his notorious leanmgs to wards clemency, in order to make way for a successor who would giv.e the rebels a full measure of stern justice. I was soon made to com prehend that I had no sympathizers —or none who dared seem such—in your crowded assemblage. And some maladroit admirer having a few days afterward, made the club a present of my portrait, its bare re ception was resisted in a speech by your then President—a speech whose vigorous invective was justified sole ly by my pleadings for lenity to the rebels. At once a concerted howl of denunciation and rage was sent up from every side against me by the little creatures whom God, for some inscrutable purpose, permits to edit a majority of the minor journals, echoed by a yell of ‘ ‘Stop my paper 1 ” from thousands of imperfectly in structed readers of the Tribune.— One hnpertinent puppy wrote me to answer cat. gorically whether I was or was not in favor of hanging Jeff Davis, adding that I must stop his paper if I was not. Scores of vol unteered assurances that I was de fying public opinion—that most of iny readers were against inc—as if I could be induced to write what they wished said rather than what they needed to be told. I never before realized the baseness of the editorial vocation according to the vulgar conception of it. The din now raised about my ears is nothing to that I then endured and despised. I am humiliated by the reflection that it is (or was) in the power of such insects to annoy me, even by pretending to discover with, surprise something that I have been for years publicly, emphatically proclaiming. I must hurry over much that de serves a paragraph, to call your at ti ntion distinctly to occurrences in November last. Upon the Republi cans having, by desperate effort, handsomely carried our State against a formidable looking combination of recent and venomous npostates with our natural adversaries, a cry arose front several quarters that I ought tn be chosen United States Senator. At once, kind, discreet friends swarmed about me, whisper ing “Only keep still about univer sal amfiesty, and your election is certain. Just be quiet a lew weeks, and you can say what you please thereafter. You have no occasion to speak now.” I slept on the well- meant suggestion, and deliberately concluded that I would not, in jus tice to myself, defer to it. I could not purchase office by even passive, negative dissimulation. No man should be enabled to say to me, in truth “If I had supposed you would persist in your rejected, condemned amnesty hobby, I would not have given you my vote.” So I wrote and published, on the 26th of that month, my manifesto entitled “The true bases of reconstruction,” wherein, repelling the idea that I proposed a dicker with the ex-rebels, I explicit ly said: “I am for universal am nesty—so far as immunity from fear of punishment or confiscation is con cerned—even though impartial suf frage should for the present, be de feated. I did think it desirable that Jefferson Davis should be arraigned and tried for treason; and it still seems to me that this might proper ly have been done many months ago. But it was not done then, and now I believe .t would result in far more evil than good. It would re kindle passions that have nearly burned out or been hushed to sleep; it would fearfully convulse and agi tate the Souih; it would arrest the progress of reconciliation and kindly feeling there; it would cost a large sum directly and a fi r larger indi rectly; and—unless the jury were scandalously packed—it would re sult in a non agreement or no ver dict. I can imagine no good end to be snbs jrved by such a trial; and. holding Davis neither better nor worse than several. others, would have him treated as they are.” Is it conceivable that men who can read, and who were made aware of this declaration—for most of you were present and shouted approval of Mr. Fessenden’s condemnation of my views at the club, two or three evenings thereafter—can now pro tend that my aiding to have Davis bailed, is something novel and unex pected ? Gentlemen, I shall not attend your meeting this evening. I have an engagement out ot.tQ.wn, and shall keep it. I do not n^ognjge yon as capable of judging, or evefTTuTTy ap prehending me. You evidently re gard me as a weak sentimentalist, misled by a maudlin philosophy. I arraign you as narrow-minded block heads, who would like to be useful to a great and good cause, but don’t know how. Your attempt to base a great, enduring party on the hate and wrath necessarily engen dered by a blood civil war, is as though you