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The Gainesville Eagle. PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING. CAHEY VV . STYLES, Editor and Proprietor. 1 EBMB : #3 A Year, in Advance. on ios Up Btairs in Candler Uali building, nortli-weM coru.r Public Square. A m nts for The Eagle. T. M. Kn u, lilairaville, Ga. ; J. D. Howard, Hiwas ee, Ga.; W. M. Sanderson, Hayeville, N. C.; Da. N. C, Ohisobn, Buford, Ga. ajr The above named gentlemen are authorized to make collectlona, receive and roceipt for subscription to Ti’.E Kaglb office. ~h% THE ROGUES’ RAID AND THE ROliliEltS’ REWARD. Tlie Federal Marauders in the Georgia. Monntains. blackleg* Clothed with Authority Dining the People to Desperation. Midnight Itiiids upon Helpless Children, and Women Insulted in the Presence of their Manacled Husbands. Commissioners, Deputies and One-horse Lawyers in Collusion to Bleed Timid Countrymen. A People Driven to the Verge of Despera tion. Robbed, Insulted and Spat Cpoii. The .Means by which Blaeker, Sheridan, Oleini, Hood win and Others Enrich Themselves and Disgrace the Government. Showing the Marshal’s Service of Georgia to he More Unprincipled than the Hashi-Ita/ourks of Bulgaria. Scenes that Would Make Kero Weep, and Put Satan Himself to the Blush. Report of Colonel Sam Williams to the Governor on the Facts Connected with the Death of Lieut. Intyre. Atlanta, Ga., April, 1877. tlis Excellency A. If. Colquitt, Governor, etc., Atlanta, <la.: ■ Sut: Pursuant to your appointment, ami in compliance with a resolution of the General Assembly of this State, approved February 23, 1877, authoriz ing you to “send to the counties of Gilmer, Fannin and neighboring coun ties, a suitable person to examine iuto the state of affairs that gave rise to the arrest of citizens there by the officers of the United States government,” I left Atlanta on the 27th day of February ult., and proceeded with as little delay as possible, via Canton and Ellijay, to Morganton, Ga., county of Fannin. At that point I began to make such inquiries as would soonest put me in possession of the facts necessary to enable me to inform you correctly and fully as to the true state of affairs in that and adjoining counties. I soon found it would be necessary for me to inquire as to all that had takeu place there for several years past, (as a large majority of arrests made there recent ly were on old warrants running back one or two years,) in order to comply fully with the requirements of the resolution under which I was acting. In doing this, I followed as nearly as I could the movements of those who made the arrests, and give such in formation as I gathered in doing so, in the different localities I visited. These localities, as far as I could learn, are known as Frog Mountain, Fighting Town, Hoard Town Creek, Noon Toot ley and Ticanetfcley creeks, in Fannin county; central, southern and south eastern parts of Gilmer county, and some portions of Pickens. On or about the Ist of February, 1877, a party of Deputy United States Marshals, with a Deouty Collector and a body of U. S. troops, left Cartersville, in Bartow county, and making Ellijay, in Gilmer county, their objective point, proceeded after reaching there, making that place a base of operations to visit the different localities I have named. I proceeded directly to Frog Moun tain; first visited the house of Ayers Jones, in which a lieutenant of the U. ■ S. army recently lost his life, having I been killed by a party or parties, who j up to the present writing are unknown. This house I found to be a log cabin, built of rough unhewn oak logs, and was entirely deserted. A more full ; and minute description of it, with its I surroundings, 1 will give before I close my report. I went from that place to j the house of John H. Jones, the father of Ayres Jones, and to others in the same locality. The statements of those I found there I will now give, as well as those I received elsewhere daring my absence, before noticing anything that came under my own observation, or before making any comments thereon. Mrs. Ayers Jones, the wife of the man who owned the house, and who was the only grown person in it when it was visited, says: SUlfimnt No. 1. ‘That ou or about tlie 10th day of February, 1877, there came to my house, about one or two o’clock in the morning, a party of men, and without being asked to come in, pushed open the door, entered, and asked me if I had hoard of the revenue officers. I told them I had heard of them two days before, and had also heard that they had returned to Ellijay. The party, I have since learned, was com posed of Blacker, Anglin, Ralston, a lieutenant and a soldier. They asked who lived there, and when told Ayers Jones, and that he was not at home, they lighted a candle—inspected the house, and asked if there was any whisky there. I told them there was not. They then lighted a lamp and proceeded to inspect the house. They returned, and again asked where my husband was. I told them I did not know. Blacker told me I was a liar, tyid that he was at the still house. I told him that might ho so. They closed both doors, Blacker taking his seat by one door and Anglin on the other side of the same. One of the soldiers proposed to them to leave and not bother the woman and little chil dren any more. (I would stato here that they asked me before why I was up when they came. I told them I was up attending to my sick children.) Ho was answered by the man called Blacker, with an oath, starting that he would stay there as long as he pleased, and do as he pleased while there. The soldier said that the men with the horses would get cold. Blacker said he did not care; that he had sent three men