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< c The Bainbridge Weekly Democrat. published Every Thurzday y HERE SHA WL THE PRESS THE PEOPLE'S RIGHTS MAINTAIN, UNA WED B TINFL UENCE AND UNBRIBED B T GAIN." i Two Dollars For Aana> Volume V. BAINBRIDGE, GEORGIA. THURSDAY, AUGUST 24, 1876. Number 4^ Address of Harton O’Neal, Esq, Chairman County Executive Com mittee- Ua., August 2d, 1876, r„ th, Democratic and Coiuervatim party of hcralur County, The Weekly Democrat. BEN. E. RUSSELL. - Proprietor. Bainbridge. Georgia. August 24, ’76- Fz.low Crrizriis: By resolution of your FiectiiNe Committee it has been made my ■duty ns Chairman of said Committee, to ott on this occasion. - The time is V 'i: caching when we must place before «t > ; 1 c our^ndidiMwfur the Legislators, L' .r as counfy officer* *. To that end, each _ (mue r of the Executive Committee, in the jjv.rnl Districts in the county, will call a meting of the Democratic and Conservative .oicrs of said Districts to assemble at their rf «jiective precincts, and wrfect three dele- rttes to represent sw*» District in the nomi nating convention to be held in Bainbridge „„ Wednesday‘be 6th day of September next. | v-obld here suggest that fifteen or weni/'days notice be given before the time of .iieeting, in order that the voters of the whole District may be informed of the time and place of meeting. And the Committee would also urge upon every voter the im- mrtance of attending those primary meet- ngs. and to select true and capable men to nake nominations for the several high and mportant offices in your county, for in these primary assemblies He the power of the people. We do earnestly request every .oter to como out and exercise the authority guaranteed to him in these conventions. The Executive Committee also desire and [..quest the several Districts to organize one ur mote Campaign Clubs, on or before the ph Saturday in August, and to furnish the Chairman of this Committee with a full list ;f the officers of the same, and their respec tive post office addresses. The Executive Committee directs me as Chairman to urge upon the people, and especially the voters of the county, the great importance of taking our home or o„unly newspaper, the Bainbkiogk Demo- ciut. It. is a channel of information to the pot/ilr on nil county affaire, as well as State , n d national polities. The Demochat labor ed zealously and with great effect in our k-t campaign, and there is no doubt, but our unprecedented success as a party in. this county and Congressional District-was in no small degree effected by the repeated as saults and blows, skillfully directed, by the Democrat against our opponents. Several hundred copies of the Democrat were dis tributed in 1874, partly at the expense of the Central Democratic Club of Bainbridge, and gratis by the Editor. Ben E. Russell, throughout our county. The Executive Coni mi I tee'earnestly request that the sever al Clubs in the county take this matter specially in charge, and procure as many smscribers for the Democrat as possible, and where parties a.e unable to pay for the paper, ench club should make up a small fund to furnish it to them, at least duriug the campaign. By this means the Democrat will he distributed broadcast throughout the county, and while this will sustain our home paper, it will at the same time have a telling ellect for good in the coming elec- tons. I find’by reference to the Tnx Digest for ISTh for this county, that there are 1145 white polls, 1084 colored polls returned, jhowing til more white than colored voters, cj cuirse this docs not represent truly all the voters in the county, but. it is a pretty correct-approximation to t he, true numbers. The census of 1870 show that the white peo pie in this county were in the majority at that time about one hundred, and it is believed by some of our most intelligent citi zens that more of the colored people have emigrated from jlic county than of the whites since that date. This being true, and the fact that the Republican party in this coun tv look, 1 may say, almost wholly to the colored race for their strength-and support^ should we not be encouraged at the outlook? Yes: at, a fair prospect of success at our elec tions this Ml. Then let us rally the Demo cratic and Conservative h osts of our county around our standard— the standard of Reform, Economy and Retrenchment—the standard that has emblazoned on its folds—equal and exact Jus- tice to all—Injury to none. To do this let us not enter the campaign with the extre mists argument, the fiery abuse of our oppo nents, nor with the language of the “milk and cider” politician, but with bold decla rations of riyAt and justice let us deal with facts. We have enough of them. As “eiernal