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THE STANDARD AND EXPRESS fly SMITH, WIKLE & CO.] Speech of Hon. B, 11. Hill. Delivered in the Representative Halt , Atlanta , Ga., on the evening of the 14 fh inst ., in reply to speeches of the I fans. Linton Stephens and Robert Toombs , delivered at the same place on the preceding evening. lAt dies and Gentlemen —ln my early youth I impressed ujsiri my mind the vital thought that nation was the greatest fix* of good w;n.se and rigid reason. The criminality of the indulgence of passion in the investi gation of any truth is in exact pro portion to the great interest upon the correct solution of that truth. There are wise men in the nation, and many of them, who believe that upon the results of the pending canvass for President the whole continuance of the original theory of American Gov ernment depends. Then* art? wLse men in the South, and many of them, who l>elieve that upon the results of tliis contest hang the absolute, mate rial, moral and political destinies of esjrtvially the Southern States. \\ bother these States shall continue to be oppressed, to lx* insulted, whether they shall continue to he mere vassals to the Federal Govern ment, or whether they shall lx* loosed from their fetters and allowed to re store their own prosperity in their own way, are the questions which many believe to lie dependent upon this canvass. It does seem to me that, in view of this fact, duty to our selves, duty to our children, duty to the high trust committed to us by those who have gone before us, re quires that we should enter upon the investigation of the questions involv ed, with coolness, with calmness, with dispassionate reason. lam not here to-night to address enemies, J am here to address friends, some doubtless differing with us, but still friends, and I shall not employ against them the language which they have justly provoked and the punishment they justly deserve. [ Ap plause. j That you may understand clearly and distinctly the present political situation, you will allow me briefly to review a few of the events in the pre ceding months, which have wrought this situation. The termination of the war left both sections, to a large extent, under the domination of pas sions engendered by the war. That war itself, having been preceded by a Jong, heated sectional controversy, necessarily engendered passions of un usual heat and animosity during its progress, and unfortunate circumstan ces occurred at its close which were greatly calculated to influence the pas sions so engendered. The result was that the administration of the gov ernment was absolutely taken posses sion of by the passions of the hour and statesmanship itself seemed to be the mere child and creature of those passions. The States which had en tered that war and came out of it un successful, being prostrate, being par alyzed, were to an unusual extent the actions of these passions and pre judices, and it would not be very ex travagant to say that they suffered du ring tin* four years that succeeded the termination of the war, wrongs and insults exceeding in infamy if not equalling in losses all the calamities or the war itself. This thing could not last always, and two years ago this state of tilings became patent to the wise men of the country, men who, getting rid of the domination of passion, began to reflect. The party in power seemed to find no end of what might be justly termed war measures, especially as applicable to what they were pleased the term the “ Rebel .States.” They not only pass ed what were called the reconstruction acts, by which the governments of ten of the States were absolutely sub verted, and other governments creat ed by Congressional power, organized in their stead. They not only passed amendments to the Constitution to preserve the fruits of the war, as they said, but they continued, after those amendments were adopted, to exer cise congressional powers unknown to the Constitution, and absolutely startling In their character, and ex clusively of a war nature. Force was the power employed to govern this country in a very large degree. Not only had these amendments been pa-wed, hut the dominant party who passed them and incorporated them I>y force into the Constitution, put a construction upon those amendments which gave absolute power to the General Government, a construction centralizing the government to the extent of obliterating State constitu tions. Where the end was to be no man could tell. This state of things alarmed —I use the proper term —this state of things alarmed, and justly alarmed, many of the best and wisest men of the Republican party. They saw that measures which they had adopted, in a moment of passion, and which they thought were necessary after the war ended, were to l>e re repeated and repeated, until it seemed the party in power absolutely intend ed to subvert Republican government and institute centralism, despotism in its stead. It Was believed that there was a sufficient number of patriotic men in the United .States to correct this evil, if by any means they corn? bine together. Here, then, was the situation. — Here was the Democratic party a unit against all these measures. Here was a large portion of the Republican par ty, daily increasing, becoming more and more alarmed, that condemned these continued encroachments upon the Constitution and the rights of the States, and these added together, it was believed, would be sufficient to correct this evil, and turn out of pow er the party who were disposed to continue the encroachments. But the question was, how could this combi nation be effected? Could any pur pose—gentlemen, I submit it to you —could any purpose be higher, ‘no bler, or more patriotic? How could these different elements, agreeing in purpn- , agreeing in principle, equal ly, it ..ruled, equally patriotic—how eoukl they lie combiuea into one solid, compact organization for the purpose of making opposition to this party? The Democratic party had said in its platform of 1868, that all the recon struction policy of Congress was rev olutionary, unconstitutional and void. They had proclaimed their purpose, if they acquired power in the govern ment, to declare this whole recon struction policy a nullity. On that position it was utterly impossible to get the dissatisfied Republicans, the Liberal what I call the patriotic Re publicans—to unite with the Democ racy. And why ? Because upon that theory they would be required to put a party in power who pmelained beforehand, that it was their purpose to undo everything that had \ )een done, even though they might depre cate much that had been done, much that they’ had done themselves, yet the process of undoing they feared, might work another revolution, and where the process of undoing would end, nobody could tell. It was im possible, therefore, for the Republi cans to unite w ith the Democrats up on this point, and besides, to ask them to do it was to ask them to stul tify themselves. On the other hand, it was impossible for the Democratic party ever to say that these amend ments and reconstruction acts w r ere wise, were just, were right. They Uiu not believe it. They were not wise they were not just," they were not right, and it was impossible for that portion of the Democratic party living in the Southern States ever to dishonor themselves by such a con cession as that. [Applause.] How now, was it impossible to bring these fora common purpose, together 7 GbaUemen, when men really wish to accomplish a good, common purpose, the old adage that “where there is a will there is a way,” is true in politics as in other things. Here was a solu tion of the whole matter. The Dem cratic party and the Democrats en gaged in tills move were not requir ed to admit that either the amend-' ments or the reconstruction policy, in substance or in form, were either wise, just or right. But they did agr<*e to admit that they were accom pTislit-d facts. Right or wrong, the tiling had been done, and right or wrong the thing had to remain done until the people, in the exercise of their sovereign power, should recover sufficient virtue to undo them in tl»e peacable constitutional way. This j was the only concession on earth any member of the IJemocratic party ever proposed to make. To concede that a fact exists, by no means implies or concedes that it ought to exist. It does not make you