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BAINBRIDGfr WTKkl.Y DEMOCRAT. VOLUME I. BAINBHIDGB, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1872. HUMBER 64 The Weekly Democrat, PUBLISHED CVERT THURSDAY MORNING. SUBSCRIPTION TERMS: One Copy one year ... $3 00 One Copy six gaonths - - • 1 50 Heading Matter on Every Page. CUT THIS OUT FOR REFER ENCE. The elections to be held during the present year are as follows: New Mexico, September 1; California, September 2; Vermont, September 3; Maine, September 9; Colorado, Septeinqer 10; Dakota, Indiana, Iowa, Nebraska, Ohio,Pennsylvania, October 8: South Carolina, October 15: West Virginia, October 24; Ala bama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Kansas, Louisiana, Mai.viand, Massachusetts,Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, New Jersey, New York, Tennessee, Virginia, Wisconsin, No vember 5; Arizona,' November 8; District of Columbia, November 27. Presidential electors will be chosen in all the States, November 5. The following is the'electoral vote of the several States, being equal to their representation in both Houses of Congress: New York, 35; Pennsylvania, 29; Ohio. 22; Illinois, 21; Indians, 15; Missouri, 15; Massachusetts, 13; Kentucky, 12; Tennessee, 12; Vir ginia, U; Georgia, 11; Iowa, II; Michigan, 11; Alabama, 10; North Carolina. 10; Wisconsin, 10; New Jersey, 9; Mississppi, 8; Louisiana, 8; Maryland, 8; Texas, 8; South Carolina, 7; Maine, 7; Arkansas, 6; California, 6; Connecticut, 6; Ver mont, 5; Kansas, 5; Minnesota, 5; New Hampshire, 5; West Virginia, 5; Rhode Island, 4; Florida, 4; Ne braska, 3; Nevada, 3; Oregon, 3; Delaware, 3; Total—37 States; 366 votes. GEN. JOHN D. GORDON'S LANTA SPEECH. AT- FcHow-Citizens. There are para doxes in polities as well as in all tilings else which are subjects of •hu man reason. There are political propositions which seem at first view Hie essence of absurdity, and jet which, when worked out to their legitimate results, prove to be the very essence of wisdom. And in tIn* history of all political affairs with which I have any acquaintance, I now of no more ILLUSTRIOUS PARADOX than the one which confronts us face to face at this hour. I know of no seemingly—at first view seemingly— greater absurdity than that the Democratic party should propose to establish Democratic principles by the programme as we are here to-night to consider. Yet if this pro gramme be in truth an absurd one, I stand before you convicted as an abettor of that absurdity. I claim to stand here AS A DEMOCRAT, and a Southern Democrat, to take counsel with Democrats, in order to make practical the Democrats’ idea of government—yet to discuss the strange proposition of attempting to secure this ideal Government, by elevating to the head of that Gov ernment a life-long enemy of Democ racy. Now I have stated the proposition thus broadly, squarely and bluntly, to meet it and discuss it, not to dodge it. I propose, in this discus sion to-night, to sound no uncertain note. I trust 1 shall blink at no issue. I shall certainly indulge in no spirit of apology. In all I have to say I propose to recognize the fact THAT HORACE GREELEY IS JUST WHAT HE CLAIMS TO BE—A REPUBLICAN, notwithstanding Cincinnati or Balti- inore. And yet I believe that all Southern Democrats can support him as a Republican without lower- “‘it their banners or staining their “oiiors, and without any abandon ment of principle. In the effort, to >how this I shall sail, as I hinted *d>ove, under no false colors. I shall not pretend that it is an agreeable Ihing to vote for Horace Greeley. I shall not attempt to disguise the met that if my individual impulses had guided me without any refer ence to consequences, I should have preferred a Democratic nomination on a Democratic platform—a Dcrno- vrati fights, even with defeat; but I could not claim that that would be wisdom or statesmanship. I shall not .dignise the tact that now deep down in my heart I find a ctrnncr ?ympatby with those honest straight Democrats who as yet have been un able to make up their minds to vote at all. I do not mean with those who propose. TO DIVIDE THE SOUTHERN PEOPLE, but with those who cannot vote at all. And now, if because of these impulses and these sympathies and the hope of establishing Bourbon principles by voting for Greeley to defeat the Radicals, I am to .be classed as a Bourbon, I must plead guilty to the soft impeachment. And as I have come fo the con fessional, I had as well make a clean breast of it and say that if diagnosis of my political health were made to night my condition could not be bet ter described than by the usq of the language so common among ns upon the happening of that most interest ing of events in our families. He’d tell that I am “about as well as could be expected under the circum stances.” REPUBLICANISM IN GEORGIA. The truth is it is not very easy for a Democrat, aud especially a Georgia Democrat^ to vote tor a Re publican—even for a Liberal Repub lican—and