for the still, and that ho would re main until they had brought it. The most of this conversation was carried The Gainesville Eagle. Devoted to I'olitioss, News of tlie Day, Tlie Farm Interests, Home Matters, ami Olioice Miscellany. VOL. XI. on with oaths. Again when I asked | them to leave, and not bother me and j my little children any more, they swore I they would stay until they were ready ;to go. I had seven children in the ; house under eleven years of age. I j asked them several more times to leave, and was each time answered by curs ing, and the assurance that they would not leave until they were ready. ‘During this talk, or rather cursing and swearing, someone hailed at the door, and some tiring took place. I took my children to get them out of the way, and they tried to force me to go and open the door that they them selves had opened and closed after they had gotten in. ‘The only thing I know after the fir ing began, and up to soon after it closed, was someone groaning in the back yard outside, as if they were dying. ‘About half an hour after the shoot ing and that noise had ceased, I heard the cracking of brush, and a man leav ing. Then everything became quiet, and I heard no more until someone hailed at the door just before sun rise, and asked if I were asleep. I said I was not. He said ‘peace,’ and asked me to open the door. I told him to push open the door, and come in. He came in and asked me where the wounded man was. I told him I did not know. Just then Blacker came in and asked me file same ques tion again. I answered the same thing. He cursed me and told me I was a liar. He asked me who had been there since they left. I told him no one but myself and little children. He called me a liar again. They then left, and did not return until the after noon. ‘After they left in the morning, I discovered the dead body for the first time, and immediately sent to my nearest neighbors to ask them to come and take charge of it. I watched and protected it until some parties came and took it away. ‘When they returned for the body, they said they had come for revenge, and that they intended to burn the house and everybody in it. They knocked down the door shutter, and then I took my children and left the house. The man called Blacker fol lowed me until I stopped. He began to curse me, and after asking me some questions, and being answered, replied that they intended to burn every houso on the mountain in less than three weeks, as someone was coming with a regiment. He left cursing me, and saying that we would smell hell in less than three weeks. I have seen none of them since. ‘When Blacker entered my house, he came with his pistol cocked.’ Statement Id. a. Mrs. Emeline Walker states: ‘I lived a short time since near the house of Ayers Jones. On or about the 10th day of February, about two o’clock in the morning, there came to my house three men calling themselves Robbie, Ware, and another that I did not know. They asked who lived there, and on my telling them my name, and that I was a widow, they pushed aside a table in front of the door and entered, and proceeded to search the house, look ing, as they said, for some man. After finding none, they asked me where the still house was. I told them I did not know. The man called Robbie cursed me, and told me I was a ‘damned liar.’ They still insisted that I knew where the still house was, and asked the children. They offered me twenty five dollars to tell them. They never showed me any warrant or told me they had one to search my house. After asking me directions as to which was up and to which down the branch, and being told, they left. ‘The next afternoon I was at Ayers Jones’ house, and there came a num ber of men for the body of the officer who had been killed there the night before. ‘Robbie came to the door and asked for the body. Mrs. Jones told him that it was behind the house. After getting it they came to the door and said they had come for revenge; that they intended to burn the house and all who were iu it. Immediately they began to fire their arms; and I told Mrs. Jones that we must take the chib j dreu and leave—which we did. We were followed by a man called Blacker, who after asking some questions, and j being answered truly, replied every i time by saying that we were damned : liars; that he would burn the house before sundown, and that he would give us all hell directly. He theu left, I and I saw them no more until about ; two weeks afterward at Tom Jones’ house, when they returned with a large number of soldiers. The house was entered by Robbie and others. Rob bie had his guu cocked in his hand, and after looking iu and around the house, and in the loft, asked where the men were who rau from the door. After being told that no men ran from the door, he said that he saw them, and that when I said they did not I told a damned lie every time I told it. He then told me, —cursing and swearing, —that I was the very woman he was looking for—that ho knew my face— ; that I knew who killed Lieutenant Mc- Intyre. ‘He drew his hand culls, unlocked them, and told me he was going to put them on me, and drawing his gun, told me he would put them on me, or kill me. ‘The cursing was continued until Mrs. Tom Jones, who a few days be fore had given birth to a child, was so much frightened as to have to be put to bed. They then made me go and show where the still house was. I went with Robbie and Goodwin, who, cursing me, told me if there was a gun tired on the opposite side, they would shoot me into inch pieces. I showed them the still house, to which they went, shot Jive hogs, and returned. ‘Soon afterwards they left, and in a little time Goodwin and Robbie return ed, and told me that they wanted me to go where the captain and the judge were. After going with them to the still house aud returning, they told me I would have to go on with them. They j never, at any time, showed me a war j rant, nor told me what I was arrested foj. From home I was carried to At lanta and put in jail. ‘My treatment was such that lam now and have been sick ever since I returned.’ Statement No. 3. Nancy Jones, wife of J. H. Jones, aged 53 years, says: ‘There came to my house, on or about the 23d day of February, 1877, some United States revenue officers, and I was asked by them the whereabouts of my husband, and other men folks. I answered them truly that I did not know. They replied to me with curses, stating that I had better tell the truth. ‘ln about one hour my husband re turned and was arrested by them, after they had told him that they had heard nothing but good reports of him. He was carried away without being al lowed time to prepare his clothing. He is about seventy-four or seventy five years of age. ‘I offered to show recommendations from various parties as to my hus band’s past character. They said they had come for revenge, not for recom mendations. They stole and carried away several pieces of bed clothing, which I had prized very highly.’ Statement No. A. Elizabeth Jones, wife of T. M. Jones, says: ‘About sixty or seventy men came to my home on or about the 23d day of February, 1877. Several en tered at once. One addressed a Mrs. Walker, who was with me, saying she was the damned b—h who had killed that man, referring to Lieut. Mclntyre, and when she denied it he called for handcuffs, and said he would carry her to jail, and allow her to rot there. They asked her for her husband, and were told that she had had none since the war. By this time I was so affect ed by fright that I had to be put to bed. I had given birth to a child only a few days before. After I was a little restored, I told him where the still house was as soon as £ was asked, and said I would show it to them if I were able. Mrs. Walker showed them the still house. They killed five hogs and then left, carrying Mrs. Walker, and leaving her three children.’ Statement No. 5. John H. Jones, aged seventy-four years, a citizen of Fannin county, says that, ‘On or about the 23d day of Feb ruary, 1877, there came to my houso a party of United States deputy mar shals, soldiers, &c. ‘At the time of their arrival I was absent, looking about some sheep. I found the marshals and soldiors when I returned to my house. I was called out to the fence by one Pat Sheridan, who told me he had me bow, and that I was gone up for ten years. I asked for his authority for arresting me. He answered by cursing and swear ing, and saying I would see it time enough. He said he had the author ity, and that if ten years would not do, that twenty years would settle me. A man by the name of Robbie then be gan to curse me, and called me an old son of a b—h. I asked him why I was arrested, and he told me I would see soon enough. An officer threatened to put him under guard if he cursed me any more. I was placed by Goodwin in charge of Sheridan, who ordered me to take the road. I was carried off without allowing me to put on proper clothing—not even to put on some drawers which my wife thro wed to me, and which I was not allowed to put on until I reached the jail at Morganton, twenty or twenty-five miles distant. I had not even a jacket, and when I again appealed to them to allow me to get my clothing, I was answered by curses and told to take the road. I was walked most of the way from Morganton to Cartersville, about eigh ty miles, suffering the first day for both food and water. I was given no committing trial at Cartersville—kept in jail there one week, carried to Atlanta and kept in jail ten days. I was then tried, ac quitted and released. During this whole time I was never shown a warrant for my arrest, and not even told why I had been arres ted. While in the hands of these offi cers, my treatment was such as to break down my health, and leave me in doubt as to whether I will ever recover from it. Stateuunt No. G. Sarah Ann Davenport, wife of John F. Davenport, says: ‘On the return of the revenue officers from the moun tains, they stopped at my house. A man by the name of Goodwin, on en tering, behaved in a most insulting manner. He accused all in the house of being a parcel of damned thieves and rogues. The only provocation he had was, he had lost his saddle blanket, and when I told him that some of his own men had taken it, he replied by saying that I was a ‘damned liar.’ He afterwards found his blanket, and he found it as I had stated. This same man Goodwin, with others, slept on the iloor in my house on pallets made for them in the best way possible. He. brought in with him, and slept on, or under, a line piece of bed clothing, which I recognized as belonging to old Mrs. Jones. The next morning I put it away, and it has since been returned to her. My house has but one room, and my husband, myself and all my children occupy it.’ . Statement No. 7. John F. Davenport -says: ‘I am 3(5 years old. On or about the 23d day of February, 1877, there came to my house a Captain Dagget, and asked to camp some troops on my place. I told him to camp them anywhere he might choose. ‘He put them in my meadow, and remained until next day. I did all in my power to render them comfortable, even to going into the neighborhood and purchasing supplies for them.