responsible for its existence. Rut what was the con cession to be made by the Republicans who were dissatisfied with their own party? Why, they were absolutely to quit their "party— to abandon it in the zenith of its power, to abandon it in the control of the Government and unite their fortunes with the Demo cratic party for the purpose of turn ing out their former comrades [ap plause,] and they were perfectly wil ling to unite with the Democracy on this basis; simply ignore all issues upon the reconstruction i>oliey, put it back where you put the war" seces sion, as things of the past; unite to- 1 gether in the living present to a make a glorious future. [Applause.] Well, these gentlemen of the Republican party were perfectly willing to do j this, and to unite with the Demo cratic party for these purposes, on condition only that the Democratic party should show that it was capa ble of organizing upon that position, i for, if the Democratic party in at- j tempting to organize upon that igni tion, should go to pieces, or fail, of course there could he no inducement i for the Liberal Republicans to unite: with a divided Democracy. I be-, lieve, and I will say it to their cred- ! it, that every single prominent lead ing member of the Democratic party | in the Northren States believed that i the Democrats would come to this i position. Mr. Vallandigham made! the iniative move. Why? Because! of all men in the North, he was sup posed to be the last one who would be suspected of possible infidelity to , the Democratic party. Born a Dem- ; ocrat, raised a Democrat, incapable j of any infidelity to the principles or purposes of the Democratic party, j but a patriot as he come forward to | make this movement, which I confi dently believe will succeed [great ap- i plause,] with the sole purpose of sav- j ing the country. Now, fellow-citi-1 zens, I call your attention to the fact: that this"movement made not the slightest concession of principle on the part of the Democratic party. It made nothing in the world blit the concession of a historical fact. It based that concession upon two ideas. One was, that the central govern ment, in every department, would recognize and administer these amendments, right or wrong ; that there was no right of appeal to any higher power; that the Supreme Court of the United States would fail to give any relief against them, upon the ground that they w ere un constitutional, declaring them polit ical measures to be decided by Con- j gress, and beyond the power of the : court to review. That being the ; case, there was no other alternative j left by which to fight that policy, ex- j cept to appeal to the people, and the I people at this time, it was believed, were not in condition to hear the ap peal, therefore they were simply al- j lowed to pass by and be treated as historical facts, and I call your atten tion to one distinct fact. 1 wish you to understand there was no member of the Democratic party, North or 1 South, ever dreamed, under any cir- I cumstances, of conceding the jus tice or the righteousness of the re- i construction policy. Every assertion i to the contrary is a slander which | ought to bring the blush of shame to all who have uttered it. [ Applause.] There was no purpose in the move ment to collude with what is called the Radical party in power. On the contrary, the avowed underlying purpose was to organize the patriots of the country, in order to turn that power. [Applause. | Higher, nobler, more patriotic impulses never en tered the bosoms of any men of this country in any period of its history. [Applause.] Coifvention after Con vention of the Democratic party was called at the North and it, only be cause, unfortunately, opposition in the party itself was made to such an extent as to defeat any capacity in the Democratic par ty to organize with all its forces upon that platform, and the saddest view of the fact is that that opposition came in bitter terms and chiefly from the Southern States, i which were to be chiefly benefltted by : the movement. That great and good i man—that man whom I shall go to j my grave lovipg—that true patriot | and "noble statesman, in an hour of I thoughtlessness, and with no expec- j tatiou of bein<* misunderstood, or to ' take the position ascribed to him— J our former President, Jefferson Davis, [applause,]—in the State of Georgia, i at this juncture, unfortunately said that he accepted nothing—unfortu-1 nately said to the people of the South | that their cause would yet triumph. These remarks were caught up by the miserable creatures hanging around him for the purpose of misrepresent ing him. They were circulated throughout the North and heralded i as evidence to tbepeopleof the North i i that the Democratic people of the; j South would never come into this j movement, not even recognizing the j ! amendments as historical facts, or! make any concessions, at all, but were i i simply rebellious still. Unfortunate- j ly other distinguished gentleman in- 1 uulged in very extreme utterances upon this subject. Some, 1 have no j idea, ever intended what was attrib-1 uted to them, but they were under- 1 j stood as meaning that the Southern j people wanted another war. Uufor ; tunately then another great and good 1 ‘ man, Mr. Stephens, commenced edit ing a paper, and his paper was full of i statements that these amendments should be treated as nullities, and when the Democratic candidate was elected, that he was to proclaim them as such. Why! these men were rep resented as the representative men of the South—as controlling the South ami with out the South the Democrat ic party was powerless, and, therefore, the leaders at the North, feeling that the party at the South was unjust to them, they lost spirit, they’ became in different and said if the South will ac cept no movement w’hich will relieve them, if they’ will not act on patriotic grounds, why let the South go. That indifference at the North thus pro duced caused this move to fail. The Democracy was defeated in nearly all l V State elections last fall. Gentle- j IT tei, it is one of the saddest portions i [’ftW history’ of this country’ that | i those vho brought forward this move- j ment \\< Te slandered as unworthy’ of [ your trust and confidence. That | great and man, Vallandigham, was declared to be no Democrat, was ! I declared to be A traitor to liis party’. 1 He was held up Y>y men who were t neoplytes in their v ,artv as false and j i unta-ue. Unfortunately the man was j not allowed to see bv.s vindication. I He went to his grave, doubtless his I proud and noble spirit llvore uained j I by the slanders of men who wprp no t worthy to loose the of his [ shoes, than was his body by th e cru _ l el bullet which took away hi* pf e j ! [Applause.] But I must hasten on. V hat b„ w was to be done ? But before I pa^ from this point I desire to call your CARTERSYILLE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE *7, 187*. attention distinctly to one thought.— It has been charged, as an outrage, that a few hundred thousand Repub licans, at most, should require the whole Democratic party, with its re ported three millions of votes, to come over to them, instead of a few hun dred thousand Republicans going to them, and that is compared to a tug boat carrying a big steamer into the harbor. Well, let me tell you. The; original belief was that these Repub licans would come into the Democrat ic party, but only on condition that the Democratic party could manifest sufficient strength to win the light | upon that principle, and if the at-1 tempt was made and failed by reason J of the extreme opinions to which I j have alluded, the Republicans could • not be expected to join a divided De mocracy. Well, what was to be done? "Something was to be done.— Was the whole cause to be surrender ed ? Was centralism to go on ?