our Northern friends must excuse us if we can have no very enthusiastic relish for this thing. They must remember that the Republicanism our eyes have been accustomed to .in Georgia has not been l b ral in a way to excite our admiration or our confidence. It has been liberal it is true—liberal in the use of registration laws by which to vote its own minions ar.d exclude honest men who were entitled to the franchise. It has been liberal in its manipulation of bailot boxes for its own purposes. It lias been liberal in its use of the bayonet at the polls. It has been liberal in election laws, for the ar rest and trial and imprisonment of honest men who would preserve the purity of the ballot by the exercise of the sacred right of challenge. It lias been liberal with the State's credit. .It has been liberal, if I am correctly informed, in its appropria tion of tlic public school funds. It lias, in a word, with a liberality which would really be sublime if it were not infamous, appropriated our property, squandered our money, stolen our bonds, and trampled our rights. THE GREELEY REPUBLICANS OF GEOR GIA. Of course I mean no discourtesy to the men who in Georgia, with a commendable self'respect and a proper regard for honesty, have come out from among the plunder ers and now propose to unite in the effort to drive lrom the Federsfl Gov ernment the commanders of those foragers, who have robbed Georgia, and still riot in the ruin of our sister States. I am glad they have aban doned the decaying carcass. I only mean to say by all this that Repub licanism has never been and is not likely to become a very sweet smel ling savor in Georgia nostrils. I* mean only to show that the Geor gia Democrat who votes tor any sort of a Republican must do so at no small cost of'personal comfort; and it would be a happy hour for me if I could persuade myself that to act as our “straight” friends propose to act—not to vote at all—was consis tent with my obligations as a citizen and freeman. But I cannot do this. I feel it my duty to vote, and I pro pose now to give some of the reasons which impel me to VOTE FOR HORACE GREELEY AND GRATZ BROWN. I set out with the proposition that Greeley or Grant will certainly be the next President of the United States. No sane man with any re gard whatever for candor will deny this. We could not prevent this if every man in Georgia and in the South were to vote for a third candi date. Whatever therefore aids Greeley hurts Grant, and vice versa. No doubt about this. Now if there be no choice between them—as evils if you please—then it’s right not to vote. Then no Southern man ought to vote. If, however, there be any choiee, we are bound to make the selection and attempt success. OUR SOUTHERN SISTER STATES AP PEAL TO US. First, then, I set out with the de claration that if these two candidates stood beforAhe country upon the platform of principles, with tbesame surroundings ani^promises, there is a consideration which would still impel me to vote for Greeley. It is this: Our sister States, Florida, South Carolina, Mississippi, Louis iana, Arkansas and Texas believe we can aid them by electing Gree ley. Georgia in the Convention at Baltimore refused his platform—they took him and his platform. And however much we may differ with them, I am not going to refuse the aid which they imagine we can give. They are our brothers—they are bone ot our bone, and flesh ot our flesh. They are bound to ns by stronger ties than those of mere con sanguinity. We are linked, to them —heart to heart—by the strongest of all bonds, the bond of a common sorrow, and an immortal sympathy. And although we have weathered the storm, and now sail into port with the pirate crew thrown over board, and our tried, trusted pilot, James M. Smith, at the holm, I do not propose, in the great joy of our deliverance to forget our comrades who are still outside. They are still in the midst of the breakers— the roar of the reef is around them— the clouds roll heavily above them— the tempest sf.ll sweeps them away —yet with canvas all rent and masts all ri\ rr, n they refuse to lower their flags before the Radical storm. Let us not stand idly, coldly debating with them as to whether they are or are not mistaken in the belief that we can give relief. Let us fly at their call with all the life boats that we can command. Aye, but say men, that’s an appeal to the heart and not to reason. So it is. But when neither reason nor duty dictates a different course, I am ready to follow the lead of an impulse inspired by so gener ous a thought. I repeat, therefore, if there were no other reasons tor voting for Greeley, I would do so because our suffering kindred ask it of us. THE TWO NOMINATING CONVENTIONS CONTRASTED. But there arc other considera tions which have had their influence witli rne. One is the concomitants or collaterals of the nominations of these two tickets. At Baltimore was assembled the great Democrat ic party ol the country, which had survived the conflicts, foreign