vigilance is the price of liber ty,”so are unity, harmony and activity the only guarantees of political success. Let us, beyond all tilings, have unity and harmony incur ranks—forget whatever of dissatisfac tion may have heretofore marred our feel ings or "relaxed our patriotic efforts, and now push forward in one common cause for the good of our country; and as a party, with that activity That guarantees success, arise as one MAN, on the day of election, and tri umphantly bear our candidates into office. And twsw T ia—conclusion, as the party of progress in securing reform, retrenchment and econbmy'in’ the administration of gov- ernment and the ultimate redemption and prosperity of the country, we earnestly in vite all persons of whatever nationality, race, or former political creed, who are willing to ■conform to the principles of the Democratic and Conservative party, to nllign themselves with us in our patriotic efforts to obtain good government, and we will hnil their advent with pleasure, and guarantee them a cordial reception. Respectfully Mastos O'Neal Chairman Democratic Committee Decatur County. A GIFT WORTHY OF A ROTHSCHILD FOR Mr. Jso. D. Harrell is the General Agent of the Democrat, and is authorized to receipt for subscriptions and advertising. A copy of Brown’s llllustrated Shakes- 'earian Almanac, together with a copy of iis illustrated paper, the Growing " 01 , < .’ ^vlricL is devoted to natural history, wlli be 5 ent to any one tree who will set-d us their 'Jvlress on a one cent postal card. Address I)K. 0. P. BROWN, 21 Grand Street, Jersey 'ity, N. J. Notice of Homestead- Eleanor J. Cardy has applied for exemp^ ion of personally, and setting apart and valuation of homestead, and I will pass upon he same at 10 o’clock a. m. on the 6th day 'f beptember 1876, at my office, This Au gust 16. 1876. HIRAM BROCKETT. Ordinary, D. C. Tobscco- Cigars! Best tobaccos, finest cigars, of all grades o be had at the big store of II. B. Ehr GOS HENDRICKS LETTER Indianapolis, July 24, 1876. To the Hon. Joh% A. McClernand^ Chairman, and othere, of the Com mittee of the National Democratic Convention : Gentlemen— I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your com munication in which you have formally notified me of my nomination by the National Democratic Convention at St. Louis, as their candidate for the office of Vice President of the United States. It is a nomination which I had neither expected nor desired, and yet I recog nize and appreciate the high honor done me by the convention. The choice of such a body, pronounced with such unusual unanimity and accompa nied with so generous an expression of esteem and confidence, ought to out weigh all merely personal desires and preferences of my own. It is with these feelings, and I trust also from deep sense of public duty, that I now exoept the nomination and shall abide the judgment of my countrymen. It would have been impossible for me to accept the nomination if I could not heartily endorse the platform of the convention. I am gratified, therefore, to be able unequivocally to declare that I agree in the principles, approve the policies, and sympathize with the pur poses enunciated in the platform. The institutions of our country have been sorely tried by the exigencies of civil war, and since the peace by selfish and corrupt management of public affairs, which has shamed us before civilized mankind. By unwise and partial legis lation every industry aud interest ofthe people have been made to suffer, and in ,he Executive Departments of the Gov ernment, dishonesty, rapacity and ve nality have debauched the public service. Men known to be unworthy have been promoted, while others have been degraded for fidelity to official duty. Public office has boen made the means of private profit, and the country has been offended to see a class ot men, who boast the friendship ot the sworn protectors of State,amassin 4 fortunes by defrauding the public treasury and by corrupting the servants of ,thc people. In such a crisis of the history of the country, I rejoice that the Convention at St, Louis has nobly raised the stand ard of reform. Nothing can be well with us or our affairs until the public conscience, shocked by the enormous evils and abuses which prevail, shall have demanded and compelled ail un sparing reformation of national admin istration in its bead and in its members. In such a reformation the removal of a single officer, even the President, is comparatively a trifling matter, if the system which he represents and which has fostered him, as he has fostered it, is suffered to remain. The Prisident alone must not be made the scape-goat for the enormities of the system which infests the public service and threatens the