Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

R. ELLIS &. CO., Proprietors. Volume XIV. COII'MBIH. TI'KHDAY.JUV IS* IW. lUpudiutinu Platforms. Tb Opposition Convention, which assembled in Newnan, on the 29th uIU, and nominated V “> F. Wright, Esq., for Congress, laid down the soundest platform, we have seon fn*m the Oppo sition. In condemning Douglas, the Convention very consistently condemn, also, Crittenden aud Bell for their “freesoil affinities.” This was lion est. Mr. Judge, of Alabama, tlm Opposition candidate across the Chattahoochee from Colum bus, does the same. Jle repudiates them. On the other hand, the leading Opposition organs of this State endaree Crittenden and Bell, much loss con demn them for their froe-noil affinities. Wc trust that Messrs. Judge aud Wright, Opposition can didates, will set them right. The Southern Re , (order (Milledgcyille,) the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, Macon Citutn and Sumter Republican ail praiee Crittenden. The Chronicle says he is a “pure patriot,” “bat tling in our cause.” The Recorder, that “hail counsel” prevailed at Newnan. The Citizen, that Mr. Crittendeu is “incorruptible,” and the Sum tor Republican that we “repudiate the charge of baring “free-soil affinities” made against 8011, of Tennessee, and the noble Critteudeu, ofKy. A purer, more devoted, high-toned patriot than John J. Crittenden, bosom friend of the illustri ous Clay, never lived.” Thus, we have the Newnan Opposition Convention, representing the Opposition party iu the 4th Congressional Dis trict, 001. Wright and Mr.T, J. Judge, on the one side and the above array of Opposition jour nals on the other, occupying grounds the very antipodes of eauh other. This might have booh expected from the discordant elements in tboOp position. They abuse the Democracy, they say it will ruiu the country, butt save their precious souls and the country, they cannot offer a better party or agree auiuiig themselves. It is a prin ciple of common law, that when a man pleads in abatement to a writ that he furnish a better. What sort of a tigure would the Opposition cut, if they were governed by this rule ? Let the rea der answer! l)r. J.t ( Blackburn. The name of this gentleman, wo see used in con nection with the office of Representative of Stew art county in the next Legislature. He has been recommended, but modestly declines t. lea can didate for the position. Wo trust that the De mocracy may Insist upon his s.rvicesr. He will make a good race, anil if elected, will serve Stew art county with credit to himself and fidelity to her interests. judge Ivanna's speech We have written so much about the speech of Hon. Alfred Iverson, delivered in the 1 .S. Sen ate, there is no necessity for us to allude to the one recently delivered at tlrifin, which we have laid before our readers. Suffice it to say. it is a bold, manly, patriotic speech, wherein he shrinks from no position heretofore assumed but enunci ates the platform upon which the South should stand with a master hand and an honest judg ment. The speech is a tine production both in point of rhetoric and ability, and its sentiments strike a chord, which vibrates in unison with ev ery throb of true patriotism and genuine love ot country. We trust our readers will give it u careful perusal. SPEECH OF lion. Allred Iverson, DELIVERED AT GRIFFIN, JULY 14, 1869. The tender of a public diuuer. and the highly complimentary demonstrations which you have this day made toward me, would fill me, 1 fur, with too much pride, if 1 did not feel ami under stand that the foundation aud object of the move ment were to endorse and approve, in an impos ing and emphatic manner, the sentiment* which 1 uttered in the Senate of the United States, du ring the last session, in my speech upon tin; Pa cific Railroad Bill. And whilst lam not insen sible to the honor conferred upon uie, personally, by these manifestations of your favor and friend ship, I am more gratified to consider them u* a eiyn that pour hearts and the hearts of the jh*o ple of Georgia are sound and right upon the great questions which press them solves upon the public attention, and upon which I am called to address you to day. In a goverment of such peculiar and complica ted form as our own—of such vast, multiplied and important monetary, commercial and politi cal of such extended and extending territorial compass—questions of the most grave and important character, arc ever arising to interest and agitate the public; to awaken the i>licitode, nlit lb .yinpuli, and rous tlio energies of the statesman and patriot But of all the great subjects which have excited the people, divided parties, and threatened the peace and stability of the government, since its formation, none has produced more sensation, more bitter ness and more danger than the question of slave ry in the Southern .States of this <*ntederacy. Aod well may it have produced these extraordi nary effects. It is indeed a question of para mount importance, and will continne wider and deeper in interest, until it swallows up all other* which cunoern the people of this l niou. It is not a question iu which any one class alone, at the South, hi interested; it i* a subject in which nil are deeply concerned —the rich inan and the poor man—the owner of his hundred slaves and thousands of brrtad acres, and the humblecitUen, wbo never owned a negro aud never expects to own one—all are vitally interested in the institu tion of slavery and it# preservation, as it now exists in the Southern State*. Indeed, lollow cititens, if there be one class of our people Ul,,r * Interested in its preservation than another, of all others, it is that class who “earn their bread by the sweat of their brow.” Euianicipate the slaves of the South, and what would be the condition of the poor laboring white man:’ It said that slave labor eornes iu competition with, aud chea pens the labor of the white man. Set the negro free, and how much would that competition be lessened f The negro must live; he must he fed clothed and boused—to obtain these nectaries of life, he must labor; these are all he works for hok, he would work for no less if he were free, in either condition, his labor comes in competi tion with the white man to that extent, and no more in one case than the other. If the whole black race at the South, wos extinguished—wip ed out of existence, then there would be no labor left for employment but that of the poor white man, and his labor might be increased in value; but who supposes that we shall over get rid oi the black race, for centuries to come, even should they be emancipated’ Our Northern brethren would not receive and keep them. The free black population f the Northern States, is confessedly the greatest curse which afflicts that country. The northern people would be the very last on the face of the earth, to welcome our liberated ne groes amongst themselvos. Instigated by feel ings of fanaticism, envy and hatred towards the Southern people, they arc ever ready aud willing to Heal them from us—that annoys, harrassea and injures us, and gratifies their malevolence; but take away these motives, and there is not a Dee State in the Union that would not prohibit the emigration of free persons of color amongst them. What disposition, then, could be made of our four millions of emancipated slaves? Would they he seut to Africa at the expense of the Gov ernment? To say nothing of the inhumanity of subjecting them to a certain roiapse into barbar ism, the process of removal would bankrupt the national treasury. Such a scheme would be iin practicable, and would not attempted. The generoue philanthropy of our Northern brethren, would never stimulate them to the expenditure of millions upon millions of their money, to rid the Southern people of their liberated negroes.— No, sirs, there would be but one solution to this question. When our slaves are set free, with or wihtout our consent, they willbe left upon our own •oil, still to compete, in an altered condition,with the labor of the poor white man, and to curse all classes with their vicious, degraded and disgust ing habits. How much better then, would be the condition of the poor white laborers in our country, were the negroes free? How much more demand would there be for white labor, and how much more profitable would it become? To sgy the least of it, there could be no material-'lm provement, whilst In the !oeial relations between the two classes, the very worst results tol* * L. x low genera! emancipation. Many considerations connected with such a change, crowd upon the mind, all pointing to itt-terri- lo effi <•* upon the soeiAl condition, prosperity and happiness ut'ifo poorer classes of onr white population, but time will not allow mu even to advert to them upon the present occasion. There i? one view of the , ease, however, to which no sensible man, rich or poor, cun shut bis eyes. African slavery, as it exists in the Southern States, elevates the char- 1 aeter and condition of tho poor white man, al though he knows that there is a class above him in wealth, education ami social refinement, he feele that there is a class far below him, which looks up to him, yields to him and obeys bfm.— In political privileges, personal rights antisocial intercourse, this class can never approach him, or interfere with him. This fact elevates his pride, j enhance* his consequence, purifies his morality, 1 stimulates bis ambition and ennobles his manli ness. Ho walks erect in tho dignity of bis color and race, and feels that he is a superior being, with more exalted powers ami privileges than others, and lie enjoys nil the proud advantage* of that superiority. Emancipate the slave, and tlm distance between the two classes is at once lessened the white man sinks and the negro rises, until all distinction is sooner or later lost, and both assume a degraded equality. How is it in countries where slavery does not exist?