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The Gainesville Eagle. Published Every Friday Morning CAREY W. STY EES, Editor and Proprietor. Terms -Two Dollars a Tear, in Advance. OFFICE Vp-ntaln in Candler Hall Building, Northwest Comer of Public Square. ttf The Official Organ of Hall, Banks, White. Towns, Union and Dawson eounttwi, and the city of Gainesville. Has a large general circulation in twelve other counties in Northeast Georgia, and two coun ties In Western North Carolina. Advertising Rates in Gainesville Eagle : o 1 Inch - 1 Time SI.OO 1 Mo. $2.00 3 >fos. §4.00 6 Mos. $6.00 2 “ “ 2.00 “ 8.50 “ 6.00 “ 10.00 3 “ “ 2.50 “ 5.00 “ 8.00 “ 18.00 4 “ “ 3.00 “ 6.00 “ 10.00 “ 16.00 i Column “ 4.50 “ 9.00 . “ 17.00 “ 25.50 £ “ “ 8.00 “ 15.00 “ 27.00 “ 45.00 i “ “ 12.50 “ 25.00 “ 50.00 “ 75.00 1 Column, 1 year, S4O. $ Column, 1 year, S7O. 1 Column, 1 year, $l2O. Liberal local notices without charge. Local Dodgers, 10 cents per line. One dollar per square for first Insertion, and fifty oents for each subsequent insertion. Marriage noticea mud obltuariae enceedingjeix liDes will be chargod tor as advertisements. Porsoual or abusive communications wUI not be inserted at any prloo. Communications of gtnersl or local Interest, under a genuine signature rospectfully solicited from any source. REVISED RATES Pur Legal Advertising In the Eagle. From, ivud including this date, the rates of legal advertising in the Eagle will be as fol lows : Sheriff's sales for each lovy of 1 inch $2 50 Bach additional inch or less - - 2 60 Mortgage sales (Cos days) one inch - - 500 Haoh additional inch or less ... 3 00 Adm’r’s, Ex'r’s.Gnard'n’s sales, 4 weeks, 1 ineh 4 00 Baeh additional inch .... 2 60 Notice to debtors and creditors - - 4 00 Ultat’s for let’rs of adm’n or gnard’ns’p (4 wks) 400 Leave to sell real estate - - - 4 00 Let’rs of dism'n of adm’n or gnard’n (3 mo.) 6 00 Kstray notices - - - - - - - 400 Citations (unrepresentedestates) - 4 00 Bale ulsl In divorce cases - - - 6 00 Homestead Exemption, 2 weeks, - - 2 00 Bnle Nisi to foreclose, monthly 4 mos., per In. 400 The law authorizes County Officers to col lect advertising fees in advance, and they are held responsible if thsy fail to do so. tfi~ Fractions of a square (or inch) are eharged in all eases as full squares or inches. Notices of Ordinaries calling attention of adminis trators, oxecutors and gnardtans to making thir an nual returns; and of Sheriffs in regard to provisions sections 3649, of the Code, published fbee for the Sheriffs and Ordinaries who patronlzo the Eagle. Advertisers who desire a specified Bpaes for 3, 6 or 12 mouths will receive a liberal deduction from our regular rates. Hr All bills due after first insertion, unless special contract to the contrary be made. October 5, 1877. GENERAL DIRECTORY. Hon. George D. Rice, Judge 8. C. Western Circuit. A. L. Mitchell, Solicitor, Athens, Ga. COUNTY OFFICERS. t. ft. M. BiOhurn, Ordinary. John L. Gaines, Sheriff. J. F. Duckett, Deputy Sheriff. J. ,1. Mayue, Clerk Superior Court. N. 15. Clark, Tax Collector. J. R. li. I, uck, Tax Receiver. Gideon Harrison, Surveyor. Edward Lowry, Coroner. B. C. Young, Treasurer. CHURCH DIRECTORY. PaEsiiYrsiUAN Church— Rev. T. P. Cleveland. Pas tor. Preaching every Sabbath—morning and night, axcept Lhe second Sabbath. 8u day Sohool at 9a. m. Prayer meeting Wednesday evening at 4 o’clock. Methodist Church Rev. D. D. Cox, Paßtor. Preaohlug every Sunday morning and night. Sunday School at 9a. m. Prayor meeting Wednesday night. Baptist Ohuiioh Rev. W. C. Wilkes, Pastor. Prßsciiing Sunday morning and night. Sunday School at 9a. in. Prayer meeting Thursday evening at 4 o’clock. YOUNG MEN’S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION. A. M. Jackson, President. R. C. Maddox, Vice President. W. B. Clements, Secretary. Regular services every Sabbath evening at one of the Churched. Cottage prayer meeting* evary Tues day night in “Old Town,” and Friday night Rear the dapl - RECORD. .lowkry Branch Lodge A . 79, I. O. O. TANARUS., meets -vory Monday night, Lasktrr, N. G. B. F. Stbdham, Sec. ALiiiunAXT Royal Arch Chmti rneets on the Sec ond and Fourth Tuesday eroiuaes u* eaeh month. W. M. Puckett, Sec’y. A. W. Caldwbll, H. P. Gainesville Lodge, No. 219, A. - . F. - . M.