—; Was the General Government still to | continue its oppression ? Day by day ! these outrages continued to be multi plied. They passed what was called the bayonet bul in its second edition, i Then came the Ku-Klux bill, then came the authority to suspend the writ of habeas corpus in time of peace. What was to be done? It was now, for the first time suggested that that j portion o f the Republican party i which was dissatisfied with the ad ministration of the Government to , manifest their sincerity and their faith to principle and by first them- j separating from the party to which j they belonged and organize anew j party of their ow r n. It was now re-1 membered that it was just tried in Missouri. In that State the Demo crats were oppressed, and this ex treme wing of the Republican party was in power. Gratz Brown, Carl Schurz and Gen. Frank Blair made what you call the coalition. The Re publican party in Missouri organized upon substantially the same position to which I have alluded and they de throned the Radical party of Missou ri. They found the Htate in fetters and unfettered it, and enfranchised the Democrats and made Mis souri the most Democratic State in the Union. The suggestion then was that these Republicans should organ ize in the nation upon this same idea, and if they could successfully organ ize upon that position, the belief was that the Democratic party would come to their support. Very well, a call was made that the Republicans entertaining this purpose, and wil ling to cut loose from the ruling dy nasty, should meet at Cincinnati on the Ist of May and organize upon that basis. One of the most distin guished orators of the Union took the lead, and going into the different parts of the West, and coming as far South as Nashville, made speeches in favor of the move, and they were grand orations full of patriotism. Rut soon the move seemed to wane, and those who looked to it with hope, as the means of redemption from the oppression then existing, began to grow faint, and just at this critical period of the move, a large number of the Republicans of New York, with Horace Greeley at the head, came out and joined the movement, i [Applause.] Soon the Cooper Institute meeting was called, and then for the first time Senator Trumbull, of Illinois, took open and firm position with the Liberals. It went on swelling daily. It grew into large proportions. One of the most patriotic conventions of our history assembed at Cincinnati the first day of May last. They or ganized, and the platform which they adopted embodies in a large degree the principles of the Democratic par ty. They put in a few words that contain a little pepper and vinegar, but they w r ere slight. Nobody dreamed that Mr. Greeley would be come the nominee of the party, be cause a revenue tariff was expected to be a plank, and it was considered an insuperable barrier to Mr. Gree lev’s nomination. But wise and pa triotic men in a great cause will not let small things stand in the way of success. Therefore it was proposed that this question of the tarilf should he referred hack to the people and let the people settle the question to suit themselves. This removed the difficulty, and Mr. Greeley, a timely supporter, was nominated, and Gratz Brown, one of the original movers, wher struck the shackles from the Democrats of Missouri, was put as the second man. [Applause. | With this movement at Cincinnati j the Democratic party had no active [ connection. It is true that a great | many sympathised with it. it is true that a large portion of the Dem- i ocrats declared that if the Convention ! at Cincinnati should succeed in adopting a sensible platform they would recommend their party to make no nomination, but uniting ( W T ith them in defeating a common | enemy. Now, fellow-citizens, you have in j a few words the orgin, the meaning, j the purpose and the philosophy of | what some have styled the New Do- j parture. [Applause.] And it is brim [ full of patriotism from its original in- j eeption to this hour. Now the question is. what will the j Democratic party do? That is the! question I came here to discuss with you to-night. The regular Radical, i thorough-bred centralizing party j have since assembled at Philadelphia, made a platform in direct antagon- ! ism with the platform at Cincinnati, have nominated their candidates and ask your support. The issue is joined bet ween these two parties. They are getting ready for the battle. It is to be a contest for liberty. It is to be a ' contest against empire. It is to be a j contest against the suspension of the j glorious writ of habeas corpus. [Ap- I plause.] It is to be a contest against j Federal bayonet supervision of State j elections. It is to be a contest for the j equality of the Southern States and | the Southern people. [Great Ap- i plause.] The wager of battle has been ! given ; the tocsin of conflict has been I sounded, and these gallant men—l; am courageous enough to call them ! gallant—these men who quit their | party in the zenith of its power, who 1 j surrendered the offices that were in their gift, and organized anew party for this great battle, invites your cb operation. [Applause.] That’s all. ! Now the Democratic party has to do j one of two things. It must either: nominate at Baltimore a ticket of its j own, or it must support the Cincin- j nati movement. 1 need not answer ' another alternative propounded by Judge Stephens last night. He said : I Suppose the Convention at Baltimore ; should nominate Grant. I don’t sup-! pose any such a foolish thing, j [Laughter and applause.] What I; suppose is that the Democratic party i will either nominate a ticket of its ' own, on a platform of its own, or it j will co-operate with the Cincinnati move—one or the other, and whatev er it shall do, it is going to do as a par ty ; it is going to do by its organiza tion, and it is not going to disband and turn you all loose to stray any where you want to go. Now I ad mit this is a question upon which Democrats may honestly differ, whether you shall go in favor of an independent nomination, or whether, under the circumstances you will be most useful to the country by co-ope rating with the Cincinnati movement. It is a question on which the Derno- I crats can honestly differ, and on which they ought to be allowed to differ, and on which they do differ. The matter is becoming warm, and I ex | eeedingly deprecate the feeling that . is being engendered in some quarters. We are all friends, we all desire the ! same end. No enemy is engaged in this. I tell my friend, who spoke last night so eloquently, no mau is engaged in this move who is opposed to State \ rights. The only difference betwiwu us is, what is the most effective poli cy to recover the lost rights of the States. Apylause.] Some think our most effective course would be by go ing with Cincinnati. Well, if" you think so, you ought to go there, i Some think we can succeed more ef fectively by nominating a straight ticket at Baltimore- Well, if that be so, thank God, no man is more willing to take that course than the one who addresses you. 1 admit that it is a question that has two sides. It Ls a question that ought to be calmly and disjias sionately discussed, and I protest against that spirit which denounces all who will not go in a certain di rection as traitors. [Applause.] We all are Democrats in this move, and we all want to get back to the Canaan of local State government and con stitutional limitations upon Federal power. [Applause.] The only dif ference is some of our friends "want to get to the land of Canaan at one bound, and some hesitate because the Red Sea and the wilderness are to be crossed. I am willing to traverse the wilder ness and tread even a winding way, iif it only can lead me back to Canaan. But some declare they never intend to leave the bondage of Egypt unless j they can reach the promised laud at a bound. Well, my opinion is that they will die and be buried in Egypt. [Laughter and applause.].That is my opinion. Well, now r who is to settle this question ? Who is to determine ! whether the Democratic party will go ! with Cincinnati or go by itself? Who is to determine it? When friends j differ there ought to be an umpire. We have got no court to appeal to; ' who can determine it. I say Demo- j erats assembled in Baltimore will de termine it, and you and I ought to go with them, whatever they determine. ; [Great Applause. I Well, said my distinguished friend i last night, I will agree to abide by Baltimore, provided Baltimore will decide according to my ideas. [Laughter.