— j Compare the condition of the poor white classes ( in the .Northern and Southern States of tiiis Un ion. In the former, the poor man is tho depend ent and servant of the rich, with a class above him and none below him. In the latter, he is free ami independent, with a class far hrlow him in tho scale of political, intellectual aud social power. There the distance between him and his rich neighbor and employer is marked and de grading- lure it is measurably aud almost en tirely extinguished; there tho poor man who en ters tho rich man’s house on business or other oh- ‘ ject, takes a seat in tho kitchen, or stands iu the outer hall, and transacts his business with the lordly aristocratic proprietor; he no more pre sumes to enter the parlor, or take n seat at the • riob man's table, than the verriest slave in all the | South would do the same things here. At* the South, and all over if, the honest, decent poor man and laborer, visits his rich neighbor on bust- ‘ ness or pleasure, with the confidence of a freeman aud with an assurance of hospitable treatment lie is Invited to the parlor, or other convenient and decent room -he partakes of the social meal at the table of the owner, and is treated with civ iiity, respect and kindness*. What a marked difference in the condition of the same class in | different sections! how much more proud, more j derated, inure enviable and happy the position of the Southern than the Northern man! Let slavery he abolished in the Southern States, and > the condition of the poor laboring white* would ! soon become worn than that of the similar class at the North. The Northern people boast of their superior knowledge, of their more general diffusion of education amongst all classes, whilst j it is a well ascertained fact, that more ignorance ! prevails amongst t heir laboring classes, than in j any other portion of our country. They can read i and write and cypher, but us for a general know- ! ledge of men ami things, they are comparatively | profoundly ignorant; they know little of s|eir • •wo and less of other countries. At tho *‘outh, ‘ though the poorer classes may not he so farad vaneed in hook learning, their general knowledge ; ofmeuand things, is far more extensive mid 1 useful. Mixing a they do with the higher and more ! educated classes, they acquire a knowledge, and take an interest not only in relation to the affuire of their own country, but of foreign land* they j are f'auiiiliafSriih the current polities of tho day ; —with tbo operations of the Government. They are, in short, tho best informed, most Intel- ‘ ligent, most proud, patriotic and happy pCor class 1 of any uatiou in the world. This superiority is, to a great extent, attributable to tho existence . f slavery amongst us, and the elevating tendencies j of that Institution, aud the poor man knows aud l'oels it. When tho Northern fanatic is told that his continued aggressions upon that institution, | will drive the South to disunion, he tauntingly J replies, that a largo majority of the Southern peo - pie do not own slaves, are not interested in the maintenance of slavery, and will not permit the .slaveholder* to break up the Union—no greater mistake, iu m_r •}••.. •**♦ !■■*- I cr delusion ever existed. The poor man at the 1 South knows too well what would be the result of j übolitiou designs—he knows what would be the j effect of emancipation be well understands that ! if slavery be abolished the value of hi* own labor will be diminished, his political and social Condi turn lowered, and his personal safety itself great- | ly jeopardized. Set the negroes free, and ibe j rich man foreseeing tho danger, ami dreading the j evil* that'are sure and soon to follow, cun escape J them by removal to a free Btale or some other safe and quiet home. Tho poor man mutt remain ! upon the soil, to encounter the ravages of that j “black plague,” which would cover the lend. And that is not all: the emancipation of our slave pop- I ulatiou would sooner or later lead to a war bo- j tween tho races, the most bloody and fata! whi'h ; X*ver stained the annals of any country. The j brunt Os that war would necessarily lie borne by 1 the poor classes of tho white population—tho ef fects would mainly Upon them, and they would reap a rich harvest of all those terrible evils which follow in tbc'train of internecine wars. It is true that the loss to the slaveholder and the country would be incalcuable ; the emanci pation of four-millions of slaves, worth, at the ! present prices, more than three billions of dollars, would be a blow to the wealth and prosperity of | the South, which it would take centuries to repair; hut the slaveholder would have bis broad acres, , his houses aud lands, bis rents and'profits t<> fall back upon—tho’ greatly injured, if be did not ■ ffeo, ho could yet survive and live ; whilst the j poor men, like hi* brother laborer at the North, would become “tbo bower of wood and drawer of j water” for the rich and powerful. Yes, sirs, the ; poor people of this country are more interested j m the maintenance of slavery than even those who own the negroes. I think I under stand the feelings and sentiments of the people ! of our own State upon this great subject, and I ! venture tho opinion, that if the question was put j to-day to the people of Georgia, whether the lie groes should be set free in tho country, uine out ; of ten of those who do not own a slave, would vote in the negative; nay, more, they would take up arms, if necessary, and fight to the death to prevent tho infliction of so great a calamity,— Yes, fellow-citiseus, the preservation of slavery iu the Southern States is indeed of incalculable importance to us ail. I might enlarge upon the subject until 1 would swell my remarks to a good ’ sized volume, hut neither my own strength, or ! your patience, would permit ninth a ditteursioo.—- Slavery w net be maintained ~in the. I nioo, ifpoe mible—out of it if utceeenry peaceably if ire may j —.forcibly if we touel. The voice of the Northern abolitionist and the Southern submissionist would ; cry, “The Union—lt must and shall be prescrv- j ed.” My voice and yours is, “Slavery at the South—it must and shall be preserved, until in 1 our own good tirno, our interests and our philan thropy shall decree its extinction.” Is the insti 1 tutiou in danger in the present Federal Union ? —- This is a great, important, momentous question. ‘ Like the commandments in scripture upon which “hang all tho law and Prophets,” upon this great question hung the interests and fate of millions. If it be in danger, then our interest, our honor, i our peace and prosperity, nay our safety und self- | preservation demand that wo shall avert the dan- I gerund itee from tho wrath to come whilst we ( have the power to escape. I know that there nre | many .Southern men who believe, that tho lustitu- j tion of slavery is on a safer foundation now than i it has ever be*-n since tho formation of the Con- j foderacy. Bo too of these parties are honest in i their views, whilst in others, “tho wish is father ] to the thought,” and in many, selfish considers • tions give utterance to sentiments and opinions i which are not soriously felt or entertain mi. My ‘ own opinion is, that tho institution of slavery in the Southern States is not only in danger, hut without a prompt, bold, firm and manly course on their part, is doomed to inevitable destruction. The evidences of the truth of this proposition are numerous and unmistakable. Upon the present occasion, I can only glanco at a few of them their history is written upon the out pread pages of the times, and in characters so large that “ho who runs may read.” The first dawning of Northern hostility to Southern slavery was exhibited upon the admis sion of Missouri into the Union. I need not de tail the circumstances of that exciting and event ful period of our history—they are as familiar to you Ainl.all the American people as “household words.”* In the violent opposition of the Nor thern Btatat to the admission of Missouri because , slavery was tolerated by her Constitution, tho Southern people recognised u decided hostility to their “peculiar institution” amongst tho masses I of the Nor thorn B tales, A a design to circumscribe j its area, to prevent it! extension, and finally to abolish it altogether. It was not only the viola- | tion of a MVimßbhil rigbtjbiit a manifestation , hostility to the “Institution” itself. outb saw and felt it in this light and resented the dangerous aud daring attack. The contro versy was angry and bitter. Tho North pressed the subject with that obstinate and unyielding te nacity and acrimony which always acoompany fMftUciim, aod tbs South, to preserve the Uniyn, THK IIIUON IIF THE STATES, AMI THE SHYER EIGNTV OF THE STATES. with sin i‘ .-r:Mid **.Uf \ added to a degrading und uucoi.stitui n.tl urn:- which ha# suhwffuca'lly lawn th- fudlfttl •.otm-e of c.ii: mote degrading ami ni-übing.. \action from tho Noib ; If tho Southern .