— They remained at my house that night, and the next morning a man named Goodwin asked me the way to Tom Jones’ house. I told him I did not wish to mix myself up with anything—that he had a man with him (Fields Chap man) who could tell him as well as I could. They said we expect we will have to carry you out with us when we GAINESVILLE, GA., FKIDAY MORNING, MAY 18, 1877. return to prevent tjem from killing you. They left, and on the next day as they returned, a man called Robbie came to my door, and calling me out, said: ‘I have orderg to arrest you.’ I said I would like to know what it was for. He said: ‘Mr. Davenport, I don’t know any more wbat it is for than you do. He carried me to Capt. Goodwin, and asked him what to do with me. AVitnout telling me what I was arrested for, he told Rolobie to put me with the rest of the prisoners. They carried me to jail in Morganton, and from there to Cartersville, where I remained in jail for one week. I was there given no committing trial, but was sent to At lanta, and there kept in jail about ten days, and notwithstanding I asked them, they never showed any warrant for my arrest, or told me why I was arrested, or gave me a chance to sum mons witnesses, although I was over 120 miles from home. I was placed ou trial, acquitted and released. My treatment was such from the time of my arrest, that I suffered both for want of food and from exposure. lam still suffering from the effects of the arrest ’ Statement No. 8. R, M. Watson says: ‘I am 33 years uld, and a citizen of Fannin county. On or about the 23d day of February, 1877, there came to me, at the house of Mr. Davenport, some men calling themselves Deputy U. S. Marshals, and told me to consider myself under arrest. I asked them by what authority. They said they had the papers, but without showing any, carried me to a guard tent, and placed me with others that had been arrested. From there I was carried to Morganton, and from there to Cartersville, where I remained in jail about one week—was given no committing trial, but was carried to Atlanta, kept in jail ten days; was then tried and acquitted. Up to this time, although 130 miles from home, in a mountain country, I was never shown a warrant for my arrest, nor was I ever told why I was arrested. From the time of my arrest until my discharge, my treatment was such as to cause me to suffer both from hunger and expo sure. I brought butter to camp, when asked to do so, and after selling it to some of them, through a negro said to be waiting on Capt. Cook, for 12£c. per pound, was cursed by this same negro, and told that the butter was mixed with tallow. When told that it was not, he said I was a G—d d—d liar. The result was, I got little or nothing for my butter. ’ Statement No. 9. Mr. Elijah Johnson, who lives within three or four miles of Mr. Davenport and Mr. Watson, states almost identi cality the same with regard to his arrest —being refused a warrant, was tried and acquitted as they have stated; but, in addition, says that the result cf the treatment he received after arrest was such as to cause him much suffering, from which he has not yet recovered, and which will cause him the loss of some of his toe nails.’ Statement No. 10. Mrs. Johnson, the wife of Elijah Johnson, says: ‘I accompanied by hus band when he was arrested. I was approached in Cartersville by a man by the name of A. J. Glenn, of Pickens county, who told me he had stayed all night the night before at Marshal Goodwin’s house, and that for the sum of S2OO he could have my hus band released, and that he should re turn home. I told him I did not have the money; but even if I had, I pre ferred that he should stand his trial, as I knew that he was not guilty.’ Statement No. 11, James M Jones, of Fannin county, says, under oath: ‘On or about the 4th day of February, of this year, there came to my house some men calling themselves United States revenue of ficers. Among them was a man named Goodwin, and one named John Ral ston, who entered my house and in quired as to my whereabouts. On be ing told that I was in my bed, he approached me saying that he, Good win, had a warrant for me. I asked to see the warrant. He said he did not have it with him, but would show it to me at Ellijay, at which place he prom ised that I should have a committing trial. I was carried to Ellijay, where I was kept for two days, and from there was taken to Cartersville, where I was kept in jail for ten days before I was given a trial. While in Ellijay I was approached by A. J. Glenn, of Pickens county, who asked me if I wished coun sel, and suggested W. T. Day, a lawyer of Pickens county, who came to see me in the jail at Cartersville, on a Thurs day morning, and asked me if I knew the charges contained in the warrant against me. I told him I did not; that I had never seen the warrant, or heard it read. He went out, telling me he would see it, and immediately told me that he had also seen the names of the witnesses against me, and that my case would ‘sour’ right there in case I could not pay money; that for $l5O he could settle the case, and asked me how much money I had, and what I would do. I told him I had only twelve or fifteen dollars, but that in no case would I give more than §SO to make a settle ment. He told me that for the amount he had named he could have the wit nesses against me put out of the way. I told him I would still not agree to his proposition, but that I would give him my note for §75 to make the set tlement. To this lie agreed, and I gave him my note for the amount —he prom ising in consideration of that sum to free me of all charges in that court against me. On the next day my case was called, and as I was leaving the jail Mr. Goodwin shook me by the hand and said, ‘Jones you will come clear, there is no proof here against ! you.’ I was taken before Commissioner | C.filins, tried and acquitted, and dis i charged. In my agreement with Mr. I Day, he was to take charge of my case i in the committing court, and carry it ! through the court in Atlanta. I was to j give him ten dollars for legal services.’ Statement Xo. 12. M illiarn Crisp says, under oath: ‘There came to me in this, Fannin county, on or about the 21st day of February, of this year, as I was passing through a field near my house, in the company of ladies and children, mem bers of my family-, two men represent ing themselves to be officers of the United States revenue department,one of whom was Robbie. ‘After asking my name, they told me to consider myself under arrest. On asking for what, I wms told that it did not matter, that I must go to camp. On my way to that place, I was met by a man of their party who told me to go about my business. The two having me in charge, however, car ried me on, and iuto the presence of Mr. Goodwin, a United States mar shal, who I told that I had been ar rested, and asked him to teil me on what grounds it was done. He an swered by telling me that it was none of my business, and ordered me to a tent where I was placed under guard. ‘Frpm there I was taken to Morgan ton—thence to Cartersville, in all, eighty miles, where, after having been in arrest about twelve days, I was tried before a committing court, and as nothing was proven against me, I was discharged. ‘From the day of my arrest, until the time of my discharge, no warrant was ever shown me. ‘I asked Mr. Blacker, a deputy mar shal, at Morganton as to my arrest. He asked me where I lived, and when I told him, he said he had no record of my arrest. ‘The treatment I received from the time of my arrest until my release was rough and unkind.’ Statement No. 13. Sam. Houston Green, under oath, says: ‘I was approached on or about the sth of February, 1877, by a Mr. Goodwin, a United States revenue of ficer, at the forks of the road, near James Jones’ house, who told me he had a warrant for me, and wanted me to go with him I asked him to show me the warrant. He told me he would do so in Ellijay, and that would be soon enough. He then ordered me oft' my horse. This was about nineteen miles from Ellijay, to which place I walked. I was carried from Ellijay to Cartersville, where, in a day or two, Mr. Day, a lawyer of Pickens county, came to me and told me that for ten dollars he would clear me. I refused to pay it, as I knew there was nothing against me. He came to me again in a day or two afterwards, and told me he had seen the warrant and the names of the witnesses against me, and as they were not there, he could clear me as ‘slick as a whistle.’ ‘We still could not agree. He came to me again, and told me the witnesses had arrived, but ( still he could clear me. ‘Finally I agreed to pay him fifteen dollars to defend both my brother and myself beforejGje commissioners court, and, if necessary, before tlie court iu Atlanta. ■ ‘During this time I never saw the warrant against me, nor knew the charge on which I was to be tried. ‘My brother and myself were tried, acquitted and discharged. On my way one Broaden told me he would give me or any one else twenty-five dollars to swear enough against Thomas Trammell to convict him.’ Statement No. 14. James M. Patterson under oath says: ‘I am a citizen of Fannin county, Ga. On or about the 7th day of No vember, 1873, there came to my house a man calling himself Mountavel Man chester, who claimed to be an United States revenue official, and said he was from Murphy, in the state of North Carolina. He told -me he had a war rant for my arrest, but refused to show me the same, saying he had the power, and was going to arrest me. He had others with him. I never saw the warrant. He took from me one still, two hand saws, one drawing knife, one augur, one keg of singlings. They then carried me to the other side of the river, into the state of Tennes see. He told me if I would pay him twenty-five dollars he would release me. This I refused to do, but on pay ment of ten dollars—all I had, he re leased me, telling me to appear at Mr. Dickey’s, in Fannin county, for trial. Before the day arrived, he sent me a verbal message by Pleas Ray and others that I need not appear for trial, as he was sick, and that I need bother no more about it. This man was ac companied by Pleas Ray, Arch Stew art, Bill Stewart, and a man named Rhodes, all of whom, to the best of my knowledge, were not resident of this stale. Up this time I have heard no more of my case. ‘At the same time these parties vis ited my house, they went to the house of my brother-in-law, and in my pres ence took from him a yoke of steers, one wagon, one still, nine bushels of meal, one set of trace chains. At the same time I paid, I saw him pay them thirty dollars in money. The payment of the money was also witnessed by John Rogers, a citizen of Tennessee. Nothing was afterwards brought up against him.’ Statement No. 15. Joseph Garrett says: T am a citi zen of Fannin county, Ga., aged 58 years. On of about the last Monday in February, 1877, there came to my house about One o’clock in the night, a party of men calling themselves reve nue officers, and ordered me out of bed instantly. I asked what it meant. They said they had a warrant against me. I asked what for. They said they did not know, and again ordered me to get out of bed. I told them that I was unable, but they said there was no man who had such a face as I had, but was able to walk. I again asked to see the warrant, and know what it was for. ‘They said they supposed it was for illicit distilling. I then told them that the doctor said the sore on my leg was a carbuncle. I was then informed that since arriving at my house they had learned I was all right. ‘They arrested a Mr. Wells at my house, and carried him off without al lowing him to get his hat or showing him a warrant. ‘I served on the United States court jury two years since, and told them I had never had anything to do with making whisky in my life.’ Statement No. 16. Milton Holt, under oath, says: ‘I am a citizen of Gilmer county; am about thirty years old; was raised in this county. On or about one year ago last August a party of men, in charge of two men calling themselves Good win and Whitmore, claiming to be United States revenue officials, came to my house about daylight in the morning, knocked at the door, and it was opened by a j’oung man who was employed by me on my place. They immediately arrested him and pro ceeded to the house of a neighbor of mine. On their return they proceeded to my still house and returned to my house again and broke up a number of new barrels which had never contained whisky. They procured an ax and went again to my still house, cut up the still, etc. The man arrested was named Ammons, and had never had anything to do with distilling. He was arrested for me, and notwithstanding he gave his right name, (and that they were told so in Ellijay by persons who knew him that he had done so) he was carried to Cartersville, tried and re leased. ‘A short time after this I was met in the road by A. J. Glenn, a citizen of Pickens county, (and not a lawyer), who told me I was the very man he wanted to see; that he had seen Black er in Ellijay that morning, and that everything was all right. He told me to go home and stay; there I should not be interrupted by Blacker. ‘You can,’ he said, ‘get out now by paying one hundred dollars, and appearing at court in Cartersville for trial; saying at the same time that the names on the warrant against me would be eras ed, and that I would be allowed to se lect any one, or more, as I might choose, to be substituted iu their stead. In consideration of this I was to pay him one hundred dollars. ‘He went to Ellijay, and returned with a list of witnesses who were to appear against me. Those named I saw would convict me. I gave him other names of my own selection as witnesses. I paid Glenn the one hun dred dollars. ‘We then separated—Glenn telling me to go home and remain there; that when I was wanted Blacker would let me know. In a few days Blaeker noti fied me in person to appear at Car tersville. I went there, and was tried before Commissioner Collins. Only the witnesses who were selected by myself appeared against me, and’l was acquitted and discharged. Deputy Marshall Goodwin, who was at my house, and saw my still and other things destroyed, was present and in the room at the time of my acquittal. When Blacker came to notify me to appear at Cartersville for trial, and just as he was leaving, he called me to him, and asked the amount I was to pay Glenu. I told him one hundred dollars. ‘About one year from the date of the first visit to my house by these of ficials, James Findley, a deputy mar shal, came to my house, and saying that he had a warrant for my arrest, arrested me, and carried me to Dah lonega, where waiving trial, T was ear ned to Atlanta, tried before the United States district court, plead gnil'v nnd was senteuced to five moutho mi tms onrnent, and to pay a fine of one hun dred dollars. I complied with the sentence of the court. ‘The offense to which I plead guilty, was the same for which I was tried at Cartersville, aud on which I was ac quitted. ‘Jack Glenu told me if I ever was convicted, or brought up on any offense behind the one charged in the first warrant, he would give me my money back, and as much more. He also at this time—-which was at Cartersville after my first acquittal—took another man and . myself to one side, and told us that if we wished to do so, we could return home and continue to distill spirits, ou the condition that we would pay Blacker and himself ten cents per gallon on all we made; that he had talked with Blacker about it, and that he said we would not be disturbed. I never distilled any more. ‘A few moments after this eonvensa tion with Glenu, we met Blacker, and asked him about it. He said we could go on distilling if we wanted to do so; that we should not be disturbed by him or any of his crowd, as he could control Atkinson, but that he (Atkin son) ranked him. He stated that he had control of fi Pickens, Gilmer and Fannin counties, and that no other of ficer under his control had the right to make any arrests in these counties.’ Statement No. 17. Miles Davis, under oath, says: ‘I am a citizen of Gilmer county, in the state of Georgia. 1 have resided here about for about forty years. ‘There came to my house, about one year ago last August, two men calling themselves Goodwin and Whitmore, claiming to be United States revenue officials, and said they had a warrant for my arrest. They proceeded to ar rest me and carried me as far as Mar tina Toem’s on the road to Ellijay. There I left them and returned to my home A few days afterwards, I was informed by Mr. Jack Glenn, of Pick ens county, that my case could be set • tied. He informed me that if I would go to Cartersville with Milton Holt and others, he could arrange with Blacker, a deputy marshal, for a set tlement of my case, on my paying sev enty dollars. T paid Glenn the money at his house, and proceeded to Cartersville. Another condition on my payment of I the money was that if ever I was ' brought up for any offense against the | revenue laws, committed before that ! time, the money was to be returned to ; me. ‘On my arrival in Cartersville, I was I tried before Commissioner Collins, and was acquitted. I returned home. ‘About the 28th day of last August, ; I was arrested again by a party, of, | which James Findley, a deputy United , States marshal, was in charge, carried Ito Dahlouega, waived trial and wus carried to Atlanta, where I was placed in jail. On the day after my arrival I was tried before the United States dis trict court, sentenced to four months’ imprisonment and to pay a fine of one hundred dollars. ‘I complied with the sentence of the court. The offense for which 1 was committed to jail was committed prior to the time of my trial at Cartersville, and was the same for which I had paid.’ Statement No. IS. A. J. Cole, of Gilmer county, says: ‘About the 10th day of November, 1875, after being summoned as a wit ness before the commissioner’s court at Cartersville, and after giving my testimony, a man called C. B. Black er, and who professed to be a deputy United States marshal, approached me and said he had a warrant for my arrest for violating the United St ates revenue laws. I told him 1 was ready to meet the charge. 1 was then approached by T. F. Greer, an attor ney at law, who asked me what it meant. I told him I was willing to do as others had done, and pay something to get out of the trouble. He then left the room, and 1 saw him talking to Blacker. He returned, and I gave him thirty dollars. In a little time I was called in for trial before Commissioner Collins. I was tried and acquitted. Since that time 1 have been approach ed for more money for the same thing, but did not give it. ‘The money I paid, it was distinctly understood, was for the settlement of my case, and not as an attorney’s fee.’ Statement No. I‘.). Win. Bradley, of Pickens county, says: ‘ln 1873 I was informed that there was a warrant against me for violating the internal revenue laws,and that said warrant was in the hands of A. W. Huffman, a Deputy U. S. Mar shal. Huffman sent, me word that he held ft warrant against me, aud that for ten dollars he would destroy it. I sent him the money by Samuel Hood, aud Hood told me that he saw Huffman destroy the warrant. Statement No. "JO. Glenn Cowart, of Pickens county, says: ‘Some time in the year 1873 or 1871, A. W. Huffman was acting as United States deputy marshal. He informed mo that a number of warrants against my friends were in bis posses sion, and desired mo to see them, and tell them that if they would pay cer tain amounts of money, ho would set tle their cases, and requested me to receive the money from them on set tlement. I did not know what author ity lie ha 1 for settling the cases, but interested for my friends, I went to them and told them what Huffman had said. One of them came to me, and I went to see Huffman, who told me he could have his case settled for seventy live dollars. This was agreed to. Forty dollars was left in my hands for Huffman, aud was sent to Huffman’s house and received by him.’ ‘A note for thirty live dollars was given to Huffman for the balance. The party was to have his t rial before W. F. Day, (then an United States com missioner) and to have the privilege of selecting his own witnesses, who could not prove anything against him. He had his trial and came clear. Some time after this Huffman informed mo that he was going to Atlanta, that he expected to be turned out of office; that he held warrants against parties in my county, that if I would see them and tell them that if they would come and pay live dollars each he would destroy the warrants before turning them over. I saw several parties; they paid live dollars each, and the warrants were destroyed. ‘On returning from Atlanta, Huff man said he had succeeded in holding his office, and that the parties who had failed to pay the five dollars would now have to pay fifty dollars to get their caseH settled. Jasper Fowler paid five dollars; Isaac Burleson paid seventy five dollars, and——Wheeler paid fifty dollars.’ [to be continued.] The genuine feeling of the people may be best ascertained by reference to the caution which is the chief char acteristic of every Southern utterance in favor of the President and His plan. They are all studied in statement and style and free from entangling pledges. Not a single Southerner of mark that we can think of has come forward with a declaration of .purpose to stand by the President against all assailants. On the contrary, in each instance the friendly profession toward the Presi dent are qualified with an if that should show him how large is the price that lie has yet to pay for Southern help. What he has done passes as a thing of course. He may have help if he place himself unreservedly under Democratic guidance, accept Demo cratic principles, and give effect to the Democratic policy as regards the rela tion of the States to the Federal au thority.—New York Times. The most important duty now in cumbent upon the people of the United States is to so deal with the first fraudulent President known in our history that there shall never be an other of the kind. In the performance of his duty or dinary social considerations may sometimes have to give way; but no such consideration is of any impor tance compared with the preservation of republican institutions and demo cratic self government. An honest King is better than a fraudulent President. The American people fought seven years to get rid of their honest King. Getting rid of their fraudulent President will neither be so long nor so difficult a process.