\, meets on the First and Third Tuesday evening in the month R. Palmoub, Sec’y. R. B Grrun, W. M. Air-Linh Lodob, No. 64,1. O. O. F., meets every Friday evening. O. A. Lilly, Sec. W. H. Harrison, ff. G. GAINESVILLE POST OFFICE. Owing to recent change of schedule on ths Atlanta and Charlotte Air Line Railroad, the following will be the schedule from date: Mail from Atlanta [fast] 6-24 p. m. Mall for Atlanta [faHtl - 5.43 a. m. Office hours: From 7 a. m. to 12 in., and from IK p. in. to 7 p. in. General dellvory open on Sundays from 3K to 9K- Departure of mails from this offlea: Dahlonoga and Gilmer county, dally m Dahlonegs, via 'iVahoo and Ethel, Saturday 8K a. m Jefferson A Jackson county, Tnesday, Thurs day and Saturday 1 • m Oloveland, White, Union, Towns and Hayes ville, N. C„ Tuesdays and Fridays 7 a. m Dawsonvilie and Dawson county, Saturday 8 a. m Homer, Banks county, Saturday ..1 p. m Pleasant Grove, Forsyth county, Saturday .. f p. m M. R. ARCHER, P.M. Professional and Business Cards, X. J. GUILMAUTIN. J- E. GAUDRY, f Late Cashier Southern Bank ( State of Georgia. L. J. G-UILMARTIN & CO. COTTON FACTORS AND Commission Merchants, Kelly’s Block, Bay Street, Savnnnnii, Q-oorgio. Bagging and Iron Ties for sale at lowest market rates. Prompt attention given to all business entrusted to us. Liberal cash ad vances made on consignments. Jnnels-6m a7j. SHAFFER, M. D., Physician and Surgeon. Special Attention Given to Disease* Common to Women, -djjt* Office near Northeast corner Public Square. Always in office when not professionally engaged. Gainesville, Ga., May 25, 1877. ly MA R K HAM HO USE. BY .X. F. OVVENP, At the East End of the Union Depot, Atlanta, Gr. Attention by W. D. WILE? nd T. A. HAMMOND. m*yll-tf EARLY ROGERS, PHOTOGRAPHER Near Southeast Cor. Public Square, Oainr.villc, - Georgia. Photographs, Ferrotypes, etc., etc., put up as neat and life-like as can be had anywhere. Makes a specialty of Copying and en larging old Pictures. Picture Frames, )auy size) cord, nails, etc., always on hand. Be sure to call and see me when you come to town. octs-3m. The Gainesville Eagle. Devoted to Polities, News of the Day, The Farm Interests, Home Matters, and Olioiee Miscellany. VOL. XL This standard article is com pounded with the greatest care. Its effects are as wonderful and as satisfactory' as ever. It restores gray or faded hair to its youthful color. It removes all eruptions, itching and dandruff. It gives the head a cooling, soothing sensation of great comfort, and the scalp by its use becomes white and clean. By its tonic properties it restores the capillary glands to their normal vigor, preventing baldness, and mak ing the hair grow thick and strong. Asa dressing, nothing has been found so effectual or desirable. A. A. Hayes, M. D., State As sayer of Massachusetts, says, “The constituents are pure, and carefully selected for excellent quality'; and I consider it the Best Preparation for its intended purposes.” Price, One Dollar. Buckingham’s Dye FOR THE WHISKERS. This elegant preparation may be relied on to change the color of the beard from gray or any other un desirable shade, to brown or black, at discretion. It is easily applied, being in one preparation, and quick ly and effectually produces a per manent color, which will neither rub nor wash off. Wanafactured by R. P. HALL & CO., NASHUA, N. H. Bold by li DraggliU, ini Dealers la *.. L. LuLNE Agent, Gainesville, Ga. Caskets and Burial Cases. THE undersigned will keep constantly on hand a supply of CASKETS and BURIAL CASES, and will also snpply COFFIN"! of all sixes and descrip tions, at short notice. H. W. RICH, may 23.1871-M] ' Davis Street. Gainesville, Ga. Ws SBLL EVERY ! IIING for the GARBEI, And offer IMO W (from June 15 to August If): Celry Plants. Dwarf White, by mall, for - - - SI.OO per 100 Large W'Jte Solid, per nail, for - .’