should plant a colony on an ice-berg which had somehow drifted into a tropical ocean. I tell you here that out of a life earnestly devoted to the good of humankind, your children will select my going to Richmond and signing that bail bond as the wisest act, and will feel that it did more for freedom and hu manity than all of you were compe tent to do, though you have lived to the age of Methuselah. I ask noth ing of 3 7 ou then, but that you pro ceed to your end by a direct, frank, manly way. Don’t sidle off into a mild resolution of censure, but move the expulsion which you purposed, and which I deserve if I deserve any reproach whatever. All I care for is, that" you make this a square, stand-up fight, $nd record your jug- ment by yeas and nays. I care not how few vote with me, nor how many vote against me; for I know that tne latter wifi repent it in dust and ashes before three ypars have passed. Understand, once for all, that I dare-and defy you, and that I propose to fight it out on the line that I have held from the day of Lee’s surrender. So long as any man was seeking to overthrow our government, he was my enemy; from the hour in which he laid down his arms, he was my formerly er ring countryman. So long as any is at heart opposed to the national unity, the federal authority, or to that assertion of the equal rights of all men which has become practical ly identified with loyalty and nation ality, I shall do my best to deprive him of power; but, whenever he ceases to be thus, I demand his res toration to all the privileges of American citzenship. I give you fair notice that I shall urge the re- enfranchisement of those now pro scribed for rebeiion as soon as shall feel confident that this course is consistent with the freedom of the blacks and the unity of the Republic, and that I shall demand a recall of all now in exile only for participa ting in the rebellion, whenever the country shall have been so thcr- ouglily pacified that its safety will not thereby be endangered. And so, gentlemen, hoping that you will henceforth comprehend me some what better than you have done. I remain, yours, Horace Greeley. N. Y. May 23, 1867. Printer’s Toast: “Woman—the fairest work in creation. The edi- tion is very large, and every man should have a copy.” Our Modern Juggernaut” is what the San Francisco Bulletin calls the horse cars. The Satana is a new Roman jour nal whose writers sign themselves “Cain,” “Pluto,” “The Familiar Devil,” etc. A Wisconsin editor wrote that “Western ’girls are fond of beaux;” and the brutal printer credite(f them with a predilection for “beans." A publisher lately gave notice that he intended to spend fifty dol lars for “a new head” for his paper. The next day one of his subscribers dropped him a note: “Don’t do it —better keep the money and boy a new head for the editor.” . The announcement of the death of Mr. John Derringer of Indiana, at the age of one hundred and seven years, is headed by a local paper— ‘.‘An ancient pistol who ‘went ofF at last.” Tak6 The Papers. Why don’t yon take the papers ? They’re the life of onr delight Except about election time, And then I read for spite. Subscribe! yon cannot lose a cent, Why should you be afraid ? For cash thus paid is money lent Of interest four fold paid. Go, thou and take the papers, And pay to-day, nor pray delay ■ And my word for it is inferred, You’ll lire until you’re gray. An old neighbor of mine While dying with the cough. Desired to hear the latest news, IPhile he was going off. I took the'paper and I read: Of some new pills in force, He bought a box—and is he dead ? No—harty as a horse. I knew two men, as much {dike. As, e’er you saw two stumps. And no phrenologist could find A difference in their bumps. One takes the paper raid his life Is happier than a King’s His children can all read and write .And talk of men and things The other nook no paper, and While strolling through the woods, A tree fell down, and broke his crown, And killed him—very good. ” Had he beed reading of the news, At home like neighbor Jim, TO bet a cent the accident Had not have happened h im Why don’t yon tske the papers T Nor from the printers sneak Because you borrowed from his boy A paper every week. For he who takes the papers And pays his Bill when due; Can live in peao^fith God and man, And with the printer, too. If the weather does not grow cooler very soon, Mr. Fahrenheit, in justice to his patrons, should at once add a second story with a Mansard roof to his thermometer. An editor says the only reason he knows why his house was not blown