*• lutes tia.t then pfo* •• •* i- > >• . upon the C>.3itiuhou and arm- ./ ‘ * 1 a* tho only condition upon which tiny would u ! main iu tho Union, wo should never ;• .in lm\o heard of MUoourl restriction*. W.luinl I’r.o i . | ‘or Squatter Sovereignty- A weak nan never - 1 cures the forbearance of bis niotu powerful etieuiy | j by submitting ton wrong nr compromising a right I •- his safety lies . nly in a firm nr.d manly resis tance, If necessary, awn uu to death. It has been I the constant readiness of tho Southern people to ! submit to unconstitutional aggression and wrong “to tare thie tflurinu* f’nioM,” that has whetted tho appetite of Northern fanaticism ami made tho j Northern abolitionists bold and defiant in their arrogant and dangerous demands. It remains to ho seen whether once more and again, tho j South will be lulled to sleep hv the ! syren voice, and be led on to inevitable destruo \ lion. Having made an entering wedge, by the Missouri restriction towards tbo aecoiupliahmvnl I of the final overthrow of slavery, the spirit of nh | oHtionism, alarmed at threats of disunion from the Pnulli, although feebly uttered, rested for a i brief poriod. it£broke ,mt again in a few yours j and presented itself in the form of petitions to j Congrets from all the Northern States, demand ing the abolition of slavery in the District of 00-1 1 lumbia. The South, by u united cjfnrt fiioooesful- | i ly resisted this unconstitutional, insulting and j ’ dangerous innovation upon her rights; but the | I spirit of anti slavery at tho North was fed by the | ’ contest, and fattened Into such huge pnqiortloi . i that iu a few years it swallowed up the great , Whig party of that sot-lion, and threatened iho j 1 overthrow of nlLopposing elements. The \Vilmot ! Proviso and the outrages of l 8. r >o were the bitter 1 ’ fruits of that increasing and rampant power of ! : abolitionism on the one baud, and thosuluc; .\ \ I und yielding temper of tho .Southern Stub - on j i tlie other. TheWilmot Proviso -which w;.s i > ’ shut out slavery from all the Territories acquired ! j from Mexico, and from nil that might be acquired j in the future from any and every quarter. If i j Empire's were obtained with the blood or treasure of the Southern people, they were to be eonseera ! ted to freedom, and the South and her institution , J forever excluded. The uianly voice of a lew i i Southern patriots, tho voice ot tho Southern Rights | j Party of Georgia, and some <>t her surrounding | sister States, drove the N.-rth slowly !nd*rehht antly into the Compromise Measures of 18u0. j Fellow-citirens, t here are doubt less some hero j to-day, there are thousands el tie where in Georgia, j 1 ami tho whole South, who thought them “wise, liberal aud just.” They were advocated and sup- I ported by many Southern men, equally as honest } and much wiser than myself—they have been I | acquiesced in by the Southern people and espeoi- i I ally in a most formal manner by a majority of . the people of iny own State. It does not become j me to speak of them with sev erety or barshm ■ i a proper respect for the opinion* and actions * a j majority of uiy fellow-citizens leads me to char- ; ! aeterir.o their adoption only us a ni" j t unfortunate , I and dangerous political error. Tho Territories ! acquired from Mexico were obtained with tho j bhiol and treasure of tho whole country, they i ; were tho common property of the people of tho : United Slates. The .Southern people were enti- i ! tied to uii equal enjoyment of them : to as lull, [ j free andTintrainiuelled possession of the common | I property, a* their Northern brethren—they had j ’ the undoubted right In emigrate to these territo • ries, and carry with tlum any and all properly > j w hich they owned at home, ami which wap n-cog i l.ized and secured to them a* property by tire t’-.n i stitutinn of the United Stale*, und by thoconsti- j j tilt ion and law* of their own Stale-. Having thus I the unqualified right to go into the territories with j their slave property, they had the uccoto .irily re- | 1 suiting right of promotion in the unjuyuicnt of | that properly, during tile cxiateucu of the terriio j at government, as u matter of i-1 gat ion, and of sheer justice to the Southern people, ■ it was the duty of Congress immediately after the acquisition of those territories, to organise terri j tonal governments, not only without a prohibition ! as to slavery, hut providing for its regulation in 1 i aso it either existed In, or should enter any of them by the voluntary emigration of the South ern people. But bow was it ? The Northern ab*. ! <.Hi|.wlw4 vx l>u4ij. i. m b>> iuaJoXiu. I the House of Representative.-, obstinately relus< and j to organize governments fur those Iciriforie.-, c\- j ceptwltb a provUrtou excluding slavery. Sirh a j bill passed that body, but the {Southern Senator*, ; Hided by tho rotes of Northern Democratic Wcna i utra, resisted this foul demand and defeated tbo I infamous proposal. The consequence was tbul lno territorial governments were formed. Thu j rabble horde* of Northern abolition go;d digg< r* 1 rushed iu thousands to the golden fields oi Uuli fnruia. Tho Southern slave-holder having no i protection for hi* property, and dreading the | harvard to which it would bo exposed,kept uiouf, even from this land of “milk and honey,” und the I political destiny of tW country wu* settled uguim-t | us. The South was entitled to California. It i* | a notorious fact that all mining operations can bo [ curried on more certainly und more profitably ! with pJave, than with free labor. The annual j cost oftho former is only hi* personal expenses of ! food, raiment and medicinal attention, und tho ; interest upon nis value and price- he i* subject jto tho absolute command and control of hi* uwu | er, and is always at hand and constantly engaged in tho duties and labors, which, to bo profitable, I must be closely applied. If the public land in California “bad been surveyed and offered in ; market, us had always been u*ual upon tbo acqui sition of hew territories, and if tlw Boutheru peo j pic had been guaranteed protection und security ! to their slave property, thousand* of her ttdvvn . tunwis uml enterprising sons would have sought | their homes and fortunes on tbo shores of the I’u ! rifle, and California would have been a slave ; Btte. Tho North knew this —hence their refu sal either |to organize a territorial government, i with protection to slavery, or to survey and sell j the land. Iftbe South then had acted with man ly firmness—if it had said in authoritative lau j gunge to the North: “We are eutitledtoan equal j participation with you of this common inberit- I ance—we are entitled, as Joint owners, to go into ; it with our *lavo property -wo are entitled to it* I protection under law whilst there, and we demand these rights—if you yield them, well—it you re fuse them, we separate from you;” if this had been the united and determined voice of the Southern people, territorial governments would have been formed at once, slavery would liave had legal protection—it would have taken rout and spread over tho country, California would 1 have Men a slave State, and the South would 1 have been spared ’.he humiliating injustice of the I Compromise Measures of IfffiO. But under the delusive aud fatal pretext of “saving the Union” the South again surrendered j a right, and submitted to a wrong. This w;i ; the bitter fruit of that violent, widely extended, j and all absorbing hostility to 8, mi tinrn slavery, i which had then seized and held the Northern ! mind in bondage; and yet from a party and a 1 people who had the power and tho will to Inflict [ *o great an outrage upon nearly one half of this | Union, it is thought mid said that we are to ap prehend Hu danger! These gross violations of J Southern right*—this reckless trampling upon Southern feeling*, was but a faint evidence of that deadly hostility to slavery which pervaded j ami yet pervades the Northern heart, and only a : dim foreshadowing of wlmt was, and i* in wait : for us in*the future. Tho demon of abolition us 1 he stood forth in gigauuv proportions in the tno ! morable contest of IKS, could not but arrest tho j attention, excite the fears, and arousatbe indig- I nation of every Southern in an. For tne first time j in the history of the Hepublfo—candidates for j President and Vice President were selected from I one section—fan upon a sectional Issue and voted j for alone hy I hat section and upon thatissue—op- I position to slavery—what did this mean? Did * they merely with to gel possesion of the govern j merit to enjoy the “loaves and fislioi” of public patronage? it would be paying a poor compliment to the keen sagacity and statesmanship of those able and adroit leaders who controlled that movement, to suppose that such was the only, or tho main ob ject of tbeir struggle; nor did they disguiie their object—their battle cry was: down with the De mocracy-down with (he accuarad slgvcocracy of tha South—freedom shall reign eternal and uni versal over the American States. The Republi can papers In all the free States teemed with the most abusive and vituperative articles, not only against slavery but ngaiiM the fcnuthenv people —a hatred more hitter and vindictive toward* ! na thou ever ruled or rankled in the tory brea* t, during the Revolution toward the immortal Whigs of that glorious and memorable period— jealousy aud envy more violent than that ( which instigated the brethren of Joseph to con- I spire his death, and which doomed him to exile ) and Egyptian bondage, Idled all their ‘bought* j —poisoned all their words und blackened nil their j deeds during that exciting and excited contest. i If they hau Mioctiedrd, do you suppose they would ha*e been satisfied with the mere po*-eli sion of newer! That power would i<ut have j stimulated them toother and more fatal aaaauiu upon the right* of tbo Southern people. In all agea and in all countries fanaticism l I grows more ravenous and vorcmioui as it devour* l the victims of it* fury. It foods and feed* until ‘ COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, MONDAY, JULY 25, 1859. all being consumed, nothing is left t* gorge its gloated maw. And ?•* with the fanaticism of tbo \ ..i ;hto Si.. ‘• - What hut envy, hatred, and • lup *u much sympathy ’ ‘ or. nt ot u contemptible i • • ‘ ! •)!■ in the Nenuto t” • ‘ '• If.’ *’ othc-n Senator ; be. i • . - ■ th. .mu j bice and in tbo j “Im* O: . J ; , .1 ■ ! r.;-iill or injury,! ♦ \ . in Pre.s ivmi l ! ha\ • - . -I c vi'lic in condemnation ? It would h’ V* ii t •;> t.i U>'Uli.l ;iltl’d pleasure, liwn* no sn inpalli) I, * .mincer's person, that produced ueh ;i furor of indignation and excitement throughout tho Northern Status, it was sympa thy fur the cm iso of abolition of which he was the insulting advocate. It was no personal dis like to Brooks as a man, it was a deep rooted und violent haired to slavery and the Southern people of which he was the noble and honored champion. Who but a peopled steeped in fanati cism and malice uml lost to all sense of justice and forbearance toward their {Southern brethe rou, could h,:vc presented a mere man of straw for tho highest office in the gift of a groat nation, and rallied to his support upon u sectional issue, the elei tor.d votes ot ueuilv one half of the State# ot this muon ! \\ hat i.- to ho expected of such a party when firmly seated in office und looking to slavery us tho only impediment 10 the cousoli dati. a and contjmicneo of its^power? It has already violated i cry eonstituioiicd obligatidu j which it could violate with impunity. Thu right |of til Southern people to a peacelui and prompt reclamation of their t'ugiii.o slaves, guaranteed by the eoiisiituli. sail p.otueted Ivy law, has ! been despised, cull niued aud trampled under ; loot, t on ;n * ;’ i.i statute* entV reing the right I hivv c been openly I'epudia ed by legislative eu- I aetmeiit in tunny <t; the free Slates, iu olhers it ! bu> been resisted and set at naught by organized i mobs and rendered utterly valueless to the South jrn people. Organized societies have been for med in i ; l the iii-4* aud large sums of money ruic.-d to pay abolition /VrfiZrj for vteal- I.■! aay the slave* of tho border .States to hnr- I r;--, irritate and injure their lawful owners.—- j lu short tho conduct of the masse* of the north ern lYople exhibits more bitternes* and hostility towards tlicit Southern hrotbeixn, than ever j marked tlio bloody contest of border nations i m'.icu the world bugun. They are this duy, the niust unscrupulous, tho most violent and vindi cative cm mics which tho Southern people have ■ n the iacu of the v ide earth. 1 speak of tho abolition borders of the North and the Black Re publican party of tbo free Stales. L admit that llu •re arc exceptions. i The interest of the commercial classes in ! the large eit tod, smothers their fanaticism, but ( like a hidden volcano, its tires arc only pent j up tor the present, to burst forth at a future | day, currying devastation aud death iu their t ruin. The democratic party of the free JStutos, 1 allied with their Southern brethren, in political ! contests, nud looking to them for tlie obtain ; incut id political power, lias for many years, , given to Die constitutional rights of the iioutli ; a manly support ; but like an unity in the face 1 ■■! a superior mid more vigorous toe, doubtful : of its position and conscious of iiiierioritv, it | lias kept up. as ii were, only u retraining lire, ; ‘.lntel its ranks have been constantly thinned i by desertion and death, until at length it has ! surrendered Hearty every inch of ground lo i the enemy. From tlio beginning of this aboli tion \v*ir, to the present day, not a man has i gone over to the sound domoeniev, from the j tree-soil ranks, whilst tho lesbcniug und wu verm hosts ci'tlie former, have year idler year | melted away before llufir fanatical enemy like I the snows before the rays of u burning sun. Wiiatexei “thers nee, say—whatever delu -1 mvi 1 hopes may be cute, tinned to Ihe contrary, i I consider all iosi ut tlm North. The coiiHti (ulionulj muiul demoeriu y of the Ire*; States, it not dead and buried are paralyzed and powerless- ucii the bold, galluni — ouce sound ami imllineliiiig Douglas once tlm able and manly defender of Southern Rights, i.as yielded to the storm and bowed his thick mid stubborn neck to the yoke, lie has not it is true, gone over ■•ban and baggage’’ to the enemy, und announced his ullegiaiuitt lo them, but he stands to-day with one loot in our ranks nud one in the ranks of our mortal Ibe; and he te s:,i - I mindeti by the very flower o! the -nhei ii democracy, wtio nrr rsmlt i i,,||w him. body and soul, •• horse, Ipot and dru !:oonrt” into the enemies’ camp wlienever Ills honest convictions or I. selfish interests may •peak the word of command. Judge Douglas has been accused of deserting the South und earryiiiu off thousands of the Northern democ racy with hi in in the Leeoinpton war. He de scried ii*, it is true, in that important uml uv- ting struggle, but it was not in my opinion, a voluntary desertion- he was forced to lus position by the public .sentiment of bis own section lie was horue along by a current ” li.eh he found himself unable, if willing, to resist. Tl “ great mass of the Northern de moernev. driven into straits by the .swelling power “i tin- ab'dili aist*-, bad seized upon tbo he.resy of -quarter sovereignty,” as u safe and middle vonnd between the YVilmot l’rovteo ot’ the North oil the one band, arid the “©onjrressiotinl I’loteeiion’’ doctrine of the South on tho oilier They weft* either not bold enough or honest enough lo lake the true Constitutional ground of semiring equality to the people ol nil the States by C ong ressional enactment they ret rented to lire plausible, but deiufcivc and rotten ground of ‘ popular -"•. rremiity,” hoping to bamboozle their South ern Allies, and at the same time resist the an- Mitt Its of thmr Northern opponents. They /.are dam ,u ititii. The Southern rlave holder sees through the flimsy texture of this frail covering to his const it utionnl rights -the Northern abolitionist scorns and rejeeta it as too rough and tediou- n pathway to the goalof hi* party’s ambition and micccss. He chooses a more direct road to tin* suppression of sla very in the Territories, and demands its exclu sion by U'ongressiooal prohibition. Os what benefit to the South is the “squatter sovereign ty” doetriu* of pouaini and hia foiloweMl Let Khiisiis speak. The South was entitled to K./ii- “, and ii iu-li* und been done her, sin* would have taken Kansas. I dir agree with th e Southern men whoh an apology tor the surrender of Kansas 10 abolitionism, assert that the sod and climate ol that Territory are miMiited to slavery. Its soil and climate are precisely tlu.se of the border conn lie* of Wea leru Missouri, and it is a notorious fact that m in* part of the Southern Slates is slave labor moro profitable than in Western Missouri. The census tables oi IfifiU exhibit the Itiel (hut slavery had increased ill a greater ratio in the Stale of Missouri, for the preceding ten years, than m any other slave Stale m the I 11 ion, and that tnerea-o was mainly confined lo the Wes tern portion of tho State, contiguous to Kurisas. The staple products of that region; are wheat, In Join corn, tobacco, uud hemp the latter is tin- rrio -t profitable, and yields more money to tire land, than lire cultivation of cotton in the planting States. J was informed by uu intellt gout and reliable gentleman, wbo emigrated at ail early day, to Kansas und carried a few slaves w itb him, that he could realize from tire culture of’ hemp, from three to “i* hundred dollars per annum to the hand. Where in nil tin* South, / an slave labor he more proiitably employed ‘ if the negro race cun live and multiply and thre o in Missouri, why may it not iii Kaiirii- ‘ hanr us was contiguous to slave State--, especially to Missouri--the natu ral tei deucy ol emigration to Kansas was from tho neighboring slave States. If there bail been < ‘ongressiotml protection to slave proper ty in Knn the Southern people would have felt aft abiding security m taking their negroes mto that rice mid beautiful country. Emigra tion would have poured into it from Missouri and the iimghboimg slave States, und Kansas would have been ours. Jink how was it f C oiigre •* refused to ,ive legal protection to slave property in Kansas and 101 l slave holders to the tender mercies of the squatter sove reigns who were precipitated upon her soil by the Northern, abolition emigrant aid socie ties. to make it u free Btate. No prudent mini would curry his daves into the Territory un der sueli circumstances. Slavery is proverbi-* ally timid and will not go wiicuu it is not made sale in advance from thu Ihugr of that vora nous serpent, which is ever ready and eager to swuiiow und devour it. The loss of Kansas to tboHouth was the logitte ni .tr and inevitable fruit ol the “Squutter Hov '.reitrnty” element! of the Kani!* Nebraska Bill, as oonatrued anil enforced by its authors and friends. They were enough in themselves to pro duce that, result, but a. a part und purcel of the influence nnd power ol tho free roil sentiment of lire N■•rfhern Stte. the administration of even (/ion. Fierce gave way to its hold impudent de mand.