.GO "jf'.tO l'wa Vi* •' - - , Any or the above Celery Plants, by $5.00 per 1,000. Cabbage Plants, Premium Flat Dutch, by mail, for SI.OO per 100 Drumhead ftavoy " “ 1.00 •• 100 Red (for pickling] “ •• 1,00 •* 100 Any of the above Cabbage riaatß, by express, for $4.00 per 1,000. Cauliflower Plants. Early Erfurt, by mail, for - - $1.25 per 100 Earl. Par s. “ ■■ - -i .25 “ 100 1 Ai y of the above Cauliflower Plants, by express, E for $7.50 per 1,000. (( 03k- Special prices for larger quantities piven j| on application. g Turnip Seed. Any of the following leading sorts sent by mail for 10c. per o*.—2sc. per % lb.—76c. per lb. :> Early White Dutch—White Strap Leaf—Red Top Strap Leaf—Golden Ball—lmprovod American Run Bags. PETER HENDERSON & CO., Seedsmen and Florists, aug3-ly 35 Cortlandt St., N. Y. JOHN FLANNKJIY, JOHN L. JOHNSON Managing partner 1 ate firm , L. J. Guilmartia A Ca., 1865 to 1877. | JOHN FLANNERY & CO., j COTTON FACTORS A* D COMMISSION MERC SANTS, No. 3 Kelly’s Block, Bay Street, "*a vait a a li, ( o orgia. Agents for Jewell’s Mills Yarns and Domestics et., otc. Bafginff and Iron Ties for sale at lowest market rates. Prompt attention given to all busings en trusted tr> us. Liberal cash advances made on consignments. ( >ar Mr. FLANNERY havim? purchased the entire and assumed the liabilities of the Into hr** of L. J. GUILMARTIN k CO., we will at tend to ad outstanding business of that Arm. j line 15-6 m NORTHEASTETN RAILROAD S Change ot* Schedule. SUPERINTENDENT’S OFFICE, 1 Athens, Ga , S.pt. 29, 1877. j ON and aft.r Monday, October Ist, 1877, trains on the Northeastern Railroad will run as follows. All trains daily except Sunday : MORNING TRAIN. Leave Athens 2:35 a.m. Arrive at Lula 4:50 “ Arrive at Atl uta, (via Air Line B. II.) 8:35 “ Leave Luia 5:45 “ Arrive at Athens 8:16 " EVENING TRAIN. Leave Athens 4:00 p.m. Arrive at Lula 6:30 “ Leave Atlauta (via Air Line R. R.) ...4:00 “ Leave Lula ...T:ls “ Arrive at Athe is S:3O “ Cl ose connection at Lula with passenger trains on Air Line Ra lroad. J. M. EDWARDS, Superintendent. DR. R. R. ADAIR., DENTIST, Gainesville, Ga. janlP ly A. C. MOSS, Attorney at Law, Homer, Banks County, Georgia. YT7TLL ATTEND PROMPTLY to all busi ” ness intrusted to his care. mar9-ly >l. W. RIDEN’S Law and Claim Agency. TO TXIE 3?U13 GIC. Having trustworthy correspondents In Washington, D. 0., I am prepared with better than ordinary facilities to prosecute before any and all the several departments of the Government, the Southern Claims Commission, Court of Claims, Pa tent, Land and Pension Offices, any and all claims growing out of, or Incident to, the late war or other wise. I will collect or purchase Government Vouchers given during or since the war. I will endeavor to collect from the Government the Proceeds f Sales of Captured or Aband'ned Proper ty, where the money hns been paid into the Treasury; and will collect pay for Horses, Mules, Wagons, etc., impressed for the use of tbe Government, and not returned. Address, with stamp for reply, MASTIN W. RIDEN, Attorney at Law and Claim Agent, uarl7-tf Gainesville, Hall county, Ga. [ho*. ROBERT TOOMBS OX THE CAP ITAL LOCATION. Senllment Clusters Aronnd Atlanta—Ec onomy Resoles in Atlanta—Accommo dations cm be Found in Atlanta — And I’airiotism loves to Dwelt Up*n the Deeds of Atlanta when the Plun derers’ hands held Georgia Down. [Atlanta Constitution.] Atlanta, Nov. 10, 1877. To Messrs. J. W. English, A. Murphy, B. E. Crane, Frank Rice, and others: Gentlemen : Your favor asking an expression of my views upon the proper location of the capital of Geor gia was received by due coarse of mail, but my continuous engagements in the Courts, since my return from the North, have prevented a sooner response. AN IMPORTANT QUESTION. The question upon which you ask my views is one of undoubted impor tance to every good citizen of our com monwealth, and deserves from each a sincere judgment, based upon nothing beyond plain facts and considerations of wise public policy. I hare always felt it my doty, when called upon, to give my candid and honest judgment upon all questions affecting the wel fare of my people, and important to the public interest. Ido not, there fore, hesitate to make answer to your request. already on record. At the outset I may remark that I am already on record