away the other day during a severe gale was because there was a heavy mortgage upon it. A Canadian editor announced that “he had a keen rapier to .prick fools and knaves.” His contemporary over the way said he hoped his friends would take it away from him for he might commit snicide. Compositors in the New York Tri bune office are fined ten cents for each profane word uttered on the premises, the money so gathered being given te the poor. One un fortunate chap, a new hand, lost nearly a week’s wages one night, over a bit of Greeley’s manuscript. A Complimentary Ohio editor no tices that “last evening the beautiful daughter of Mr. Lovepuff, the ac complished and gentlemanly wagon maker of this vicint.y, was united in wedlock to Gebrge Beerstat, the tal ented artist, whose charming land scapes are upon the dashboard of every buggy ever turned out of his father-in-law’s shop, and who at striping carriage wheels has no peer living since Rubens died.” A morning paper, in discussing the milk question, informs us that there is to be a convention of pro- ■ dneers. Does H mean that the eJws are going to meet in convention and take measures to prevent the damage lo their reputation occasioned by the vile practices ef middle men and re tailers f The Danbury News says: An out-of- town couple applied to one of the Danbury drug-stores on Wednesday for soda-water. “What syrup pro pounded the clerk. “Syrup—syrup,” repeated the bucolic top with an in credulous stare, and then leaning for ward. he impressively added: “Stranger, money is no object to me to-day; you kin put sugar in them.” Greeley •• Service Ra- The State Road Lease. A visitor to Atlanta, says the Telegraph k Messenger, reports that there is a manifest and growing indisposition among members * ot both Houses not to disturb the State lease. Unless some wholly unexpected developments should ap pear in the committee’s forthcoming report, he Is satisfied the current of opinion in the Legislature, as it is amoDg the people , will be hostile to disturbing the existing status. It is conceded on all hands that the condition of the road has vastly improved in the hand of the lessees, and that it is performing with fideli ty, to the people, all the functions of that great public work, while it is making a gallantjfight to maintain its trade against the inroads of com peting routes. While there never has been a time in the history of the road when its business was more se riously aasailed, still greater perik looms up in the future, and renders it of primary importance that the road shcnld remain in the hands of men of capital, experience and first- rate business qualifications. To re mand it back to political manage ment in the present crpj-led condi tion of the State credit and finances, or even, in effecting a new lease, to lease it to the highest bidder, with out special regard to all these quali fications would be to expose the business of the road to incurable damage, to which any little increase of rent, (provided it could be collec ted, ) would be but a beggarly offset. The more this subject is consid ered the more averse are the people and the Legislature to any such dangerous experiments. Leave well alone, is a sound and safe motto. Civil fertm.- St. Louis, July 22.—The following correspondence was read by Senator Schurz in his speech to-night: • St. Louis, June 26, 1872. Dear Sir—Your lettet of accept ance and promise of thorough reform in the civil service, in general terms, brings the question of how the prob lem of civil service reform presents itself to yonr mind, and is one of the greatest interest. I would suggest, if it be consistent with yonr views of propriety, tha* you give me such ex planations as will put you intentions in this respect in a clear light. Yoars truly, C. Schurz. The following is Mr. Greeley’s re ply : New York, July 5, 1872. My Dear Sir—Yours of the 26th ultimo, only reached me three days ago. I respond as promptly as I may. The problem of civil service reform is rendered difficult by an alliance between the Executive and Legislative branches of onr Federal Franchise Government. Those mem bers of Congress who favor the ad ministration habitually claim and are accorded a virtual monopoly of the Federal offices in their respective States or districts, dictating appoint ments and removals as interest or caprice may suggest. The President appoints at their bidding. They legislate in subservience to his will, often ih opposition to their own con victions. Unless all history is un meaning this confusion of Executive and Legislative