and domestic, for nearly six jears, and which, to sa\ the least of it, num bered in ranks many of the truest and ablest defenders of liberty this country has ever produced. They were there assembled beneath the motto of “Peace and good will among the People.” After the nomi nation the candidate was presented —a life-size picture—a plain civil ian standing upon the steps of the Capitol—an emblem of the suprema cy of the civil over the military law while from horn and pipe and drum came alternately “Yankee Doodle,” the “Bonny Blue Flag,” and our soul-stiring “Dixie.” At Philadelphia were assembled the Radical party of the North—the party of destruction, the murderers of the Constitution, with the paid renegades and carpet-baggers of the South, while General Grant, the nominee, was presented as on horse back, A PANOPLIED SOLDIER, in all the trappings of war—fit em blem of the subordination of the civil to the military power, of the reign of the last four years and the years to come, under him—and from horn and pipe and drum, from braz en dusky throats, rolled the sad music of “John Brown’s soul is marching on.” I can scarcely con ceive of a more diabolical scene. A great convention—august by reason of important destinies involved—as sembled in a Christian land—revel ling in its reckless disregard of the sensibilities of the age and holding a high carnival of crime against the peace and good order of the land. Like the howling Dervishes 'shout ing to their false gods, these men bellow their maniac adorations to the soul of the dead criminal, and waking, I can almost fancy, with their wild demoniac songs, echoes in the very realms of the damned. Southern patriot, which picture do you preier ? BRIDGE OVER THE BLOODY CHASM. Fourthly, Horace Greeley propos es to shake hands, as you know, across the bloody chasm. Well, new I propose to talk with you a little about this shaking ot hands. If I understand what Mr. Greeley pro- But General Grant’s mouth piece, Mr. Bcutwell, “protests against” this shaking .4>f hands across the chasm, and wants it “filled up”— and tells when it is to be filled up, When we all get so sorry for our sins, that we will not only abide by what has been done until rectified peacefully; but confess the outrages upon ns are all right and be thank ful—not onlyreceive the smitings of the rod uncomphumngly, but gra ciously exclaim well , done good and faithful servants. It will be filled up, Mr. Boutwell thinks, when we all get loyal, and we>will ail get loyal when we get ready ot tote for Gen eral Grant. gnu^ vote for him because we love him. We must not take him. like the boy 'did the diuner to which he, was' invited. Said his host to him, “My friend, this meat you see in this dish is dog, and it is all I have for dinner; shall I ‘help you to a piece of the dog ?” ‘ ‘Well,” said the boy, “If I’m obliged to eat. dog* I can do it; but I tell you now I’m not a hankerin’ after it.” We must not only take Grant and the Radical party to get the chasm filled up, but we must take them like my North Carolina soldier friend Bill’s sweet-heart took him, when she wrote him to come along home and get married. We must be like she said she was, “ready, a willin’ and a waitin’” for them. That’s the way to fill up the chasm. I think I see MR. BOUTWELL FILLING IT UP nr>w—filling it Ijke his master fills Albany prisons—filling it like the Russians filled the ditch at Sweid- witz Fort with the bodies of its vic tims, except in this case we are to be the victims—filling it with the sacred writ of habeas corpus—filling it with the rights of the States, local self-government and the Constitu tion, filling it as Jeffries filled the dungeons and graves of England— filling it with condemned innocence by the wicked enforcement of the Ku-Klux laws through* Federal Judges and packed perjured jurors, and then like the. witches Cauldron: poses, and I have no doobt about it ; by this shaking of hands, viz: the meeting npon grounds of mutual re spect, I am willing to shake hands. “Mix a little white man’s blood, , Then the chasm is firm and good.” Well I believe I would prefer that THE CHASM SHALL REMAIN OPEN awhile, rather than fill it up huthat way, and just let us shake hands across as Mr. Greeleyreuggests. Now I understand Mr. Greeley’s idea of shaking hands, as I said be fore, to be a meeting npoa grounds of mutual respect. Well, he means that, and who doubts. I’M WILLING TO SHAKE HANDS. I’m willing that the Southern cause and the Northern cause should each stand upon its merits, I’m willing that the soldier who sustained each shall be treated with the deference by the other, due a sincere, an hon est and a brave foe. I am willing that the Northern soldier who backed the convictions of his mind and his heart with his life shall be regarded as a hero; but I claim a no less ex alted'opinion-for the Confederate soldier. If he means this, then I am ready to shake ha'nds, but if he means what Bout well means by fil ling up the chasm, which he