| Well, everybody has a ! right to agree provided Baltimore will decide the principle as he understands it, and every mau is a party by him- 1 self. What is to become of us? I put it to your candor, I put it to your reason, is it reasonable for one man. for two men, for three men, for I he- [ lieve that is about all [great laughter | ; to stand up before the Democracy of i this country and say they will agree ! with the party, provided the party will agree with them first? Weil, if that is reasonable, then there is no use of going to Baltimore at all. Just let the three call you together and tell you what to do. [Laughter and ap plause.] We have either got to do it, or else we have got to be traitors, and cowards, and thieves and Radicals. [Laughter.] I remonstrate against all such arguments. If I were firing shot at an enemy, I would make him feel it on this point, but I am firing only at erring friends and from the bottom of my heart, I call to them come back and let us go to Baltimore. [Laughter and applause, j Let us all go together and let us all co-operate together, and if there is any fighting to be done, let us all fight together, and if there is any dying to be done, let us all die together. [Applause.) Now this is just what I want to do. j Fellow-citizens, if it were not for a j certain reason, which perhaps you will see in the progress of the argu ment, 1 would end this address right now. I would not enter upon the discussion of that question still j behind, as to what nomination Bal- j timore ought to make. Whatever may be my individual opinion upon that subject, 1 want you to under stand that if Baltimore differs with me, I admit my opinion is wrong, and I am going with Baltimore. [Applause.] I shall not set my judgment up as against the whole party. When I set out with this move eighteen months ago, God knows there was not the smallest crevice in my heart, that could har bor a purpose to do anything but contribute all my humble powers would permit to devise some scheme by winch the Democratic party, un der its own standard bearers, could go to victory. [Applause.] I may remark here, in passing, that I an ticipated Mr. Yallandigham’s move ment, by some months, for a reason applicable alone to Georgia. Know ing- that steps would be taken by certain parties to endeavor to secure another reconstruction of the State, by setting aside the election if it should go Democratic —I simply put myself in position to counteract that movement, and as far as this State has been concerned, the result has been entirely satisfactory. Gentle men, everywhere the people are sending up shouts that we have the Government in our own hands. This truly Is an occasion for rejoicing, but let it be remembered that this result is not attributable, in the least degree, to our ultra friends. On the contrary, these results have been ac complished, not only without their aid, but in spite of their unfortunate folly. If these gentlemen who took extreme positions had been concur red with, you would, to-night, while I speak, be under the administration of a, Radical Legislature, with Bul lock for Governor, and bonds issuing like thumb-papers. But I say, what shall Baltimore do? Shall she go with Cincinnati, or shall she nominate a ticket? Fellow citi zens, 1 confess to you frankly, that this question has given me great 1 trouble. Ido not disguise it. I do [ not know that any question for solu tion has been submitted to my mind, | to which I have given more "serious j and earnest consideration. I have j endeavored to look at it in every | light possible. I have endeavored to [ exercise upon it clear, cool, dispas sionate reason ; suppressing my feel ings, for I confess to you if I allowed my prejudices and my feelings to take possession of my judgment, I would every hour of my life pray God to spare me to the day that I could gather this whole record of recon struction infamy into one pile and make one grand bondfire of it. But | hush! hush ! You and I have been i taught by bitter experience to submit to many things that wore not agreea ble, and we may have to submit to ; many more. We must obey what | the courts declare to be the law. We have no right to set up our judgment as the only standard of our action, [ whether we approve or not. There- : fore I am perfectly willing to gather secession, the war"and reconstruction into one triune bundle of infamy and ; bury them out of sight forever. But I my reason brings me to the conclu | sion that the Baltimore Convention i ought and will accomplish most good i by co-operating with the Cincinnati ! movement. [Applause.] If I could ; have had the construction of the plat form, I would have made it in some I i respects different. If I could have had the nomination of the candidates, ! i I certainly would have made them : different. If the Democratic party ; could muster all its forces, I might lie willing to see them make an indepen j dent nomination. I wish it could be done*, and done successfully, and if it j shall turn out that it can lie done, no > i mar will rejoice more earnestly than ; ! myself. But I will proceed to give j my reasons why I think we had bet ; ter co-operate with Cincinnati. Mr. Greeley lias said and done many things which I need not tell you I do not approve—you need not approve, but Mr. Greeley has always beer in favor of one policy which re lieves me of the most vital objection to h;is support. He never has at any time approved of those odious fea tures of the reconstruction policy which disfranchised the virtue and , intelligence of the South and enfran- I chised the ignorance and vice of the j South. [Applause.] He has stood up | like a mau from t&e beginning and protested against every one of these odious features of the "reconstruction policy. You know that the main reason why I never could, I never can and never will, while God gives me grace to remember that I am a Southern man and a white man. ap prove these measures, because they affect my honor, because they ask the Southern people to give that policy validity by their own consent, ask them to consent to a policy which de graded the white men of" the South by consenting ttiat the master should be in chains, while their slaves should be unfettered torobthem. [Applanae.J That is why I never eoukl and never can endorse that policy. As I said before, in 1867 and in 1868, when all of you concurred with me, I said all that then and tried to prove it, but I sail! that when Congress passed out side of the Constitution to oppress the Southern people, when the members of that body trampled upon their own oaths to gratify their feeling of ven geance against the Southern people and asked the Southern people to give vitality to that action by their con sent. I said to General Grant and to General Pope, and I thank God that I said it, that I would takeanything, death, confiscation, exile, martyrdom but consent to that infamy never! [Applause.] Now, Mr. * Greeley comes to our relief upon that point. Though acting with the Republican party, he, from the beginning, pro tested against these features of this policy. Therefore, I don’t, nor do you, violate that principle of honor that we should ever hold dear, by supporting Mr. Greeley. That I put foremost as why I am willing to vote for him. There is another reason why I like Mr. Greeley. He has never been what is called a partisan, and an independent thinker, I think has the greatest honesty. I pity any man when I see a man get up before an audience and talk about building up a party. You must use party to accomplish a good purpose. You must act harmoniously with party, but when it comes to thought be in dependent. Independence of thought and harmony in action is the business of all who associate in party move ments. Now, to the history of Mr. Greeley: Why, I remember before the war lie defied his party in the very hour of its fanaticism, and boldly declared that if the Southern people desired to secede, they had a perfect rigid to do so. But. said the gentleman, after the war began he prosecuted the war. That is true. Can you object to that? Mr. Greeley honestly thought that the Southern States had a right to secede. But when the North waged war anyhow, and the South waged war also, why Mr. Greeley joined his own side. Well, I opposed secession, and a great many other gentlemen opposed secession, but when our States seceded we went with the States through the war. [Applause.] Now, if you quarrel with Mr. Gree ley for going with his State, you must proscribe me for the same rea son. I would go with it again under the same circumstances. [Applause.] I have nothing to take back nor to apologize for, upon that subject. The onlv difference between us is, that he happened to be on that side and I on this. That is