responsibilities and functions could not fail to distemper and corrupt the body politic. I hold the eligibility of our Presi dent to re-election the main source of this corruption. The President, should be above the hope of future favor, or the fear of alienating pow erful and ambitious partisans. He should be the official chief, not of a party, but of the Republic. He shoald fear nothing but the accusing voice of historj and the inexorable judgment of good. He should fully realize, and never forget that Con gress in its own sphere is paramount, and nowise amenable to his super vision, and that the heartiest good will to his administration is perfectly compatible with the most pointed dissent from his inculcations on the very gravest questions in finance or political economy. It is the first step that costs. Let it be settled that a President is not to be re elected while in office and civil serv ice reform is no longei difficult. He will need no organs whatever—no subsidized defenders. He will nat urally select his chief counselors from among the ablest and wisest of his eminent fellow-citizens, regardless alike of the shrieks of locality and suggestions of a selfish policy. - He will have no interest to conciliate— no chief of a powerful clan to attach to his personal fortune. He will be impelled to appoint at will—none deny that. He should appoint men of ripe experience in business and eminent capacity to collect, keep and disburse the revenue, instead of dexterous manipulators of primary meetings and skillful traffickers in delegates to nominating conventions. He will thus transform the civil service of the country from a party machine to a business establishment. No longer an aspirant to plafie, the President will naturallv aim to meet and serve the approbation of the eminently wise and good. As to the machinery of the boards of examiners, etc., whereby the de tails of civil service reform are to be perpetuated and perfected, I defer to the judgment of a Congress un- perverted by. the adulterous com merce in legislation, and appoint ments which I have already express ed and apprehended. Up to this timMpy experience of the doings of boaras in this direction have not been encouraging, and this I am con fident is not the fault of the gentle men who have tried to serve the public as commissioners, in so far as they may, who have ■ fried.' The causes of their ill success must be extensive. Had they been accorded, a fair field I am sure they would have wrought to better purpose. A thinker has observed that ( the spirit in which we work is the chief matter, and we can never achieve civil serv ice reform nntil tffc interests which demand it shall be more potent in onr public counsels than those which resist, even while seeming to favor it. That this consnmm&tion ia not distant I fervently trust. Meantime, thanking yon for yonr earnest and effective labors to tb&f end, I remain yours, Hot Ale Gbeelkt. Charles Sumner has written a letter to L. M. Reeves, of St. Louis, in which he says t “Greeley and myself have been fellow laborers in many things. We were bom in the same /ear. I honor him very much, and between him and another per son, who shall be nameless, I am for him earnestly.” The Democrats ot the South de fend themselves from the charge of inconsistency in rallying, to Greeley by saying if the Republicans could take a life-long Democrat in General Grant as their .standard-bearer in 1868, why should we hesitate to take. Mr. Greefey in 1872 on the excellent basis of the Cincinnati platform a*nd his letter ot acceptance ? New-York Tribune. FOR THE CAMPAIGN. Tat Trjxcxi Is not sad will nersruiore its organ, but it is ardently anlUtcdvtft tost now waging for Civil QBfiija Afp d for One Preeidential Term as a*. ii i rip JlriRat ffnfnrm It accept! the Ctocin- terie and a foreibla expoii- >1 right and wrong, thi needs fc| ~Sepk» of To-Day, and look* hope fully to U|Ptail Amnesty as essential to tbo restoration ftf m genuine fraternity between North and Sooth, and of mutual confidence and good will'between White and Black. It believes the People are preparing to break the rnsty shackles ol mere bygone partisanship, and it hopes for a result next November which will cheer and strengthen the champieQC of Peace aud Good' Will. It will issue no cam paign edition, but proffer* to all who believe its further diffusion may servo the Good Cause its regular editions at the lowast possible prices. The virtual surrender by tb* Democratic partv of it* hostility to Equal Rights regard* less of Color has divested our cqireut