cannot —which he does not m.ean—that we are to affect sorrow for treason, so- called, then I am unwilling to shake hands. Whenever Southern men begin that, we shall lose, as we ought, our own self-respect—the only stay of our manhood and hope of our country—and the respect of the North and of the world. When ever Southern tongues begin to talk disparagingly of our cause it is time for Southern tongues to be still. Whenever the traitor’s blush begins to mantle Southern cheeks—when ever Southern hearts send the blood to Southern faces to paint aught else than the glow of pride it feels for Southern achievements, it is time for these hearts to cease their pulsations. I deplore—I know of nothing in this life which I more deplore than that any Southern man should feel it ne cessary or just to speak of our past as in any degree dishonorable or in glorious. Whenever that feeling becomes general amongst us, it is time for ns all to die. Spirit of Lee and Jack- son, safe us from such a calamity! Rather lets us continue to feel, like Mark Antony over the dead body of Caesar, that our hearts are there in the coffin with the dead. And, unlike Anthony, let ns draw the mantle over these gashes thus cut in the body of our prostrate South, and thus save the shock to the sensi bilities of our people. GBFELEY’S DEMOCRATIC ADVISORS. In the next place, I prefer the ad visors' w&o are likely to surround Mr. Greeley to those who we know will control Gen. Grant. I under stand Mr. Greeley to be pledged to a recognition of the claims of the Democratic party, in the appoint ment of his Cabinet and in other ap pointments. [General Gordon here gave his reasons for this belief, and, among others things, related a conversation had, in company with Southern gen tlemen, with Mr. Greeley upon this subject. This conversation, the General stated, had aided in remov ing one of his objections to voting for Mr. Greeley.] Now, a« to platforms. I’ not going to detain you 10 talk much about PLATFORMS. I am trying to give briefly and hon estly my .reasons for preferring Gree ley to Grant, nnd the reasons which I think ought to influence every South ern man to prefer him; aud I want you to keep stadily in view the fact that Grant or Greeley is to be Presi dent inevitably. There are some tilings in Mr. Greeley’s platform which I cannot endorse. There are some thing in it that are good—many that are Democratic. It pledges AN HONEST ADMINISTRATION. Well, ii is irne we are not so much interested in honest administration as we ODce were, for they have not left much amongst us to steal. [Laughter.] But we prefer honesty as a sentiment, and Jefferson said '‘the whole art of government consists in the art of be ing honest,” and Jefferson is good an-’ thorny. Everybody says Horsce Greeley is honest, and Georgians are likely to appreciate that. Another plank is the demand that the.Federal power shall be restrain ed within the bounds ot the Constitu tion. Old Carroll,* of Carrollton, said “in a free government the exer cise of arbitrary power by the Ex ecutive must not and will not be en dured.” We have endureo it under Grant arid have lost our liberties. We could not, the Northern people would Dot resist, and libeity, as our fathers understood liberty, is lost. Arbitrary power by an Executive and liberty can not live in the same atmosphere. Old Carroll saw this— our fathers saw this—and at last some of the wisest and most patriot ic of Grant’s former supporters see it, and they sound the alarm—they break the chains that bound them to this Executive and the party which sustained him, and they de mand, with old Carroll, that “arbi trary power” shall no longer be en dured. I LOVE LIBERTY; I HATE TYRANNY; I SHALL STRIKE WITH ANYBODY FOB negro and in defiance of the sworn statements contradicting it, of forty of South Carolina’s most virtuous daughters, arrested and dragged to prison and denied the sacred right of habeas corpus, guaranteed to every citizen, whether guilty or in nocent. But I will not harrow up your feelings by a recital ot THESE HORRORS— the depth of whose infamy no tongue could describe. I ( will not insult you by supposing that any Georgian can vote to perpetuate such a reign in a sister State. For one, I shall neither vote to sustain Jt directly nor indi rectly. If such a reign is to be per petuated, I shall not so act as to have the bitter reflection, weighing by night and qy day upon my mind and my heart, that I refused to co operate with the only movement against it, which has the remotest possibility of success. Whether I like or dislike the leaders of%hat movement, I shall not refuse to strike a blow for THE FORMER. I shall strike with anybody co put down the latter. The “restraints” are what we want—the restraints of the Constitution. Webster said “the Constitution is the sheet anchor of our liberties.” Old Hickory said “it is our defense in war, and the source of our prosperity in peace.” I un derstand the men who made Gree ley’s platform to propose to restore