all. But Mr. Greeley was against the whole party upon the subject of peace. There was no day of the war that he was not will ing to negotiate upon the subject of peace, on terms honorable to both parties. Some represent Mr. Gree ley as a vindictive man ; but it is not true. I call to my mind that at one time, | when the Confederate Government sent Commissioners around to Cana da, to open negotiations with West ern Democrats. Our Commissioners were there, and, so far as I know, or believe, or remember, Horace Gree ley was the only man in the North, Democrat or Republican, that had the courage to go to Canada and have friendly and honorable communica tion with our people. [Applause.) Even the Democrats—even the Dem- : ocrats of the North refused to enter-1 tain propositions from us, or to treat. with us. Horace Greeley was the; only man that defied his party and [ acted upon his conscience as a patriot | and went t here ready to enter in terms ; of peace consistent with the honor of | both sections on the basis of preserv-1 ing the Union. [Applause.] After the war terminated, and our flag was furled and our noble chief, than whom no people ever had no- j bier, was a prisoner, in chains, and ; the bloodhounds of the North were after his blood, he exhibited the high est moral courage. As I walked j through the streets of New York, my self a prisoner, the first time I ever j saw that city, I saw streaming from all their public buildings, humiliating pictures of Jefferson Davis, in wo men's clothes and in chains. I heard their maniac cries for his blood. The ; first sound that saluted my ears, when ! I entered the dungeon, was the miser able jailors, saying: “You ought to feel honored because you occupy a dungeon in which I had prepared to chain Jeff Davis.” I replied to him: “ I do feel honored, and if you had chained him, a criminal would have chained a patriot.” [Applause.] Soon after Mr. Lincoln’s unfortunate assassination, when passions were inflamed, as I never saw them among any people, it was then that this man ; Horace Greeley defied his party alone and went to Richmond and dared to become the surity of this man, and did do it. [Great Applause.] Be cause of the manhood, because of the moral courage it exhibits, that is why I admire it. “ Why,” says the gen tleman, “he deserves more credit than Gen. Grant, who threatened, if Gen. Lee was molested, he would re sign his commission.” Why, my friends, don’t you see the vast differ ence between the two ? Grant did that as a soldier. That was the con dition on which Lee surrendered— that he was not to be disturbed. Grant was under a solemn pledge to' protect Geri. Lee. He would have been false to his honor as a soldier if he had not done it. But Mr. Greeley had given no pledge to Jeff Davis. His act was a voluntary act. His act was not done for the purpose of re deeming a pledge but to illustrate a principle. [Applause.] I am not saying these things to pro- i nounce a eulogy on Mr. Greeley; but I like independence and moral cour age. In some matters I like a man that is yielding, that defers to the opinions of others, but when it comes , to acts of manhood, then it is that I like to see a man act as becomes a man. I That Horace Greeley has done in his whole history. There is no political principle in this, I admit; but I am just giving the reason why the South- \ ern man is not inconsistent to vote j for Horace Greeley. I am willing to co-operate with this Cincinnati movement for another reason, which is, for the good that 1 believe it will accomplish, as evi denced by the good it has already accomplished. Now, fellow citizens, I want to call your attention to the fact that this very move has already accomplished three important things. In the first place it has accomplished a large amnesty. The Republican party had refused to pass the bill re moving the disabilities from the Southern people at all. It had come up over and over again. They had managed to vote it down. Greeley had always advocated it. When this Cincinnati Convention met and passed resolutions demanding it, and Grant’s party saw that the issue would be joined upon that subject, they promptly passed the bill, and thus disabilities were removed from all but a few of our Southern people. My distinguished friend said last night that he was an outlaw, and that :it was an outrage. And so it is. I Horace Greeley says it is an outrage. Horace Greeley has always said so. [Applause.! The nomination has stricken the fetters from my limbs. The election of Horace Greeley will strike the fetters from yours, (point ing to General Toombs.) [Applause] Another good thing that this move has accomplished is this. The most dangerous bill, in my opinion, ever attempted, for the purpose of central izing the American Government, is known as what is called the “ Force Bill”—the “ Bayonet bill,” by which the Federal Government, through its own officers, takes charge of the elec tion precincts of the country through out the nation. I saw the "infamy of this measure. 1 made a visit to New York expressly’ to beg the people, the authorities of New York, when the experiment was first attempted upon that Btate, to resist it, and it was the passage of that measure, as one of the outrages, that proceeded and gave rise to this new departure. When that measure was passed, it then only applied to a few large towns. General Grant tried the ex periment of enforcing that measure upon New York. My own opinion was, and the opinion of the leading Democrats was, that if New York submitted to that interference with State elections, that the Republican party would enlarge its powers, and by’ 1872 would have a bill passed which would authorize Gen. Grant to take control of all the precincts and declare the election as he pleased. Sure enough, in 1870 and 1871 an amendatory bill was introduced and passed enlarging the powers of the President upon that subject, and dur ing the last session of Congress a bill was introduced to give the President authority to take possession of every’ election precinct in the United Staff's. How was that move defeated ? It was not altogether defeated, a hard struggle ensued. It was modified and the most of its odious features were stricken out, and now, the President, instead of the right to ar rest and imprison voters, without the privilege of habeas corpus, till the election is over, lias no right, but simply to allow men to go and look on anil make report. How was that accomplished? By a coalition—by’ a combination of the Democracy’ and the Liberal Republicans. That vic tory was won and that iniquity’ was defeated, [ applause| and that I con sider one of the greatest victories won. Fellow-citizens, I congratulate you. His chief machinery, the great engine which was to be put in the hands of General Grant during the pending election, by’ which lie would be enabled to control it, has been de feated by’the management, by the combination, by the coalition if y’ou K’ease, of the Greeley men and the emocrats. Oh, in the face of such a patent, such a glorious truth, how I could look with utter contempt upon the poor creature that, hyena like, could go back into the far records of this patriot and dig up some little things to object to. I feel’ that this move has accomplished much for you and me. Now I don’t believe the Democratic party’ could have done this, because Grant "was willing to re sist to the last that party’ alone, but General Grant and his party could not resist the Greeley and Cincinnati Convention united in this work. The third thing to which I alluded as accomplished by this move is this. You remember that at the last session of Congress a bill was passed author izing the suspension of habeas corpus, and the bill was to be in force till the adjournment of the present session. Prior to the adjournment, that party, the Republican party, brought for ward a move for the purpose of con tinuing that act in force, and it was a most dangerous blow at the liberties of the people. Even the bayonet bill would be shorn of some of its power by the de feat of the suspension of habeas cor pus; but when the President had the right to arrest a voter, right at the polls, and imprison him until after the election, you see what the conse quences would be. Well, my friends, when the Republicans brought for ward the bill to prolong this power, again the Democrats and Greeley men united and defeated