® and put over Khiihhh a batch of free-rail Governors and other Federal Officer# to warp with •fiieial patronage and influence, the rautiuumts aid poll i al Action ul the pi opt* Nehru ska was n Northern Territory given up by ail purlias to free institutions*---Kansas was a Southern Terri tory und ought to have bocu subjected.'to Houth lern eofitrol; but yielding to tho pressure of Nofiberu Anti-ilavory hostility and tho strong current to make Kansas a free State-—to appease tho morbid appetite of tho abolition monster, who shook his bloody fingers at the Drcsidout, lie re versed the natural aud appropriate order us things and appointed Southern men Governors of Ne braska, and Northern men for Kansas! And tho present administration, though professing tho greatest regard for Southern rights, uml the umst profound indijt'erence, ns to tho political fate of ! Kansas, ha* followed tlm example of its “illustri ous pie.t. ee: mid behold the arniy of North ern Five Soil Governors over Kunsn -Ueedor, Gary, fdiuuoii. Walker aud Ak-dary, ull hailing from tho same see tion, all of the same material* made, and all eontieeruted aud devoted to the miiiiu great und of making Kansas a tree State, aud thus Kansas was lost to tho South. It tho b<.nth urn Status hud planted their feet upon tho firm plauk of tlmir sovereign equality and constitu tional rights, when Territorial Governments were formed, and demanded protection to their slave property by federal laws, during the existcneo of the Territorial Governments, I( aoKidvration of remainin'/ in the f’liion, wo should never have been cursed with the wretched uneertivinlies or unmeaning gtmernlitir* ot tho Kansas Nebraska bill, ami tliu thousand ills of which it has been thoprohfie source. Will it bo argued that under . that bill, slavery has been established in New i Mexico? Who believes that it will become per manent or be maintained ns tho gcttlcd policy of that Territory ? It has been adopted through official iutrigucand under the iufluem e of official ! patronage and power it was e,.verity und sud denly done—-it took the South, as well as the j North by surprise, lint the North would even 1 now, ami before this have overcome and ohlitciu- ‘ ted it from tho Territorial statute hook, by her j hoards ofnbolition scum sent there hy her omi ; grating aid societies, “to regulate the domestic’ institutions of the people,” if sho bad not resurv - ed it as an clement of agitation and success in the next Presidential campaign. Whenever *ho chooses she can wipe it out iu twelve months. She luia only to bring the guns of her abolition aid j societies to bear upon the doomed laud aud slav ery will tioofromit ua it did from Kansas. No, follow-citizens, give no legal and tangible pro- j tuotiun to slavery, ambit will never plant ana ‘ biding foot print in any Territory of the United S tut on. 1 shall not atop here to argue tho doe- i trine ofcdngrosfcAoual protection to slavery in tho Territories, nor to combat the errors of “squatter ; sovereignty I take tho oceuston tu coni* ■-t that j l was once t ile advocate of the latter liei . F V -cur* ‘ ried away by its attractive but duiutuv,: sophistry, j which, like the “ii/niefatin'*,” lures only todo-| stray, and without serious examination into its j truth and general bearings, and looking ut it ns ‘ the only alternative of the YVilmot Proviso, 1 whs i ready to tuku it vs the “best vve could get.” 1 i was wrong und 1 admit, regret and recant, the error. Subsequent investigation and r* IK.-iion{ soon convinced me that the only into theory in ‘ relation to To/riforial Govern men Is in the Union is that both tho power aud the el nty uro conferred und imposed upon Congress tuna.'.-, law- for the protection ami regulation of slavery, wherever it exists er may exist upon the eoininnti soil. Imu as well convinced of l .by truth and propriety l ■ this doctrine, ns 1 hiu of the doeirine of salvation declared to man in the racrod word ot God. but I whilst 1 insist upon the absolute right of the Southern people m legal protection in the pus session nud enjoyment of their slave property in tho Territories of tho United States and the pow- j er and duty of Congress to give .-m b protection, ■ I utterly deny the power of emigre-s undor th( | eoiiftittition or otherwise, to prohibit slavery ! from the Territvuios, or ai/olishing it, if there To ( regulate and protect the property of the uitucu is ; mu* thing—to deprive him of it is another, and ! altogether different thing. One is not'only with in the power <d'nil Governments, butte <me of the main objects and obligations of all Governments, i The other cannot be done in our Government ud tmder our Constitution, except for “t/c- public un” and not then without ju; compensation to tho owner. Hutffi is the language r.f the Federal Constitution. This right ot the Southern people on one hand, and this power and duty oi Congr* > - on tho other, ure, J hope aud believe, fust becom ing the settled doctrine of tbo Southern people, 1 and will, sootier or later, bo demanded by them, ; with n spirit and power which cannot bo rousted. But this doctrine, so doar as it is, and ought to be 1 to tho South, will never ho recognized or admitted by the North. Whilst tho South is divided In rant! j meut or umJooidffil in action. Tlio Black Hepub- i lican party at tho North m-outeil. The Northern Democracy shrink’ from it. Jt will uover be gran- | ted or acted upon until tho South, united upon it. ‘■ speaks in authoritative, positive, and determined language to tbo- North, ami toils it. “wo arc en 1 titlod to this rigid -wc tnnel AuceiV—ll tvooiiniiot j get it In tho [Juiott,wo will sock itoutof'Lhe Union.’ j If the South over brings its united mind and lionrt up to that point, then her (!otistitutlonal lights I will be respected and conceded by tho Federal Government: but without sueh a hold, manly ! aud decided course, what are wo to expect from tho Northern States, or from Federal Legislation? Look nt the prevent condition ami future pros* j poets of public seuti .mint in the. free States us tbo present und future state of political parties in i Congress. Tli ere aro a few son tub and true Northern moii still liugering in tho Senate, nearly every vestige of sound Northern conservatism in tire other house has already been extinguished four years more will give to she abolitionists the control of the Senate - Iffiil will witness the in- j auguration of a free soil President,and then, with 1 both branches of Congress, and an abolition President, tho Supreme Court, tho lust barrier to fanatical encroachment, will soon give way. i Vacancies upon that bench of stern old men will occur by nature, .r be made by Gougressional legislation, to bo filled hy the creatures of party j dictation, until thnt august Tribunal will bow its neck to the yoke of unrelenting iuuaiiciimi, amt then tho acts ol an abolition Congress, sanctioned by nn abolition President, will bo uphold by tbo decrees of an Abolition Cuurt and enforced, if no- , cesMtiry, by tbo bayonets of an Abolition army, ! Tbo great high l’riost of tbo abolition Church, Win. H. Seward, has already declared In bold and vuuuting tortus, in the Senate of tho United States, tlmt “the Supreme Court must recede, or tbo Supremo Court must, l. reformed,” and he i lias more power and influence over lint Black Republican party of the North, than tho Pope of) Koine bus over the Catholic world, it is iu vain to hope that a reaction will take itio.ee iu the Northern mind, and that a sound conservatism will over again rule the Northern heart. We I huve heard that cry aud tliat hope repeated again and again, for more than twenty years, and yot the spirit and power of abolition hove continued to t pread, increase ami strengthen, until now, they control the political action of nearly over.y free State iu this Union, and openly proclaims the intention of wiping out slavery in all the l American Htuias. The hold and daring declare- | tim of the great leader ol tin* Republican party j iu his speech ut Rochester, last fall, that freedom ; and slavery cannot exist together in lire .-.mio ! Government, and that one or the other must fall. , was but the echo of tho popular sentiment all over the free States, it has been repeated oil the i floor of the National Congress; it has filled the public press ; it lies been re-echoed from tho hust ings of many popular assHiubiieM ami will b* the groat, ihiholeth iu the campaign of lWbfi. The Northern clans are to be mustered tho war cry i of “down with Hlavery,” ami the black flag of “universal emancipation” will be raised aloft, never ugain to he furled until it shall waive in triumph over a disgraced, degraded and destroy ed South, or Oiet at the threshold by a manly spirit of Houthorn resistance, be driven back to | its native regions to lead on tho dark destiny and fortunes of a separate Northern Government. May such be Its fate—and such will be its fate ml its only mission, if the Southern people arc only true to themselves, true to their rights, their in terests and their honor—true to that spirit of in dependence, and those snored principles of civil und religious liberty which animated their iui- , mortal sire# iu. the struggles of the Revolution. 1 know not how other* may look upon tho tri- J utnpb of the abolitionist# in tire Presidential elec tion of IH6<>, but I do not Iresitato to declare for ! myself, that I should consider it a# a declaration of war against the institution of slavery in the Union, und a foreshadowing of a settled policy to break it down by the influence, power and action of tho Federal Government. I cannot stop to ( enlarge upon the process hy which such a result would Imj reached. With every branch <>f the government in the hands of a party steeped in the gall und wormwood of anti-slavery hostility, am bitious of success, imd maddened by opposition, no stone would be left unturned, no means tu*- ! glue ted, noeffort untried to accomplish its dia bolical purpose*. In the follow, it# power# would l>e omnipotent. The rejection of slave States and admission iff.free .States, would soon -well their majority in both Houses of Congress to an over powering and irresistable number, agatttit which the feeble voice of the South would ho raised in vain. The reversal of the Dred Scott decision the J exclusion of slavery from the territories by Con gressional enactment, tho repeal of the fugitive | slave law, the abolition of slavery in tho District ‘ of Columbia, the .imposition of high protective j tariff# to burthen uml cripple slave labor in thu i South, in short the exercise of every power, for which an excuse muv be found or invented, cal-j culated to weaken the institution and finally des troy it, tits first and tarty fruits of tliwi daringaml