destruction of our institutions. In -Sotoe respects I hold that the present Executive has been the victim rather than the author of that vicious system. Congressional and party leaders have been stronger than the President. No one man could have created it, and the removal of no one man can amend it. It is thoroughly corrupt, and must be swept remorselessly away by the selec tion of a government composed of ele ments entire new and pledged to radical reforms. The first work of reform must evi dently be the restoration of the normal operation of the Constitution of the United States, with all its amendments. The necessities of war cannot be plead ed in a time of peace. The right of local self-government as guaranteed by the Constitution of the Union, must he everywhere restored, and the central ized, almost personal imperialism, which has been practiced must be done away or the principles of the Republic will be lost. Out financial system of expedients must be reformed. Gold and silver are the real standards of value, and out na tional currency will not be a perfect medium of exchange until it shall be convertible at the pleasure of the hold er. As I haxe heretofore said, no one desires a return to specie payments more esrnertly than I do, but I do not believe that it will or can be reached in harmony with the interests of the peo ple by artificial measures or the c n- traction of the currency, any more than I believe that wealth or permanent prosperity can be cheated by inflation of the currency, fte laws of finance cannot be disregarded with impunity. The financial policy of the Government, if indeed it deserves the name of poli cy at all, has been in disregard of these laws, and therefore has disturbed com- mei cial and business confidence, as well as hindered a return to specie pay ments. One feature of that policy was the resumption clause of the act of 1875, which has embarrassed the country by the anticipation of a compulsory re sumption for which no preparation has been made, and without any assurance that it would'be practicable. The re peal of that clause is necessary that the natural operation of financial laws may be restored r that the business of the country may be relieved from its distur bing and depressing influence, and that a return to specie payment may be fa cilitated by the substittution of wiser and more prudent legislation which shall mainly rely on a judiciary system of public economies and official retren chments, and above all, on the promo tion of prosperity in all the industries of all the people. I do not understand the repeal of the resumption clause of the act of 1875 to be a backward step in our return to specie payment, but the recovery of a false step; and although the repeal may for a time be prevented, yet the deter mination of tho Democratic party on this subject has been distinctly declar ed •• T. ere should be no hindrance put in the way of a return to specie payments. As such hindrance, says the platform of the St. Louis Conven tion, we denounce the resumption clause of 1875, and demand its repeal, I thoroughly believe that by public economy, by official retrenchment, and by wise finance, enabling us to accumu late the preious metals, resumption at an early period is possible, without pro ducing an artificial scarcity of currency or disturbing public or commercial credit, and that these reforms, together with the Astoratioa of pure goveinn-ent will restore general confidence, encour age the useful investment of capital, furnish employment to labor, and relieve the country from the paralysis of hard times. With the industries of the people there have been frequent interference. Our platform truly says that many in' dustries have been impoverished; our commerce has been degraded to an in ferior position on the high seas; our manufactures have been diminished; our agriculture has been embarassed, and the distress of the industrial classes demands that these things shall be re formed. The burdens of the people must also be lightened by a great ehange in our system of public expenses. The profli gate expenditures which increased tax ation from 85 per capita in 1860 to 818 in 1870, tolls its own st«ry of our need of fiscal reform. Our treaties with foreign powers should also be revised and amended in so far as they leave citizens of foreign birth in any p trticular less secure in any country on earth than they would be if they had been born upon our own soil ; and the iniquitous coolie system, whbh, through the agency of wealthy companies, imports Chinese bondmen and establishes a species of slavery and interferes with the just rewards of labor on our Pacific coast, should be aban doned. In the reform of the civil service I most heartily endorse that