it, and thus to this move it is owing that you and I to-day—to-night—need no longer dread marshal law. Marshal law has been threatened upon this State sev eral times, as it has been actually en forced in North Carolina and in South Carolina. Their citizens have been in chains in time of peace with this writ suspended, and marched off to Northern prisons for imprisonment. Thank God this can no longer be. Grant lias no more power to take away the liberties of the people by r the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus than you and I have, and that glorious result is attributable to the combination of the Democrats and the Greeley Republicans. [Ap plause.] Now, those are the three things—amnesty, the modification of the bayonet bill and the restoration of the writ of habeas corpus. These three tilings alone are worth the Cin cinnati movement, and are enough to inspire the great and noble with grat itude for the accomplishment of it. [Applause.] Therefore, as this much good has already been done, I argue from that that much other good may be done, and will be done. There is another reason why I am willing to support the Cincinnati movement if the Baltimore Conven tion shall so order it, and that is this: that Mr. Greeley’ had no expectation of being elected without the Demo cratic voters, and if he shall be elect ed, that same election will carry’ into the House of Representatives a ma jority of Democrats, and when you have got in that body a majority of Democratic, the President is power less to do harm. [Toombs —That’s a strong point.] My friend justly’ says it is a strong point. It is one; and that alone is worth the experiment. Again, the indications from Dem ocratic action already had, show very clearly’ that the great body df the party"is decidedly in tavor of co-op erating with the Baltimore move ment. It matters but little now what y’ou and I might have preferred. We cannot, if we would, arrest this cur rent. Os thirteen States, which have up to this time, held conventions and appointed delegates to Baltimore, only* one has instructed her delegates to insist on what is called a straight Democratic ticket. That one excep tion is Delaware, which has only three votes in the Electoral College. You cannot forget your friends wiio so greatly’ outnumber y’on. You but help the enemy by quarreling with your friends. " There can be neither safety’, nor policy’, nor principle, ex cept "in going with Baltimore. The distinguished gentleman who addressed y’ou last night, (General Toombs, i said lie was glad this test of party fidelity had come. He was now going to winnow the Greeley chaff from the true Democratic wheat and he was going to chalk the true Democrats on the back and kick the others out! Well, I will not quarrel with this true and valiant gentleman, but I will suggest a bar gain for his own ease and benefit. If he will postpone the chalking divis ion of his labors for sixty days, I think he will find in Georgia only’ three backs to chalk, and they will be so sick as to be utterly indifferent. [Repeated rounds of laughter and applause.] If he will only forbear to begin the kicking process for over a much less period, he will find the undertaking so hu»e he will recon sider his rash resolve and abandon the job. If he will not so abandon it, he will illustrate the wisdom and courage of a certain wise animal, who, seeing the engine and train coming towards him under full speed bravely planted himself on the track, threw his tail in the air, pawed the ground with his two feet, and loudly bellowed out, “If that traitorous and cowardly Greeley eugine run against him he would "butt it off the track.” [Great laughter.} The last 1 saw of that animal he was badly chalked. [ Renewed laugh ter.] In the same breath our friend said “ he would, with great pleasure, i vote for the Devil or John Brown’s ghost before he would vote for either Greeley or Grant.” How harmoni ously men’s ideas with their feelings unconsciously flow ! Oil his line of passion and hate 1 think the Devil for President and John Brown's ghost for Vice President would be the very best ticket lie eoukl nomi nate! [Vociferous applause.] On that line our fioor deluded iSouth has l*et*n carried lower and lower and still lower, and I now know of no i lower place save tin; Dominions of our friend’s favorite candidate. [Sen sation and applause.] If the gentle man’s candidate should be ekn-ted, 1 pray that he may’ not Unit place in that administration. Kick out, indeed ! Kick out New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana—all the Staff's but Delaware! Kick out Hendricks, and Pendleton, and Sey mour, and Hoffman, and Adams, and all the great life-long leaders of the Democratic party, except three latter-born in Georgia ! Judge Stephens, last night, begged you in most excited, pathetic strains to repudiate Mr. Greeley for the sake of down-trodden South Carolina her-1 self, with the unanimous voice of her convention, implores you in tones louder than the clank of her chains to elect Mr. Greeley as the only hope for her relief. [Enthusiastic applause. [ ; Mr. Vorhees has been alluded to as advising for a straight Democratic ticket. But Mr. Voorhees’ State (In diana) has spoken, through her Con vention, in the most emphatic man ner, for Cincinnati indorsement, and Mr. Vorhees himself will abide the; decision at Baltimore, and he is, and ever has been, an honest man, a true - man, and a patriot. [Applause.] The truth is, the decision for Baltimore has been rendered by the Democrat ic people before Baltimore meets, and whether you like it or not, it is your duty to concur. So then even if the Democratic par- ; ty’ as a unit could elect a straight : Democratic ticket with the divisions now manifest, success on that line would be impossible. And here i ; wish 1 could impress upon the South | one truth our people ought to learn. It is this: There are thousands of the ! best Democrats in the North who be lieve and affirm that one chief reason why the Democratic party is kept in a minority in the nation and in the Northern States is because of certain ultraisms at the South which they have been and are required to bear in ! season and out of season. They ap plaud you for refusing to give vitality to the reconstruction policy by your j consent. This was necessary to save 1 your honor. But without your eon- j sent, and by force, reconstruction has I become an accomplished fact. Every ! department of the government recog nizes and enforces the amendments. All the people submit to them. Now, j for us of the South to insist that the Democratic party shall go before the people on a platform and with candi dates pledged to treat the amend ments as nullities, is simply to insist that the Democratic party shall sub- j jeet itself to the charge of defying the government, of disobeying the courts, | and of seeking to get "power only to j undo all the results of the war, even j to the extent of re-establishing sla- I very, if every law resulting from force and successful usurpation is but I a nullity’, then everything done since 1 secession is a nullity; and to require the Democratic party to approve or refute this logic is a burden they can not bear before the Northern people in their present temper, and must con stantly insure their defeat and make the wrongs and usurpations of which we complain perpetual. They’, there fore do not ask us to approve, but only to bury reconstruction with the sur render, and secession with tin* dead past, and obey the Jaws as the courts and authorities decide them, as the only way to stop the ever increasing evils of a revolution which secession madly began, and which reconstruc tion, with greater madness, seems determined shall never end. And I j tell you, my r Southern friends, abuse what y r ou call the new departure as j y’ou may’, you will get no other plat-) form at Baltimore. The Democracy’, j whether with or without Cincinnati, will not go into the canvass with : Southern ultraisms—such as y*ou \ heard here last night—as their recog nized and representative sentiment, i Whether Greeley and Brown, or j straight out nominees be candidates they will stand on what you call the i New Departure platform. They will pledge you to abide and to obey’, in good faith, all the amendments and all the laws as verities until the peo ple, in a legal way, shall choose to change them. Our Northern friends