malignant experiments. II llioSonth I submits t' one, .die will submit to another, and i tu all of these abominable ami dnmnoblo aggres | sious. until she w ill find herself both unable amt ; ufiwilling to resist :i decree of tmiversul emanci- I pat ion. In uiy opinion, tho true safety of the Smith, os well ih her true honor, dictate* n firm | and manly resistance to the first tutoress of the abolition party, which shall bt|ibun*led upon op i position to slavery aud looks to ite overthrow in i the Union. If, therefore, tbo republican party of the free ‘Gab . which is only another name for tin aboil i lion party, shall present reel long l Northern can •thintea in didates, uml iijiuti a sectional plat form of opposUloii I to {Southern >lnvery, and shall elect t hem by a sue* lion;*! Northern \ <• . i:. w ml.I in nv. n, be ; sufficient und ii tuple time br * parau.m. 1 1 are not in what specious form of tv .r Is, such a sectional : platform may be tnn-do : if tho spirit of a* ti-slave ry shall be its soul and it* .aniimuing element if hatred to slavery and those who uphold and de fend it, slutll he the eontroling pmvor over tlm Northern musses, mul shall carry them to tho I polls to vote for their abolition candidates and , thus tho true, sound, conservative men of the ! North and South ahull ho borne, down and defeat ed, it will bo Mine for tho Smithcru people to look to j the safety of their “institution,” and to seek it, if j need be, in.tho formation of a Southern Confod ernc.v. And now you will ask me, how is that to he i done -by wlint steps aud through what pro j cess is sueh nn object to bo accomplished ! I hellow-t itizeiis, 1 am but nil humldo man, j with little pride ofopinion, und no great eon j fidonoe in my ability to suggest or advise a j plan forthe attainment of so important u re- I suit, it is indeed u momentous subject. No j question which Ims occurred since the times , when our fathers commenced the revobdion- I ary struggle, and declared their independeneo [ ot’the British erown, has arisen or eouM nri.se i to hull - its importance— mute would an- erve a j more serious consideration, or would demand Die exercise of gionter Wisdom, courage und ] patriotism. If, however, the Southern people wore convinced of tin* him c*sify und propriety i ol such a movement —it’ they wore satisfied j- thut their safety required it. that their honor | demanded it, that their interest l ulled for u | and mere united, there would be no hek ot’ üble und patriotic statesmen, to devise the j steps, lorn it he plan, perfect the ‘fru.-tm and ! inaugurate n governineii . which would Ivthe j “ wonder, tho glory and pride of the world.” | Will, nil experience of more than three quur* ! Iter# of u century in republican government, : I with the defect* of our present sy>tem seen, j 101 l and understood; with tho light* of the I I post, the intelligence of tho present, und tin; J ! inspiration!'! of the future, we should be able I i to form a government more perfect nud more ! j stable than any upon wliieh the world ever I looked. Doubt!**•*, the most proper, leiuiv [ | and certain mode of foroimir n Southern Con ! federaey, if the Southern people were unit'd ! Ini the wish to do it, would bo to hold a eon- j veutiou (>f all the slave Slates, <fo fore their ‘ independence of and separation from the ‘ North, form a government, and pnt it into im-fi j mod into operation. Then would follow, u* a I mutter of course, uu uniicnhlu adjustment be tween the two government#, Northern and Southern, of all question# arising out ofiheir ! I former uraociHtton. a just and honorable divte- | j toil of lho public properly and the pttb'ie debt j i ofthe old government, and a friendly arrange- J inont of all future relations, interest and in- ! J tereourse. 1 know that ninny eulertain tin* opinion duo Jn separation could not take place without i bloodshed mil! civil war. There w ould not, in j j my opinion, be the least (lunger of such a iv- I suit. Wlmt moiivo would imped the Northern | Stale* to make war upon the Southern Con- ! 1 fodfcrncy ! Nations do not go to war. except j | to resent an insult or injury, to gain un ml van - , ; tuge, or accomplish some important and nt- ‘ i lailiable object. Wlmt object could be hoped j ; to be accomplished by a hostile demonstration i | on the part otthe States from which vve emv I have **’-iirated * Would it te to force uslmcU i ! into u Union with them! Vain, foolish, im- I potent thought! No man of common sense in j all the North, no * tatcsimtu would r\ or enter ( tnfn it for n moment. To invari** a mi. , j the Southern States, And force them back its * revolted uud subjected colonies, into a fritter- , itul etnl-race with iheir imperious masters i ! I Never! never” The sif.-aeiotis statesuien v. 'ho, I would guide the councils oi the Northern peo j pin. would know too wall tlmt Mieli nil elfi<rl j | would be fruitless nay. worse tlmu fruill- ss -- , it would be wicked nud suicidal. The riouth- | I urn State contain a while population of eight j millions, and could, ill such a eonto-t. no -e • ! and inaiiitaiu an army ol a haltmillion of men, I equal to niiy troops oi lire world : and lichtin. j j on their own soil, in defence of their country, i their l ights, their honor, iheir altars and their ; fireside-, mould be mrnieiblr Dobclid tliem- j selve.- against the North! They could stand | against the world in arms. There are but two instance* in modern times, in which n nation | united, though weak, lui* ever been invaded I uud conquered by a foreign foe. Mexico was | j overcome by tire arm* of tire l nited {State.-. ! i but Mexican* are ;i feeble race, upd-no inaleii ! lire the courage, skill uud liliysit’rt! prowess of tire Aitirlo-Amerienn*. Ilungary, with less tlmu eight millions of people, was conquered by Austria, bat it required tbenid ofthe eolo su! power of Russia, nud tho treachery of lure j sons, to bow her neck to lire yoke of the op pressor. Talk of drift n g the Clout It back into lire Union when once she cuts loose fWun it! Tho thought if preposterous, ridiculous and foolish No, sirs, no attempt would ever be mude to foie* a re-uu ion of these dismember ed State*. The North might humble her-eli at our foot aud beseech us to try once more 11re plea-lire# of her fraternal embrace; and if the term# ofthe proposed copartnership suit ed us, if (.uflieient guarantees could be presen ted and ugreod upon for tire future proservn tion of our right# in another I niou. it wo could ! be imp rested with sufficient forth in their lidel i ity ttnd honesty, we might again form, withour ; old iriend . abend ot’ I niou. and try < -,o\ -r ----; tunes once more in an American< onfederacy; 1 but not otherwise. I it ha* been suggested that trouble would grow out ol a division ofthe public domain, and oth* i er property of the I nited States, the army.-tho navy, nud material* of war. It i- a mistaken apprehension ; uo difficulty, whatever, could or would arise from that source. If no ar rangement could be made, each government | would most naturally and properly be allowed to retain the public lands within it# bonndn j ties Tire largest -liar#* in quantity might fall j to tire North, but the .South would enro little I forthat—retaining- those within her own lim its, she would willingly surrender ail churn to tire mountain peak* nod sterile plains of the Northern province*. The army und it* mate rial ure nothing, nt cn* of separation; it* pre sent element* Would soon dissolve, and be merged with tire masses of its own respective section. We could soon reconstruct an army I ol any size, which the exigencies ot .utu coini* I try would jiintil'y or demand. The fortifica tion* und armament paid for out ot a common /find, would belong to tile party on whose soli they were found at lire time of separation The ships of war tying in .Southern port#, or commanded at sea by Southern oilicers, and brought into Southern ports, would foil to us, uud we should want no more; if wc did, we : could build them. The public biiildmc* at I Washington city, costing over twenty million’ of dollars, being on .Southern soil, and in the .Southern Confederacy, would belong to ns; i mid they are worth more than all the public budding* in nil tire free Stule*. In thi* way, if no agreement could be uHucfcu). a satisfac tory div iion would be made of all the public property, ol any value or importance But tm? South would hold u sword over the Northern Stutes, which would eomp-l a fuir and umicsble .settlement of all -flich mailer*. Tire National debt, iu case ol a -reparation, would foil upon lire old government, ciAtjutt* ly, we would be bound in good faith nnd honor, to pay our proportion of it; mid -o we would, if the North gave u* justice in other iiiHltcr*; ’ but whether wo should pay nt nil. how much ’ we should pay, mid when or how, would be j question# for us to decide. The settlement of ! thi# one question ot’ the public debt, now l amounting to nearly one lmudr'td million# of | dollar#, and not likely to be diuiiuihuil, would draw after it. and a# a necessary incident to j it. un amicable nnd jn#t arrangement and *et : tlcniciit ofh II other question# . negotiation and • treaty would soon close tire door against alt I dispute# cr difficulties on tires' 1 point*. J No. follow citizens, them would bo no earth ly difficulty in the way of a peaceable septtm . tion if the Southern people wero united and i determined to take the step, tire way would he I easy uud plain. No war Would ensue, not i gun would be fired, except in joy of our deliv- I crauco ‘ not n drop of blood would be •fired, no quarrel would Arise between she two *ec j Huns, over tire spoil# ttnd trophies of our Ibr | tiier association. Tire mutmd interosls of thu iwu government* and people, and more cpg* oiully the superior interests of tlio Northern section, would produce treaties of friendship, of commercial aud personal intercourse, which w ould secure peace, and make us more oh servant of tho rights of each other, than we tiro now in the present “glorious union.’’