this “sheet anchor” to the drilting shio, or at least a part of it. Grant and his party have broken it and thrown it away. I am for those who will restore it. WHOEVER WILL RESTORE THE CONST! TUTION IS FOB YOUR BIGHTS. Whatever he or they may have been, if notk for the Constitution, they are. your friends. And if by reason of former hostility to you, and asssociation with these breakers of the Constitution they can now wage a more successful war against them, don’t let that formey hostility prevent oar supporting them in the effort. Bat I can’t stop to talk abont this. I'm only trying to show that this is better than • GRANT’S PLATFORM. Now what is Grant’s ? I shall not tax you to read it What matters it to you or the country what plat form he stands upon ? Were it ever so unobjectionable it could not res train him or his supporters. An Ex ecutive and a party who cannot be restrained by the platform on which government rests—the platform of the Constitution—which he and they were sworn to observe.and protect, can scarcely be restrained by one which he is not -sworn to observe. Suffice it to say that both he and his platform tell us that his future is to be as his past; and from SUCH A FUTURE, (I presume we can all join in the prayer) “Good Lord deliver us.” We all know what that past has been —we have seen it—we all have felt it. Have, you forgotten it? Ask South Carolina what it was—what it still is. Ohl that it were the past with her! Ask the thousands of her sons, scattered at this hoar from one end of this country to the other, DRIVEN BY BAYONETS FROM HOME AND EMPLOYMENT. Ask the grave and reverend profess or, arrested by soldiers at the head of his classes, upon the affidavit of a THE RELIEF OF MY SUFFERING COUN TRYMEN, nor will I join some other movement, which can only bring confusion to oar ranks and eonfusion to our ef forts. I shall keep steadily in view the goal of deliverance. I shall al- low'nothing to divert me. Perish pride of opinion; perish hatred of former enemies, who fight for liberty now; perish prejudice and all consid erations of personal preferences or personal comfort; let all be subordi nated to the higher and holier, bra ver determination to lock shields for this final charge, with any men and all men, who will move upon this Despotic Power, which has subver ted the government, and made the name of the REPUBLIC A REPROACH. I know you do not wish to perpetu ate this despotism. None who have eyer tasted the sweets of freedom; none but slaves can refuse to strike it down. I hear one say, “yes, we desire to bo rid of this;” but we fear we shall get nothiDpc hotter hv electing Greeley. Is there nothing better in the surroundings of Mr. Greeley than in the surroundings of General Grant? Is'there nothing better in the Baltimore than in the Philadel phia picture? Is “Yankee Doodle,’ tempered by Dixie, not better than “JOHN BROWN’S SOUL IS MARCHING ON ?” Is the civilian battling now for local self-government, not better than the hostile soldier riding in the kingly pomp of his power over tha restraints of the Constitution, and with haughty ' tread trampling the rights of the States and the liberties of the citizens ? Oh, is there nothing higher and nobler in heeding the load wail of woe from South Carolina and-our sister States than in folding our arms with “I cannot,” “I will not?” But if these considerations do not move us there is still the great, the overshadowing fact that Greeley and his party against Grant and his party are against the men who have done more to stir the bad blood of our people, more to drive a suffering and down-trodden section to despair, more to destroy confi dence in Republican government than any and all other men who have ever found foothold on this continent.. On the one hand is local self-government—the boon above all othert we crave. On the other is centralization and the Federal dutch at our throats. Is there no choice ? If there is, make it, and then act so as to*secore the fruits of your decis ion. JIB. GREELEY’S RECORD NOT THE QUESTION. But Mr. Greeley’s record is in your wav. I am not here to defend Mr Greeley’s record. I am here to desl with the stern inexorable present. I am here to tell yon of a battle leagued against this .Despotic Power, whose beel is still upon the necks of our suf fering countrymen. I am here to sound the battle “long roll,”, and summon you to arms. I am not here to talk of what meolwere, but of what men ar?. What,baa Mr.