section of the platform which declares that the civil service ought not to be subject to change at every election, and tnat it ought not to be made the brief reward of party zeal, but ought to be awarded for proved competency and held for fi delity in public employ. I hope never again to see the cruel and remorseless proscription for politi cal opinions which has disgraced the administration for the last eight years Bad as the civil service now is, all know shat it has some men of tried in tegrity and proved ability, and such men should be retained in office ; but no man should he Vetoined on any con- sideration who has prostituted his office to purposes of partisan intimidation or compulsion, or has furnisheil money to corrupt elections. This is flone and has been done in almost evfry county of th$ land. It is a blight upon the morals of the country and uWghtJto be ruformed. ’ L Of sectarian controversieafin inspect to common schools I have only Site to sav, that in my judgment the man or party that would involve our schools in a poiiticol or sectarian controversy is an enemy to schools. Common schools are safe under control of no party or sect. They must be neither sectarian nor partisan, and there must he neither di vision or misappropriation of funds for their support. Likewise I regard the man who would arouse or foster sectional animosi ties and antagonism among his country men as a dangerous enemy to his conn- tr). All the people must be made to feel and know that once more there is established a purpose and policy under which all citizens of every condition, race and color, will be secure in the enjoyment of whatever rights the Con stitution and laws declare or recognize, and that in controversies that may arise, the Government is not partisan, hut, within its constitutional authority the just and powerful Guardian of the Rights and safety of all. The strife between the sections and between the races will cease as soon as the pewer for evil is taken away from the party that makes political game out of scenes of violence and bloodshed, and constitu tional authority is placed in the hands of men whose political welfare requires that peace and good order shall be pre served everywhere. It will be seen, gentlemen, that I am in entire accorjJ with the platform of the convention by which been nominated as a candidate for the effiee of Vice-President of the United States Permit me, in conclusion, to express my satisfaction at being associated with a candidate for President who is first among his equals as a representative of the spirit and of the achievements of reform in his official career as Executive ot the grand State of New York. He has, in a comparatively short period,re formed the public service and reduced the public burdens so as to have earned at once the gratitude of his State and the admiration of the country. The people know him to be thoroughly in earnest. He has shown himself to be possessed of the powers and qualities which fit him in an eminent degree for the great work of reform which his country now needs, and if he shall be chosen by the people to the high office of President of the United States, I believe that the day of his inauguration will be the beginning of a new era of peace, purity and prosperity in all de partments of our Government. I am, gentlemen, yout ob’t serv’t Thomas A. Hendricks. ROBESON’S CASE- His Immediate Impeachment and Trial Probable- Washington, July 27.—The ques- of referring the proposed impeachment of Secretory Robeson to the Judiciary Committee fora decision upon/h<y. ap plication of the facts as ascertained by t he Naval Committee to the rigor of the law, is a special order in the House to morrow, though it may be crowded aside by the Platt-Goode contest'd elec tion case or the Silver bill. Whenever the question does come np, there is every prospect of a spirited fight on the Republican side, whose tactics now seem to be to force a vote if 1 possible without a reference. They maintain that the precedent in the Belknap case should be followed, that if the House meaus to impeach Rabeson they should do so, and then refer the case to the Judiciary Committee to frame the articles of impeachment By this course they would gain delay, and boast that it can be then shown that Robeson can not be convicted of any impeaehable offense. It is not improbable, when the question comes up for debate, that the Democrats will take the Republican side at its word, and promptly impeach Robeson, refer the impeachment, notify the Senate, and go ahead within a few weeks with the trial. Take The Democrat. Only |2.00. * THE CONSPIRACY AGAINSTTTHE SOUTH. [From the Nashville American.] No peril has yet menaced American freedom, American civilization and re