— Tli so would be thd immediate, neqyssnry and certain results of a separation willed by a n/n ----ted©oath, lint I admit Doit tho pfOfjNKil i-i m Imrmnnious union of ull the slave dtutes, in n gretU movement like this, would he dull and doubtful under any, except extreme cireuiu stances. Circumstance* might arise which would unite them ull, ami bring about prompt, decided and action. Any art of the Federal Covemment, in tho hands of a dominant, abolition party, looking to the gen • •m! emancipation of the slaves oft he Southern .States, would, 1 have no doubt, arouse u uni versal spirit of resistance ut the South, and lend to immediate disunion, But for any cuu !.■ loss powerful tflau some wanton nggres ■: t upon Southern right •, it would ho scarce ly possible to uiino the Southern Stales iu a spontaneous and general revolutionary move ment. The border States. lying contiguous lo the North, dread the effect* of separation open Die safety of their ftlHve property, l'or ’ tting. or closing their eye* to the fact, that both the motive to übdlii’l fheir negroes, nud Die opportunity to the negro tor escape, are a thousand times stronger in tho Union, limn t licy could possibly be m sop urate go v t’f u inervt >, they urge this iis n grout bugbear in the way of any moteiuem tending to separation, or ‘•yen t lie manly assertion of our rights in the Union. \\ hy.sirs, what guards or guarantees now exist imniust the wholesale übdui.tiou of the slaves of the border Stnies, or their escape in to the tree States ? None, save the dome-tio tie-; and fidelity of the slaves themselves, nud the watchful vigilance of the owners. The Northern people arc allow ed by our C'oiistuu* D u und laws, ns Well a.* by social courtesy. t < come amongst Us at pleasure, they iruvid v. ul* impunity in every State county und neigh borhood, and have abundant opportunity to incident© insubordination, and seduce onr black population from their allegiance* Tito facditics for escape now, are quite ns great, if uPt greater, than they would lie if wo were separated by n national dividing line, whilst the outside pressure upon the slave towards escape and freedom, uud lus security from reelumatiou, ure far more powerful pnd etfc- - 1 ’ ■’’ *b* ll * D">y ever could lie lu the Other con dition. 2\ou>, under tlio coiistitmiauul guar- J ailtecs, wc Cannot eXeJude the Northern pi rate from our soil; in a separate government : ‘"• would be an alien and a stranger witlioui the r. .hi even to cuter, except by legid per- J mission. A,,. •, ull the law> winch Co:igross J hu* passed for the capture and rendition of fugitive slave*, stand u* n dead letter upon I the -Dilute book. W but me they werth to j ,t he .''(‘Utherii people t Not the value of the i i lpcr and ink with which they have been re corded. in u separated State and in.jepend , cut (iovernine.m, the abduction und detention > oi our slaves from iho Herviipo of their owners, i j would be cause of war, or of retaliating niea*- I lues of reseiitmeut and redress; atul theover ; 111 Imp cupidity und Iho coiniuercnd ncessiiies j ■ oft lie Northern people, the pin amount iiopar J turn • to them of peaceful rehuion* with us. | nail of enjoying the benefits of our trade und j Hoeiat intercourse, would iuipellhtsni mtotren j ties with us, which would utlbrd infinitely bet- D r guarantee's uguinst the uhducitori of ©ur ! laves, and lor tho return of tho*e who might , voluntarily escape. Give me the power over j the commercial relation* between the North Mid the utit, and the Motptints of -Southern j slaves, north of Mason vV Dixon's line, would bo “like annels’visits, few mul fur between.” I It a •Dray negro should now nud then e-cape j und (lei- into that far and free country, he I uoqld be caught and sent back to hu* *N. ner i I m less tune than he occupied in hi* vain race I j for freedom. The Northern people nun/ hr ) co.ititdied hy their interest; they never have I been governed by coUKtituiional obligations, | I and never will tie while there i ii negro uluvr j B.n whilst I urn satisfied that the people of tlio I border Sim,m or*. niiet*j<,n , tbeir opinions mat ! •*• * 4 ”~ “"*'**M o vturiui. piu hupai 1 a l ootrobing objection in their minds, to the for * raatbm of >v wparnto confederacy of the Have | State*, These aud other c •uriikradutu*, both > , lo al and general, would iu uli probability, pre vent a common (mueurrenco of ail the Southern j Mutes in u iiiovoiuent t .vvanla separation, even ter cm , which might ho hold mitiieivut hr,, I I m.i.mri. v of them. s,, | | ,|.,,:b ( whutfi<-r a irom r.u i (invention conM boo!itaind loeonsult umui :hu ; • omnuii Batvty aud t.. consider mid de*dd the question nt dtsuninu; or, l such a convention i was us-omblci, wJuahor any thing liketttuinimity Would prevail iu ii eounseU. flow then, shall th.se Sin fen Its a than the whole, or even less than a nmjnrifv, sat.iafled of tho necessity, policy un i vnr n ii duly of so me action looking to their seen nty out .f the Union—how shall they proceed toward* the aocuuiplishunmt of that object t j Fellow cili/.ens, iho action of u single Stnto. I except under cireuinstunosM onlisting the strong 1 sympathies of her contiguous staters, miriit lend I to defeat and disaster. It South rarofittn had roHofvcd hersolf out of tho Union in on ne • ount <*f tho ullegod oppressive optirationz of mu •dious protective Tariff, which ut one time wu* ■•'■'id to havo boon seriously considered nud e*ui icnipbiteKl. she could not have rethiod the com. billed opposition of nil her sister States, nr;d tho power of tbo Federal Government, upheld u# it yvu* by tho approving voice of the country. Thu gallantry of her sons would Imvo miiitjMn<sd h hard struggle against Federal cooteion, uiduw in tin* form of Federal laws or Federal imye, r...-:*: but they would have been forced te yield ut last, and rcKutiK! their former position as a State iu tho Union. Whatever, therefore, might bo my .< n vietions * line iiistitnt; nal and ... . tha Northern States and lhen!es ity and propriety of a Southern Confederacy to ecure the rights, interests uud honor of tho >oufh, I should Do slow t • rei-oinmc..! or approve the secession of a single State, we. ‘.out the proba ble co-operation of her coterminous etate-r.i, und still less against their expre.l will and w -b. Itut whenever a respectabtc number of the South ern States eonvinccil of the • comity mi polic.t •■ necking tbeir sufety or hup; less in anew ■ erunicnt, tdiall determine up’ * sueh a stop, they can accomplish that object, if out without tiifii cully, at Ip*: ; without bb • ‘shed .r civil wm. bet the State-* of South Uarojina, tteorghi, AJn bniun and Ai.- -i.vcippi, Imm “iuo animated by a common spirit of B<.ra?t,ueu to Northern nggte> siou- let theut become cmvuiccd that their aiifc tV, thnir interests qr their honor demands H K'J II- Dittoii from tho North and the formation of an in dependent government for tliemsuves and their pn-rerity, and u concortcd uud determined mftvometit by them would draw every ether •hvvp State into their policy mi l compel them to join *o nor or later in a Southern Con federacy. I itlflsH conciliated and reconciled t.. their tbrinor iv"—c|ue# and the lubm, hy the eoiioes-duii of additiouul and satisfactory Uonsli tutioiial guaranioc!*, tbme f.ur States*could In twelve months break the bonds of this Union so hT asunder that no power on earth could ever re-unite them. Let any one of tlum through „ Convention called by authority of its Ucci du * ure, solemnly resolve that the true policy of the •‘•ijuth wus to lortn a •eparuto government and express a willingtM-* and reitdiim** t* join any “i mm tdu r ■■• rnthtro States m thsfonoaUon aod •uaioteriapoe of such a government. Lot her invite iu an nuputdiig and solctiin form all others agreeing with her in opinion and object, to ap point delegatus to a Convention to be held at a time and place designated, forthe purpose of de claring (lit n in dependence and setting up agov- Lot, sueh ('uii ventiou of the States suggested er v. • of their ooiiHfitiictite, declare their independence • f the pfosont federal government t from! a ('ui. mitulion and form af go\ trnmant and proclaim thouHoive* to the world, a free nd indepondeut mi tion. Would miyetlort bo made to force them buck into tho Union ? How und by whom? t ‘"Hld th- 1 Podoral law# of tire old government be suforomi o\ it stsrarelgn Htalas thus united aod detenu tiled Ilm free ‘ Federal law- uni Feder ul officers would b* alike powerless und impotent Would ship* of war be sent to bloekudo our ports toenioreo the collection of Fodsral roveinu-, to oripplo or destroy our trade and break up our in teroourso with foreign imMoi!? \ ®in attempt I The million and u half of cotton hates produced by tin if .iir Stale-, to say nothing of q|luir ar ticles of export, would hurst note.i every bar rier which Federal power could throw ii round them. Prohibited Dy our own laws from passing into and tbrough tho adjoiuinr; Stales of tho old government, these itnmcinm uhjoots of commerce and wnulth would find their way to fhu ocean and over it t - all other cout. tries in spite ofied cntl fotvs or Federal nuns. Any attempt to shut out mh Ii a supply front tho cotton looms of tlio old world, would set all Europo in u blaze and bring to our old the liberating navies of overy commercial nation. Would an attempt h' 1 made to invade and oonquur us as rebels with Federal Aro anti Federal ttrulea? Tho first regiment PEYTON H. COLQUITT, ra,,.. JAMES W. WARREN, < Mltors - Number 30. tlint cr c c l .Mason and Dixon’s lino on such an errand, would b the signal for tho rising up of th -ii<.uids us .