— New York Sun. A Roman Catholic priest in Somer ville, Mass., lias forbidden children of that faith to bow their heads during the Protestant principal’s prayers in the public school. A local controversy, arousing religions prejudice on both sides, is in rancorous progress. GEMS REST. The spring hath birds, however late, The .Tune must bring her roses To faintest hearts that truthful wait For what God’s love discloses. AVe look along the shining ways, To see the angels’ faces: They come to us in darkest days, And in the bleakest places. We ask of God the sunniest way, Ho answers with a sorrow; We faint beneath the cross to-day, Wo wear the crown to-morrow. The most joyous and gladsome na tures are those most keenly alive to impressions of reverence, wonder and awe. NO. 20 If yon have built castles in the air your work need not be lost; this is where they should be. Now put foun dations under them. Planets govern not the soul nor guide the destinies of men; but trifles lighter than straws are levers in the building up of our character. All that is true comes from God; what is not true from the creature. If thou wouldst find much favor aud peace with God aud man, be very low in thine own eyes. Forgive thyself little, and others much. Iu all thy actions think God sees thee; and iu all His actions labor to see Him. Meditation is the soul’s perspective glass, whereby, iu her long removes, she discerneth God, as if He were near at hand. It is only imperfection that com plains of what is imperfect. The more perfect we are, the more gentle aud quiet we become towards the defects of others. Receptiveness is a rare aud massive power like fortitude. Our guides, we pretend, must be sinless; as if those were not often the best teachers who only yesterday got corrected for their mistakes. Novelty gives immeasurableness to fear, and tills the early time of all sad changes with phantoms ot the future. That antipode of all enthusiasm is called a ‘man of the world.’ The Griffin News contained a very sensible article a day or two ago about the patronage due to newspapers, which we fully endorse. The people of some cities have very little idea of the true value of a good newspaper to city or community I is a continual advertiser o. both place, things and people, and brings persm nearer together in interest, taste an opinions. It is a silent, certain and conducted upon high principle, true educator of the people, dropping a thought here and there to be clothe, upon ami materialized in the future b those who would not otherwise re ceive it, and while the newspaper is a business enterprise, it is at the same time a philanthropic advocate for, and defender of the people, aud the people should remember that it is they who give journals financial standing by ex tending patronage. It we die to-day the sun will shine as brightly, and the birds will sing as sweetly to-morrow. Business will not bo suspended a moment, and the great mass will not bestow a thought upon our memories. ‘ls he dead ?’ will be the solemn inquiry of a few, as they pass to their work. But no one will miss us except our immediate connec tions, and iu a short time they will forget and laugh as merrily as when we sat beside them. Thus shall we all, now active in life, pass away. Our children crowd close behind us, and they will soon be gone. In a few years, not a living being can say, ‘I re member him.’ We lived in another age, and did business with those who slumber in the tomb. Thus is life ! How rapidly it passes ! Au ounce of love is worth a ton of power, violence or might, for the gov ernment of cither the individual or the world at large. To individual faithfulness, and to the energy of the private conscience, God lias committed the real history and progress of mankind. Look not mournfully into the past; it comes not back ggain. Go forth to meet the shadowy future without fear, and with a manly heart. In the list of last year’s French sui cides, twenty-nine were of children, nine were fifteen years of age, six four teen, nine thirteen, one twelve, two eleven, one ten, and one nine. We learn that Gen. Phillips has made arrangements to procure iron, and engine also, and that our railroad will lie completed to Canton at no dis tant day.—Cherokee Georgian. There are two ways of getting through this world. One way is to make the best of it and the other way is to make the worst of it. Those who take the latter course work hard for poor pay. Contentment abides with truth. And you will generally suffer for wishing to appear other than you are, whether it be richer, or greater, or more learn ed. The mask soon becomes an in strument of torture. Oregon has anew expedient for keeping her citizens sober. Every man who drinks is obliged to take out a license costing $5. It is a penal of fence for any liquor dealer to sell a drink to an unlicensed person. Jas. R. Brown and E. E. Field, of Cherokee; A. M. Holcomb, of Milton, and Clark, of Forsyth, were nomi nated at Freemansville iast-Staturday, as candidates for the constitutional convention.—Cherokee Georgian. Money unsanctified makes nobody happy, neither do big houses, big farms, large acquaintances, power, fame, but he only is happy that enjoys religion —he that knows his sins for given, he and lie alone is at peace. Philadelphia is reported to have 8,- 000 houses untenanted, or occupied by families who, unable longer to pay rent, are permitted to remain in them, on condition they protect the premises from the ravages to which unoccupied buildings are liable. When we look at a field of wheat we find thaj, those stalks which raise their head the highest are the emp tiest. The same is the case with men— those who assume the greatest, conse quence have generally the least share of judgment and ability. English people in humble life set their superiors in position an excellent example as regards simplicity in mar riage. In Leeds, Derby and other places the artisans often work up to breakfast tipie, get married between breakfast and dinner, and after their last named meal go back to their iabor for the rest of the day.