publican government so grave as the poli cy indicated in Grant’s message to the Senate. It is but the unfolding of a plot long ago concocted. Little in all things, brutal in his nature, when his passions or his prejudices arc excited, the President is the very tool needed at this time. His inextinguishable hatred of the South, growing solely out of a personal hostility to which a great mind would rise superi or, fits him for the work. The conspirators have never failed to indicate their determination to carry the South. They have always counted with confidence upon the tool they placed in office and whom they have continually manipulated. That they would find a pretext in some outbreak of lawlessness was to be expected. When a pretext was wanting they have always made one. Act ing upon the the principle that the blood of the negro is the seed of Radicalism, they have never failed to have that blood supplied. If strife were wanting, they have stirred up strife. There is no com munity exempt from lawlessness. Espe cially are the Republican State Govern ments of the South, based on ignorance and administered by imbecility, not want ing in the element^ of strife. Democratic governments have been able to repress disorder and restore peace and security. Republican governments will continue to furnish a pretext when one is needed, simply because they are powerless to con trol the disorderly elements of society, and rather seek permanency in strife than endeavor to control. The President’s message to the Senate and his letter to the Governor of South Carolina indicate the programme very clearly. The bollot is referred to, al though it was in no vJhy involved in the Hamburg outrage. Here is tho true point." the ballot is to be had at all hazzards and at whatever cost. Grant assumes to speak of outrages in Mississippi of which he knows nothing. Ames was impeached and compelled to resign because of criminal imbecility and outrageous practices. He was accused of fomenting disturbances for the vile pur pose of politicny^Tect, and yet the Presi dent assumes that the white people of MissLssippi are the only aggressors, and expresses bis conviction that the Senate committee’s report on Mississippi will ful ly sustain all he has said. Of course it will. He knows full well it will. It is a part of the plau that it shall sustain every move he makes. This iniquitous plot against the South is veiled under a hypocritical reference to Christian duties and the “Great Ruler of the Universe.” The common resort of the conspirator against light and truth and justice is to prat most loudly of rights involved, and to don the cloak of holy purpose and religious duty. The honest patriot relies on God and the justice of his cause, and is silent; the assassin of liberty rolls his eyes heavenward and ap peals with loud acclaim to the just God to witness the purity of his intent. The following extract from the Presi dent’s letter to Governor Chamberlain in dicates the spirit and animus of the intire plot : “I am in receipt of your letter of July 22, and all the enclosures enumerated therein, giving an account of the late bar barous massacre of innocent men at the town of Hamburg, S. C. The views which you express as to the duty you owe to your oath of office and to the citizens to secure to all their civil rights, includ ing the right to vote according to the dic tates of their own consciences ; andfurth er, the duty of the executive of the nation to give all needful aid when properly call ed on to do so, to enable you to insure this inalienable right, I fully concur in,” There has been no election in Bouth Carolina. There will be no election for some time to come. Neither party has as yet made any nominations. Hence there was no political dispute at Ham- Lu.-g. There has been no pretence that politics were in any way involved. And yet the President goes out of the way to mention the ballot. It is given to those who plot and work in secret for the over throw of liberty, sometimes to reveal, without thought, that which is on their minds and thus to expose their own plot ting. The President evidently had his eye on the election. That is the only de sirable thing. The negro is valuable be cause he votes and votes well. Hence the whole point so inaptly disclosed is the ballot, although it has nothing to do with the case in point one way or another. It shows the animus of the whole scheme to be to control the fall elections. The Southern States have nothing to oppose to the President’s brutal force save the proper and commendable political or ganization and hard work which belong to free institutions and characterize a free people alive to the preservation of their liberties. They will go forward closely arrayed in the’discharge of their duties and in an orderly, quiet manner. If the government applies force or terror, they will not quail with fear, and they will not resist. They will not be frightened, nor led to shrink from the discharge of their political duties. It rests rather with the States of the North to say whether they will permit this organized effort to carry elections by force and terrorism, to strike down our freedom and theirs with it. We believe the day is past when such things can be done with impunity. We are con fident the ballot in the North will over turn this unrighteous rale of the bayonet in tbs South. ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTEEN YEARS OLD. George Fruits, aged 114 years, died at his home, near Crawfordsville, Ind , an the 6th inst. Of his early life, the deceas ed had but a faint recollection. His parents moved from Baltimore and settled near Philadelphia, a short time previous to the Revolutionary war. He first learn ed the German language, and could not speak a word of English until he was evjr twelve years of agej He did some service under Captain Kirkwood in the latter part of the RavoTutlonary wa!; buF was not' regularly ealisted. About the year 1787, he, with others, went to Virginia and Eastern Kentucky, where they joined a company of Kentucky riflemen, under Capt. Kennedy. They had many skir mishes with the Indians; were in Ken tucky long enough to become intimately acquainted with Daniel Boone. In the year 1790 he went to the Eastern part of Ohio, and there assisted in building block houses for the protection of the frontiers. The same year he enlisted in Gen. Har- mar’s army, in the wat with the Miami Indians. In Harmar’s army he was in many skirmishes, but he was not not in any regular battle. When Gen. St. Ciair succeeded Gen. Harmar, in 1790, Mr. Fruits and others were detailed to build forts in different places in Ohio. While in St. Clair’s army on detail, a part of the time he acted as a scout or Indian spy. He was not in the battle when St. Clair was defeated on the Miami river. After St. Clair’s defeat he was driven to Fort Washington, which he had previously helped to build, where now is situated the city of Cincinnati. He remained in Ohio and lived a scouting, frontier life until the fall of 1792, when lie returned to Pennsyl vania, an -4 , voted for George Washington the second time for President. He was then about thirty years of age. In the year 1794 he was in General Wayne’s army, and was in the battle of Maumee, when the Indians were defeated ar.d driven from their possessions. In that battle he received a wound from an Indian rifle. The bullet remained in one of his legs to the day of his death. He livod a rambling, unsettled life until about the year 1800, when he settled near Hamilton, Butler county, Ohio, where he married Catharine Stonebraker, October 4th, 1800. They lived together in Butler county, on a farm, until he enlisted in the war of 1812. He was in Gen. Harrison's army, and in the battle of Ft. Meigs, when Har rison and Clay whipped the British and Indians uuder Gen. Proctor. He was in the battle of the Thames; was an Indian spy in advance of Harrison’s army. After the war was over he returned to his fami ly, and lived in Ohio until the spring of 1819 when he moved to Indiana, and settled, where is now situated Knights- town, iu the Eastern part of that State, but shortly|afterward he moved to Mont gomery county and settled on a quarter section of land. When Mr. Fruits was in his prime he was full six feet three inches in height, and weighed 230 pounds. He was straight, athletic, and possessed almost superhuman strength. He lived a temperate life; his food had ever been plain and wholesome; he was never sick in his life. His eyesight was good, but he heard with great difficulty. From his forehead to a considerable distance hack he had been bald for over forty years, but within the last two years that space had been covered with a fine growth of new hair. A new set of teeth were also mak ing their appearance through the gums, like those of a child after it had shed its first teeth. His education was very limit ed. Although he has been married over seventy years, his wife still survives him. She' was eighty nine years old the 6th day of last May. They have had thirteen chil dren born to them—nine boys and four girls—eleven of whom are still living.