- tout hearts and stalwart urins. even m those N.,inh,nm State* that had not joined us, t>* drive the abolition invader# hack to their dens. Who can for a moment suppose that tho other hive States would either si and indifferently by, or join in a movement of the Federal Govern- • meat, usurped, or controlled hy Northern üboli tioiicD. to strike down tho spirit of Southern re •t; q,'ittco and coerce their kindred aud friends Into •h- ‘reddig sr.himrei.’h? No, sirs, tbo very, first ii 11 . mpt iit. Federal legislation looking to coercion -the very lirt military movement towards our conquest would aronso the sympathies of all onr • i -ter Southern -dales, and drive them out of the old and bring them with busty stops into tlio open nnd inviting arms of tho new Republic. Such would ho the inevitable effect of any hostile demons!ration against tho new Confederacy, and m such demonstration would bo made. Nor w i Id ts urn tier whether any effort wero lundnor not, to .■ tlo ;-. eding Stales into thoir for me: jo l , oi in the Union. Anew government ■i! formed I put into operation would attract, oil tho other •:i\ • State* lo it—no human power could hold them off. The attractions of a com mon iutere.- t und a common sympathy-—of a com mon race, lanvirigc and religion of common thing, r, ."suit and injury- of kindred associa tions mi kindred in S|lc ti<*nr**-of hiiaibir pur -‘•it * and similar object.’ -ttf v like origin atiu a like destiny, would bo i pntent us tho ail-power ful and all-pervailing natural laws of attraction am! cruviD.fton. / • unit**, fasten and bind fogefh ■ i” a b"?>ii too strong to he broken by tho ecml.i'i-. -i i , --i ull thu nations of the earth. No, fellow cilet a Southern f'onfedernoy 1. once f.>! net hy even u. !'• w of tho alnva States, l all tl: • km which control human action w.'it'd >*11111; Dc ir impr • upon every Southern State of this Union atul be irreakstablc. And time, for what e iuse, und on what occa :"ti shall such a m vetnonr ho make by any of the. h: i; ... . Thi question is already answered to a certain extent, by the solemn de <darHiion of our own State, enunciated at Mil -1 •"! :. -m D>c Convention of December, iB6O. That Cottvontb.n was ret one formed by volunta iv i :,-•*! v nradlngy .f tho ‘people Assembled in Hindi numbers, und n- ututal in such ettsos con t;'o!!ed hy few leading and amhitipuN nten—it wit* a • t> vent ion called by tb Governor under i v :mi instruct ions of tho Legislature ‘he ‘lei- . were elected by the people of the - • ml count3< - umi-.-r ts ■ iisunl roles arid regu laiion.- cf law -tliey trer- e!to;en lifter a yrntrno t ‘ -d heated eontcr-t, in which all the objects : “and hearings of tho proposed Convention wero fully discuss ! and considered by the people—it ■ con;. i~f .., •of the ;tbh * ; and best men of belli puli'; al pavtu’ in the Slate—itspoko tho •i }-••■•;.!>• in unmtatakabta language, •md ,-tl; mi ;* .- v largo and respectabl© j p-irty in the Slate, which tlitl not think that tho ■;i t fur enough, yi I they acquiesced ni n.” . ■ ‘ :i-ii- ii an*! it.* -Icnm resolutions of | i t<-lic n the future. I may aftdy my that ! if the pe> , ie in* ts -.M .i.t were never Indore, or i t ■ nt-.t.-d oput. ,i. v utlu r political sub • • . 1 1.-; • :..•••! the I’latform framed bv that \1 t; volition. The -tth Resolution of that ,■ i'! I’ eem dec'.'*.--, “Tha! the State of Georgia, in the judgment of 1 1>■ - ( -mventitm will uud • ■■■'.. hi to re-i i. . vin ir.sn lust resort) to auisrup ti--i. of <■V -;y It- .etiif h html> f-r to the Union tun > *e-n “ft’ - ttjfii Il,c tuhjt'ctof slave, ry in tho I'is!rict <-! (’olittnitui, or in places rub j- ‘ tloM’ ut is b ••ion D..i '.grays, ioe- tupotihie u ;t;i thi . it'ety. d.uneMtc tranquility, the rights .ind b'n--r “f D ‘ shrvch'ddiuy; States-; r any net suppressing the. aluvetrade between the slave holding States: or any refusal to admit as a State Terri*"t v hereafter • ; plying because rtf’ tho <■ ;i>tcm't*of slavery therein : or onv act probibi !■; • the inf*- ‘ion of slaves into tho territories j 1 ttth or New Mexico: • any tied repealing or i ie.- ‘ .dh m.aiif’ ie; law* loan in force for | the revovery of fugitive Si.,. ; i,i* ud'’|)iioi; of that I'biform tho ttn- I mi>tak ‘le v< f mn.*t of the Southern 1 Dd'.':- ha? ,1 oided and approved it, and CX* ; p'e their <ltermtnation to stundl*y Geor gia in u* r-;;'in!t‘;iiii>r.-, •‘oven to tho disrup tion of uli the ties that bind them tothe T. r nJrtn.“ N'.v., lot any otto <>t tin• provisions of that i Vto violated ty sin u\>o\ui<m C'cMn^resv, ami II"’ < moil would ho • - oh ed til |c>.s n, Dtt than it tool; to form it. It would not iflßhy ” opinion, live* unother year. So fur so good— •’ ue wi at may, the tr -benrted Southern man. who is rendy and willing to risk tlio ul ! ie. ed and apprehended dangers of sejuiraU ui i and u Font bet- ii (onlbdor toy, hns the eoiisoln j f - that i ‘onpro-* run tlo neither of fb(H I-dd and lielia t diM lunitton without producing dis union and broi:.-ai;: about the ultimate und per manent irotoc'.i.it of our mstitutioiis|in unotli • ami he'ier Government. Ia t the aho ition ml - • I tlio North take the Federal Govern ment. n tiiey • an. and put our pluck totlm test by violating ‘.i:ty portion of thr Georgia Pitt, litri I. Ur firm da it if the a ran—let’ them do it. i/ they trill—let them do it if they dan But i* iheie no other cause, no other net ten of the fee Slates which would justify separation uud | probably produce* it f i•!i ■ w :i. - . 1 have raid c tec where, “Tho • ■ ii"t “fa N >rilu'.rii President, tijsou a sect lon and uiUu-.avfrv i.-jtuc. will Lo considered cause < -■ •.hI” ju . .-rion. Lot the Senator Nivy \nrU. pit. Howard,] orafiy other man :; “'.vii.; the s ntiinrnta uml policy enunciated hy him in In- R’ cherter speech, be elected Vrcstelent of iiio t tilted States, and, in my opinion, there are more than one us the Southern States that would lake itmirediaf steps towards reparation. Aud sir, I am free lo declare, hero iu the Senate, ; whri-cvc,- -ueh un event shall occur, for one, i ■ .nil tejhr <J"tni""n, and shiili, if alive, exert i.<- povere l muy have iu urging upon the i•” my Std Die, ni:"’ udty and propriety of an iuiniedtatu separation.” This 1 dc.il'orutely stud on the floor cf tho Sen ate m liuyf •of oufcm-tr.i. ■ —this 1 deliberately to day In the prraonco of frleffdi and i.'t. ,1. 1 should consider such an event ’’ v 1 ■ 11 1 .ir to Southern in tituiions, und I would not wait forthe dtvclopo i.; r- result# I W’ uld nip tho danger iu. >. lui'J. atiti tuk<‘ iiumcdiiito steps to unite tho - “iili oi a mov.-im rit which should end, either iu ; iilioty within the Union, or safety out of it. A j movement towards separatum even by a ringlo i Slate, Hould bring the Northern people to tbeir vo.-i - if any thing could open iheir curs aud ” arts to the voice of reason and justice Tbo- North does not believe that the fiontli will dis m/Ivc Iho 1 niuti for Atty cause, and that they uiay push their fanatical Schemes upon us with impu nity. Convince them that the South is in earli est, by nn imposing step towards separation, and • vet. nn ~.ui-m will pause and “look before it h n she Union ‘ • Ur more necessary, tievTul and / ii portunt co them than to us, and they knout and. They would uot. probably drive us to the al i “ iMve of separation, if they were advised and beli> ved that such would be the result of their In . ik’ “cincnstratmns against slavery and the of Hie Southciu people. In iB6O, when a i■ • ;.cut G.ararils , cession was made in Geor vu, uud a tew of the neighboring Slates, and there iccun and to by souse danger of extreme mean . the X rttern mind It. gun to recoil—the Northern papers, for the find time since the Un i i xv a- i -to; <l. begun to calculate its value aud in vt ;lu- danger und impolicy of driving the 1 exm unties. Meetings of the people ” • 1 Infill mid cafoty uotuuiitti c* were formed to vbuke i.nti ■ ivery ugiUttion und supprers the 1 “wr<d Die abolitlonisu, and if the South hud acted with spirit and inanliln*s then, tile whole subj *‘t would have been settled at once and for ever, by such Uorntitutional guarantees ns would have placed onr rights and our safety upon a sure and lading basis. But tinfr>rlmtutcTy’ for tho South, wi had Di'ii, and I fear we over shall have >./> id uii v ii in l>i i i"tts public men, who wore look in t to Nntionnl honors, and who /Vent interest or ! :n, w re willing to aacriflec our riglitr, “to l ‘ ■*i ve a Uriioii.” !)• m which they expected ao in.my peinonat htraeinf/e, I . !lovv-t ili/ens, if tho pa>oplo*Of till* %)Uth vv'/uhl preserve their rights in thejUnlon. or • -"Dim their indepoiutynet) nut ol it, they must tal e the sttl f >-<*t into their own hands- speak .ml their seiitiiWrtnts with H boldness that bo coil.- freuineii, and teaubwnditieiam* iho smlii* tuiy h -Min. that ‘ lie who UullteH in a ditstard, uid ho who doubts is damned. ’ Whethorjlhe elcetutu of a lliuek Hepubliean President upon a M>clioiinl anti slavery platform, and by nru* tionwl abolition purty, shall be considered a Millieient . iiiisc for alarm ami separation.by a majority of uny out* or more of the* {Southern Al lies, remains to he seen. Ido not hesitate Ji> i i-. ns l lutv* Hsewhero and every where, to express mv own opinion, thnt it ought to bo ao eotiM'lured. und if tlm time shall ever arrive, and tic event over hupprn, come what muy, in otlice or out of office, it alive and able. I -itell ruiM/ my * met* in vindirntion of the sin <fi ity with wliieh i have uttered thu seuti menu Fellow-citizens, let no tuun suppose or infer front what l have said here, or elsewhere, that l am in favor of dissolving this Union ns u uxtti-r o( cuolo*. It i. trus, tbt much of my