complain, and justly complain of those ultra Southern men who allow themselves to utter contrary senti ments as the only true Democracy. To get rid of those ultraisms and the charges to which they subject the Democratic party before the Northern people, is one of the chief reasons j which creates the necessity’, as they think, of adopting the Cincinnati Platform and nominees. Still another reason for co-operation with j Cincinnati results from the one just stated, j If the Democratic party were *o enter the race on the platform of 1808, and under their own nominees, anil were (o’get an actualjma- I jority of the votes, it is believed [they would , still not secure the offices. As against Democracy on the platform that the amend ments are nullities, it is believed the ruling party would and could hold the Government by force and would be sustained by the Northern people; while as against the plat form and candidates of the Liberal Repub- ! licans, so securing a majority of the votes, i they would not dare to make such an j attempt. i And behold here another illustration of : I the dangers of extreme views and intolerent j ; tempers. How long. Southern people, must, j i you suffer bitter experience before you learn : I the great lesson that indiscreet zealots, con -1 trolled by passion, may do more to destroy j the cause they advocate than all the power 1 iof the most malignant enemy could do ? 1 What have you not already lost and suffered | ! from this very evil? Ido not desire to stir | any unpleasant feeling, but we must not re fuse to learn wisdom from our errors. I | speak what history must record as true when 1 I say that the re-opening of the slavery agi- J 1 tation, by the repeal of the Missouri Coin- ; promise did more to destroy slavery’ than all j the abolition societies of the world. Vot : that repeal was made in the avowed interest i of the rights of slavery, and every Southern i man who did not approve it and support the party that sustained it, was denounced as ; unsound on slavery, and not fit to be trust ed by the people ! [ History will adjudge that when we hur- 1 ried unprepared and in passion into sescs sion, we made the movement which des- ! troyed the partisan power of the South in I the government. And yet that move- i ment was admirable to secure Southern in dependence and promote Southern power, and every roan who could sot approve It was denounced as a traitor to his section. History will declare when all the facts are known, that the internal dissensions crea ted by the quarrel kept up with theUqoiva side by distinguished men in, the Confe<Te»- : acy, did more to bring on defeat and I*6- i miliation than all the armies of Grant and ; Sherman. Yet that war was made by Con- j federates on the Confederate Government j avowedly in the name of liberty, and eve- [ ry man who unii-ed in giving earnest and ! unmurmuring support to out leaders in the ! field and in the cabinet were denounced as ; the enemies of liberty, seeking to estab lish a military despotism. In the name of slavery, slavery was des troyed. In the name of independence, Southern independence was destroyed. In the name of liberty and right. Southern , defeat and humiliation was wrought. And this same felt spirit of extreme unreasoning > unyielding, intolerant, self-sufficient and : i self-immaculate egotism and zeal, for twelve j I months has been binding into its exclusive j deadly embrace the Democratic party, and in the name of the “only true Democracy,” will destroy Democracy itself forever,' if not now rebuked and repudiated by the people. [Applause.] It will then have, but one more work of destruction to per form, and that will be sure—that now being done Dinning forever, in place and out of ! place, into the ears of the people, their ! own self-patented exclusive right to define and protect State rights. Indiscreet zeal- ! ots seem determined never to cease their 1 tll-t.med clamoring until, in the name of! Mate rights, they shall destroy the States I themselves! [Applause.) These tireless outrages of everything they advocate, are always known by the fluent facility with which they denounce ‘ l everybody as a traitor, a robber or foot who will not be as indiscreet and destructive as j themselves. What a cata'oguc we had last i night of thieves, and robbers and Radicals, made up of all classes and trades and pro- [ iessions of men who were willing to sup- [ port Mr. Greeley. I tell these gentlemen there are thousands in Georgia just as honest as true anti wise as ; themselves and who intend to vote for Mr. J lireeley if Ba’tinjore shall so decide. Nav, ; I tell them more, if to be willing to obey the i laws of the land ; it to be anxious to co- 1 operate with all who are willing to restore local State gouernmeut and Constitutional I limitation upon Federal power, and above all, if to be willing to adopt any honorable means of arresting the wrongs under which we suffer, and to secure equal rights to the Southern States and people in the Union, constitutes a traitor, the biggest fool and the worst robber in America stands beiore you to-night! [Very great applause.] .Now, in the beginning of thig canvass I enter my remonstrance against this intoler ant oratory, and if the gentlemen who indulge 1 iu it have no respect for themselves, they I should at least respect the character of our { people and the gravity of the issue, aud : abandon the ugly if not criminal habit. Another reason why I am willing to sup 1 port Mr. Greeley it the liultimore conven- I tion shall so decide, is because, we, of the ! Boutlt by such support, offer to the North j the highest possible evidence of our sincere i desire to end sectional discord and have a cordial re union. It lias, heretofore, been j difficult for the Northern people to believe | we were sincere in laying down our arms, i and that we agreed cheerfully to the eman cipation oft be negro. ]t has been impossible ! for the Democratic party to inspire this I needed confidence, because that party was I charged with bringing about sesession, aud with a desire to nulify all the results of the war, aud the extreme and thoughtless utter ances of a few Southern men have aided the radicals in their impeachment of Democratic sincerity on these questions. 1 have already explained to you the origin and meaning and purpose of what is called the new departure, 'lliat movement hud the warm approval of all tlie most prominent Northern Democrats, aud was indorsed by ail the Northern State Conventions. It had no purpose but to pre pare the Democracy to make the Presiden tial race under their own flag, borne by their own standard-bearer and a large number of Literal Republicans were willing to co-op erate with the Democracy on this line, if the party could organize on it. There was no concession of a single principle. There was only the admission of the facts which, right or wrong, had occurred. There was no trouble with the Democrats of the North. But., unfortunately, an unexpected bitter ness against this movement was exhibited at the South, aud it is painful to add, chief ly in Georgia. All these utterances were eagerly caught up by the extreme Radicals of the North and pa raded as evidence that the Democratic party was not sincere in the proposed movement to combine with the Liberals to defeat the Ex tremes and save the country. The charges were false; the movement was sincere and pa triotic as you now see, but there arc many at the North as unreasoning as many at the .So'utli —mere creatures or the war passions. The re sult was the Democratic party was defeated aud thus rendered unable, by these Southern utterances, toorganize the party on this move ment and make the race under their cwn Hag, aided by the Republicans. The extreme demagogues of the North will not lie able to make the people believe that Mr. tireelev will utility all the results of the War I and restore slavery. The people of the South exhibit a magnanimity which must excite the | admiration ot the world, and offer conclusive i evidence of their willingness to give up slavery to give the negro his civil and political rights ; under the law, and to have permanent peace aud concord on a basis of universal equality between Ihe States of the Inion, and of civil supremacy aud local freedom by supporting the Cincinnati candidates. If the Northern people do not respond to this niagnanainoiis and patriotic feeling of the South, then let them blame only themselves if discord reign until empire come. The last reason I specify to-night for being willing to support Mr. Greeley, If the liultimore Convention shall so decide, is, that as his elec tion i> more probable than that of a Democratic ticket, mi the orospcct of our deliverance from Federal interference in our local affairs thro’ that election on the Cincinnati platform is more hopeful and will be more speedy. And, after all, my Southern countrymen, this is the great est reason of all. We have Inn little interest in what becomes of the Federal Government, if we cannot get and keep control of our own State Governments. For seven years we have suffer ered under disadvantages w hich no other peo ple ever had to contend with. We have been insulted and robbed, in our poverty and weak ness, by strangers, vagabonds and negroes, un der the protection of the Federal bayonet. Our laws have been deranged, our industry paraly zed, and society demoralized, and our intellect ual and virtuous men forbidden, underthc pen alties oftelony to employ their qualifications to bring about order, security and prosperity. For five years thousands of oiir best people have slept without ease and waked without hope.