— N. Y. Times. Two very interesting letters—not the less interesting because short—are given in The Sun this morning. One of them is from Charles Francis Adams of Massachusetts. In it he announces his intention to Tote for Mr. Tilden, on the ground that, as between Tilden and Hayes, the former is “far the most fit ted to meet the emergency in our poli tics.” The other letter is from onr well known German-American citizens, Gen. Franz Sigel. • In it, he announces his intention to give his support and influ ence to Mr. Tilden, and proclaims his allegiance to the principles and policy laid down in the Democratic platform, and in the letters of the Democratic candidates. Mr. Adams takes pains to say that he belongs to the class of independent voters and Gen. Sigel also takes occa sion to say that he shall Dot surrender his political independence in elections of lesser importance. The German-A mericau reformers who support Tilden will once again, therefore, be able to “fight mit Sigel,” and the statesmen in the same ranks will feel strengthened by the leader ship of the son of one of oar Presidents who was the son of another of them.— N. Y. Sun. BELKNAP’S ACQUITTAL—THE SENATE ON TRIAL [Hartford CourmnL] Belknap ia acquitted, leas than two- thirds of the Senate voting against hint. In fact the Senate has evaded a vote of “guilty” against Belknap, by dodging behind the question of jurisdiction. We say dodging, because the Senate as a body hae already voted on the jurisdic tion, and decides that it hat power te try the offense, and that queation ie ne- ally not before it. AU that was asked of the eonrt of impeachment now was a simple vote on the evidence produced; is Belknap innocent or gvilt/ ? We assume that theex-Secretory haa friends in the Senate, who wish to clear him of punishment, whether he is guilty or not; and their hope was that there were Senators enough who had scruples about the jurisdiction to make a vote of acquittal. In any case Belknap’s rep utation it gone; everybody balieves him guilty of the off-nse charged, though there may be dili’eraaces of opinion as to whether he has done anything wrong in receiving monoy as tho price of an appointment. That there is a difference of opinion on this moral question we infer from the argument of Belknap's lawyers, Black and Carpenter ; and we also in fer that the loose notions of integrity belonging to Carpenter, as developed in his argument, commend themselves to some of the Senators That is to say, Belknap may be guilty, he doubtless is, of the act charged, but that is, after all, no crime, it is a common practice, and he ought not to be punished for it. The Senators with whom this prevails will, of oourse, seek to relieve Belknap of condemnation, and the question of ju risdiction was a very good one to dodge behind. They may say (they would stultify themselves in view of the evi dence if they did not say it) that the charge is proved, and at the same time they may gratify their inclination not to punish an offense of this kind by plead ing want of jurisdiction. Therefore we say that the character of the United States Senate is on trial. Belknap’s offense is clear. Is the ma jority of the Senate composed of tnea like Belknap, who regard his action as venial ? TILDEN AND HENDRICKS CLUBS Th" following form is suggested to be used in the organization of club* throughout tho country: Article 1. The name of this organi zation shall be, “The Tilden and Hend rick* Club.” Art. 2. The officers of the club shall be a President and Vice President, Secretary and a working Committee of members who shall serve for inch a length of time as may be fixed by reso lution—and any vacancies in these of fices shall be filled by an election at the first meeting after the same is announc ed. Art. 3. The President shall have power to call extra meetings of the club, and one third of the total mem bership of the club shall constitute a quorum for the transaction of hnsiness. 'Art. 4. A regular meeting of the club shall be held every Art. 6. Any male citizen of the vi cinity may become a member of the club by signing the club by signing the Constitution, and pledging himself to sustain and support to the best of his ability all nominations made by the Democratic party, either in State or county elections. Art. 6. It shall be the duty of the working Committee to prepare a com plete record of the names and residences of all voters within their beat. Art. 7. That the members of this clnb pledge themselves to each other and the Democratic party to abide by and itutoin the nominees of the party for all offices whether national, state or county and will discountenance every effort on the part of individuals to dis tract our counsels and divide the vote upon independent candidates, whom we will regard hereafter as giving aid and comfort to our political opponents. Art. 8- The secretory of the Club shall forthwith report to the Chairman of the Democratic Executive Committee for the county the names and post office address of each officer of the Clab. Hurrah for Tilden ! Hurrah for Col quitt! Hurrah ler Bush ! Hurrah for boo-