^Greeley’s record to do with the question you must de cide,, viz: “Where is my place in the fight! who am I to aid f Jhoee who have deprived as of onr substance as well as of oar liberties, or those who have raised against them the standard ofrevoh?” Who is Mr. Greeley but the accidental flag-staff to mark the career of the abip aa she rit’ea the coming wares of this gigantic popular revolt! If be bad never sighed (in his own lan guage) for the “pure atmosphere of peace and fraternity,” if be bad never championed the cause of magnaumity and amnesty, if ha bad sot been amopg the first to raise that standard of revolt against Radical despotism, be is still the bearer of it. Let us not stand discussing records of long years ago, when the opportunity to recover liberty is presented and passing. We are to deal with a movement sot with a man. PRINCIPLE AND POLICY CONTRASTED. But “principle.” I must cling to ray Democratic principles* “1 would vote with you for Greeley, bat I can’t aban don mv principles.” Let me say a word about this. I’ve no time to de velop it. Tbe ideas of men become a little cloudy over ihie subject, I think. They confuse ends with ways and means—principles with the policy to be pursued in establishing princi ples. We may not change our princi ples, bnt we may change the methods of securing them. Principle, both mor al and political, is eternal and unchan geable, but in tbe case of religioua principle both the principle and the manner of setting it np are fixed by unerring wisdom and record in Holy writ. Neither, therefore, can be changed. In the case of politicals principles, tbe method of setting them np, or what men call policy, is tbe result of human reason, and, there fore, fslible, and may be changed ac cording to circumstances. In states manship, in politics as in war, results may be attained by strategy, if it is honorable’strategy. The changing a line of policy to secure the triumph of of a principle is not an abandonment of that principle. AN ILLDSTSATION. D :ring the war General Lee held s principle. It was the right 0/ self government—whatever else was in volved in that contest, this was in volved. He held it, aa^ during tha war yon applauded. Bat before supe rior numbers he surrendered and foil applauded then hia course. Wes it that he had abandoned principle that you applauded ! O, no!' It was sim ply tbe abandonment of the policy of its defense by bullets. We are to-day as much bound to defend this principle in the conflicts of peace as in those of war. Are any here who were with Jackson at Ohancellorsvilie in 18631 If so, you will remember tbe change in the programme there. I- do not give words, bat the substance. Gen. Jackson, after one of bis swift gallops along the enemy’s front, would ride up to General Lee aud say : “General, this is a mistake to more in here. There is ibis difficulty and that iu the way." “Well,, but General Jackson, 1 can not be everywhere on the line at the same time. I must trust something to my snborninates, and my engineers tell me this is tbe line to approach '■pUUk i'n •‘Your engineers are mistaken, sir." “Well, then, General Jackson, what we want is to win the battle. You see the enemy npon tha heights. You see his entrenchments. Wtrmust carry them. If you can suggest a better plan to cany out our purpose, I shall be glad to hear it. What do you pro pose I” “You must go to tbe flank, sir— you must strijo^iem in the rear,” and soon JamPon’s ragged lines dragged not their slow, but swift length along, through . chiocquepin and pine, of that now historic Wilder. 1 ness. Soon far off on tbe enemy's flank, is heard tbe wild shoot of the Confederate charge. Look! They scale tbe heights, and the red cross of battle waves in triumph from the ene my’s works. Fellow-citizens, the enemies of liber- tv; the enemies of the Constitution; tbe enemies of good government are entrenched npon the heights at W r aah- ipgton. Hosts are marshaling; yea, the battle is already begun. Why stand we here qoarielling because this man bas Dot been chosen leader, or that route has not been selected for the approach ? Into line and forward. Most of ns have been soldiers, llavo we forgotten in what the might ef armies consists ? I counsel concord. I plead for unity. I bear tbe olive branch, and beg that dissension* cease in onr ranks. Co-operation acd sect*- sion in 1860 brongbt division. Co operation and nnion charged seces sion with the extreme of rashness; bat aii were brethren, and^ the mi nority bowed to the majority, and in 1861 we had unity. In 1812^ tbe Liberal movement and tbe ‘straight* movement bring division—not bow the charge of rashness; but the straight movement charged tbe ex treme of caution. Let us, in the in terest of unity and in the spirit of conciliation, go with the majority of onr people. Otlr alms are one. Let us not divide as to means. Let ns move into line, and forward. If we secure nothing more, let us secure the heights and hold them forever, we hope, in the interest of the Con stitution, oflaw, of Liberty and of peace: [The General was interrupted throughout the delivery with fre- queht applanse. FURL0W MASONIC FEMALE collsos. AMERICUS, #A. • Tha Sixteenth Annul Tan* wHl #pna Mm. September led, and eleee Dec—her JSth. Spring aad Semfcer Seinoa to epee Jteeewber 30th and eloae led Wedoeedey ia Jane- Board ia private Tamilian, ex el naira ofvtak. lab bom 610 to 620 par meath. For further particular* apply tec aireaUr. Rev. D. 6. T DOUGLAS, August 23,1872. V. *. HAROLD, Eh-. Secretary Of TrUttaa. 2a