— Our lands have continued to decrease iu value, the fruits of our toil have been taken by law making aud law-ruling robbers. Thousands have been arrested without warraut, tried with , out law and condemned without guilt, only to j continue in power the strangers and thieves ! who ruled without authority and plundered without compunction. KVen now while I speak they arc carrying citizens of a neighboring state, by Die score, from their desolate but still sunny homes to Northern prisons ! Oh, my countrymen, let us believethe day of our deliv erance is dawning. Let us hope the time for us to begin to improve is near. Weary watchers for returning right to the war-ridden plains of the South, take courage ! It seems to me I am catching the rays of anew star In the Last, guiding you to anew , Bethlehem, where is born, not a man. but that Divine con ception, anew hope for local htate government and constitutional limitations upon Federal power, which means redemption lor you, peace for the nation, and good-will for mankind! | A gentleman having a distinguished name I said, but yesteday, he was gl auto hear 1 was ! willing to accept the Cincinnati movementas it i was good evidence the people would not accept ; it, as they had never followed me. It is difficult i to determine whether the truth or the stupidity of this remark preponderates. It is true 1 have ! not led our people to their present condition. I But when you see whither they have been led, ; is it nbt strangely stupid for any man to refer I to such leadership as an achievement lor boast- I ing? No, rav trionds, I have never led you. I During the whole time of my connection with politics you have been rushing wildly down a declivity, und I have done nothing hut labor to avert your fall. No man can have an humbler estimate ofmy abilities than myself. When I have so often seen evil alter evil coming upon von, and remember hoW unable I have been to avert it, 1 feet humble and insignificant. But your fall is complete. Let it lie at an end. We must win again. And ifUod would commission ; me with an intellect worthy to be a leader, X would ask no other or higher ambition than to | lead you from poverty back to wealth, from ■ defeat back to power, anil from humiliation I and sorrow back to happiness and prosperity! [Great Applause.j FECUNDITY OF DrCKS AND HENS. (Some interesting experiments have - been made upon the comparative fe ! cunditv of ducks and hens, so as to de i termine from which of the two the larger number of be obtained ;in the saute time. For this purpose | three hens and three ducks were se lected, all hatched in February, and 1 nourished with suitable food. In the [ following Autumn the ducks had laid : two hundred and twenty-five eggs, j while the* hens in this case laid none. ; In the following Februarythe laying : season began again with" the ducks, [ and continued uninterruptedly until August. They showed no inclination ; to set, and became very thin, but sub ! sequently fattened up somewhat. In I the meantime the hens had not been | idle. The total number of eggs laid l by the hens amounted to two hundred | and or eighty-six eggs j each ; and the ducks produced three hundred and ninety-two, or one hun dred and thirty-one each. Although the eggs of the ducks were rather smaller than those of the hens, yet they proved to be decidedly superior in nutritive material, so the superior : ity in productiveness appears to be al i together on the side of the ducks.— [ Baltimore Sun. | NEW SCHEDULE. CHEROKEE RAILROAD FROM sad after this date the followia* Schedule will be run ou the Cherokee Rail oad : I.eave Itockmart at * • J-J® • Germantown, Gao “ Tavlorsville, 8:15 “ Stilesboro, , 8:40 * Arrive at CartersvUle,...-. 10:80 “ j Leave Cartersville 2:00 P. M. •* Stilesboro 2:45 “ “ Taylorsville 5:00 “ “ Germantown, 3:40 “ Arrive at Rockmart, 4:15 “ D. W. K. PEACOCK. April IS. 1872. VOL. 13— XO. New Advertise nunts. The Chicago Farm Pumps Paknt PorceUia-Liofd Iron (Minder Pumps Tor OliUrm and Wells of any Depth, v; ' tTTir Are Cheap, Curable and Efficient. OVZEZR, 100,000 SOLD. EVERY PUMP WARRANTED. At? Tarta Cts Bit Tits. Sold everywhere by dealers In Standard Farm chimrv, Hardware and fkntittw Supplies. Descriptive Catalogues scot on noplicalkm. Far terms, addrr-, tt»' manufacturers. J. T. TEMP LX & SONS, cmcACO. n,’ C A LITERS VILLE SALE AM) LIVERY S T A B L Bk AS Till; 01.1 > .STAND Established tweet 7/ years ago, it being in tlftv yard* of tkv Bartow House, a eoinmodious Hotel, kept by J. T. Guthrie, i have l>een in the Livery busi ness for Fourteen Years and all task is, thafc the citizens and traveling public will give me • call, and And ute and the veritable J A. C K S T A r lv atjall times ready to furnish SADDLE AND HARNESS HORSBB, HACKS, CARRIAGES, BUGGIES and everything necessary in a First-Class Sta hie, and ready for trade at all hours, SWAP SELL or BUY. junc 30,-tf. JOtT BRItT. LA WSHE & HAYNES, ATLANTA, GA. HAVE OX HAND AND ABE RECEIVING the tincst stock of the latest styles of DIAMOND & GOLD JEWELRY In upper Georgia, selected with care for the FALL AND WINTER TRADE Watches of the best makers of Europe and America. AMERICAN AND FRENCH CLOCKS j STERLING and COIN SILVER-WARE, And the best quality of SILVER PLATED GOODS, At prices to suit the times. Gold silver A steel SPECTACLES TO SUIT ALL AGES. Watches and Jewelry repaired by Competent Workmen. Also Clock and Watch Makers’ Tools and Materials. sep 13-ly SOMETHING NEW FOR SPRINGS SUMMER 12. N. CILREATH & SON, ARE now peceiving and opening their new stoek of SPRING S SUMMER GOODS, Consisting of Dry Goods, Hats, Boots and Shoes, Notions, Clothing, Hardware, Queeoß vvare, Ac. We also keep on hand a stock of FAMILY GROCERIES, Sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Salt, Bacon, Lard, and a good stock of Memlork and oak-tanned Sole Leather and French Calf bkihs—in fact almost anything you ran rail for. We invite the public generally to call and examine our stork, and if wa do not sell you your goods, it will not he because vve do net offer you grants at low figures. We have the goods and pro|n»se to sell them, so come and look for yourselves. N. GILREATH A SON. Cartcrsville, Ga-, March 2t% IH7K. I’ocket and Table KNIVES and FORKS, SPOONS, CASTORS, RAZORS, SCISSORS, CARVERS, ETC., ETC. CROCKERY, CHINA, GLASSWARE, NOW ARRIVING DIRECT FROM EUROPE 1 Diamond Oil, . AT IVI’BRIDE & Co’s MERCHANTS! Consult your Interest Save freight and ruinous breakage by buying from McBRIDE & CO. READ THIS. Atlanta, March I; IST*. "4 We, the undersigned, commissioners lbr thn “ Atlanta Hospital Association,” have .elected prizes lor distribution from the splendid stnok of Mcßride &Cos. Ticket holders can -ee those beautiful prizes at Mcßride A Co’s store. 11. ORME. M. IX. I J. F, VLF.XANDER, M. D kC**». E. S. KAY, M D. j We offer real inducements in Fruit Jus. Do not buy till you see our Jars. They are (ha best and cbeapest.iji the market. BECK W ITU |-1 O SEWING MACHINE. XTO HUMBUG, but a perfect and beautifully AY finished Machine. Warranted for two years. ' Go to John T. Owens’ Jewelry stfiio and se« it. B. STOIvES SAY'&E, Agent, mar 7-tot '«