polities of half their bygone intensity. However pars tie* may henceforth rise or fall, it is clear that the fundamental principles which have hither to honorably distinguished the Republicans aro henceforth to be regarded as practically accep ted by the whole country. The right of every man to hi* own limbs and siuews-— the equality of all eitisens before the law— the inability of n State to enslave any pot*' tion of its people—the duty of the Union to guarantee to eveiy citizen the full enjoy ment of his liberty nntil be forfeits it by crime—-such are the broad and firm founda tions of onr National edifice; and palsid be the hand which shall seek to displace them! Though not yet twenty years old, the Re publican parly has completed the noblo fubric of Emanicipation, and-msy fairly in voke thereon the sternest judgment of Man and the benignant smile of God. Henceforth, the mission of onr Republic is one of Peaceful Progress. To protect the weak and the humble from violence and oppression—to extend the boundaries and diffuse the blessings *f Civilisation—to stim ulate Ingenuity to the production of new in ventions for economizing Labor and thus en larging Production—to draw hearer to each other the producers of Food and of Fabrics, of Grains and of Metals, and thns enhance the gains of Industry by deducing the cost of transportation and exchanges between ' farmers and artisans—such is the inspiring task to which «his Nation now addresses itself, and by which it would fain contrib ute to the progress, enlightenment, and hap piness of our race. To this great and good work, Tbz Tribune contributee its zealous, persistent efforts. Agriculture will continue to be moro es pecially elucidated in its Weekly and Semi- Weekly editions, to which some of the ablest and most successful tillers of the soil will steadily contribute, No farmer who ■ells 1300 worth of produce per annum can afford to do without our Market Reports, or others equally lucid and comprehensive. If he should read nothing else but what ro- lates to bis own ealling and-its rewards, wo believe that no farmer who can read at all can afford to do without such a journal an TmTbisuhe. And wo aspire to make it equally valuable to those engaged in other departments of Productive Labor. We spend more and more money on our columns eoeh year, as our countrymen’s genqrous patron age enables us to do; and we are resolved that our issues of former yean shall be exceeded in varied excellence and interest by tboao of 1872. Friends in every State! help us to make our jourrthl better aud better, by seeding in your suoseriptiena and increas ing your Clubs for the year just before us I Daily Tribune, Mail to Suuscribers, |1# per annum. Semi-Weekly Tribune,. Mail Subscribers, $4 per annum. Five eopict or J "" be cent over, |3 eaeb; an extra copy will for every club of ten sent for at one time. During the Presidential Campaign we will Six-month Subscriptions at the n During receive I rates. TBRMS OF THE WEEKLY TRIBUNE. To Mail Subscribers—Oo« Copy, one year, 53 issues, $2. Five Copies, one year. 53 issues, |9. To one address, all at one Poet-Office— Iff Copies, $1 SO each; 30 Copies, gl 29 each/ 50 Copies, f 1 00 each. And one extra copy to each Club. To names of subscribers, all st one Port- Office—10 Copies, $1 60 each,- 20 Copies, $1 85 each; 50 Copies, $1 10 each, Anu on S fxlrs copy to each Club. THE WEEKLY TRIBUNE*. ; yw Du ring the Campaign Five Copies, or over, to one address,50 cents per copy; or t cents per copy, per week. . • ADVzrnsiso nans. Dsilb Tribune, 30e., 40c., 60L, 75.. and $1 per line. Semi-Weekly Tribune, 25 and 60 cents per line. Weekly Tribone. |l,(l and $5{per line. According to poeilioo in paper. In making remittances, always procuke * draft on New York, or a Post-Office Money Order, if possible. Where neither of theao can be procured, send the money, bat at* ways in a Registered letter. Tho registra tion fee baa been redueed to fifteen cents, and tho present registration syrtftn has been, found by the postal authorities to be nearly an absolute protection against looses by mail. All Postmaster* are obli ged to Mister letters when requested to do so. Terms,Wash in advanoo. Address Tnn Tustm, New-York, TO ALBANY K0US1, MEBBICX BASHES, PwprUtor. ALBANY, Georgia. TUa baas*(swell famished sat svvrywajrpre pared fse tfcs o amodatlon of the tramHsog pnV fc: euttn art etion guaranteed. Tbs tablets anp- pBed with the beet the country sflsrds. and the sar vsotsase uasnrpasaet In uoMtsacSi and atSanOon Se sagaesusEsagpss AjSmp, OaT.Ost 8th, 1*7 Mt