in favor of the city of Atlanta. In my letter to Hon. L. N. Trammell, of Whitfield, written in the eariy summer, and in advocacy of the calling of the Constitutional Convention, I stated that when the people of Georgia had framed a good Constitution, it mattered little where the capital might be located; that the capital question, indeed, then became merely one of comfort and convenience to the representatives of the people. I still hold this opinion, for I now see nothing in the question to cause me to believe otherwise. The questions of honest and economical government arc beyond complication with this is sue, and are fully assured in the new Constitution. REASONS FOR HIS BELIEF. Atlanta is the commercial and popu lar capital of the State of Georgia. Her energy, enterprise and public spirit have conquered all opposition, and it would be, in my opinion, the purest folly for the people, from any sentiment, to put the political capital elsewhere. My reasons may be briefly stated here, because it is my purpose to elab orate and discuss them before my fel low-citizens between this date and the day of election. ,If tlm-caxtit.al should be removed tq Milledgeville, the public treasury would have to be drawn upon, not alone to repair and refit the public buildings now there, in order to ren der them fitted to the use of the gov ernment, but, indeed, to enlarge and add to them, until the result would be the State’s undertaking to build a city. The public offices could not be either comfortably or adequately accommo dated, and the increased expense of furnishing building and conveniences, such as are indispensable, would prove an enormous tax upon the people. Other expenses, such as care, improve ment and insurance, would be largely increased. ATLANTA IS CENTRAL. Atlanta is central to the great bulk of the population of the State. Her railroad connections are easily accessi ble to three fourths of the people of the State, from all directions, leaving nothing to be desired upon the ques tion of convenience. Whenever it is desired to assemble the representa tives of any of the great interests of the State, the common judgment se lects Atlanta as the point, and these affairs conclude the question of cen trality and convenience in her favor ATLANTA IS NOT CORRUPT. So far as the charges of corruption in legislation and government admin istration in Atlanta are concerned, I feel authorized to declare that Atanta was, in no wise, connected with the doings of the Bullock legislature or administration. I have been for years since the volunteer counsel of the State, without compensation, investiga ting and pursuing the rogues who preyed upon my people and robbed them of their treasures; and having been thus engaged, and therefore fa miliar with the entire history of the nefarious schemes, Ido declare that I have found nothing in them to im pugn the honesty, integrity or patriot ism of tbe citizens of Atlanta. I know that the men who represented Atlanta in the making of the constitution which sheltered the plunderers—Dr Miller, Captain John H. Flynn and Mayor Angier—were men who stood by the right and upon whose garments can be traced none of the filth by which they were encompssed. I do not know an Atlanta man of that period who was connected with the corruption and rascality of which the people then, and always may justly complain. When other sections of our State cast this suspicion upon Atlanta it would be well for them to remember that the rogues who held carnival in Atlanta were all imported; that Macon furn ished her qnota, Augusta her quota, Columbia her quota and Savannah her quota—and Atlanta furnished not a man to swell the cabal. Angusta, in my own district, furnished the two grand chief rogues in robbing the com monwealth —Bullock and Blodget. At lanta, I again declare had no part or lot in it. A SENSELESS CLAMOR Therefore the whole clamor against Atlanta is senseless. It is plainly senseless when the people say that be cause these great wrongs were perpe trated in Atlanta, it is not a lit place for the capital. Why, sirs, these rognes would have gone anywhere that the public treasury was op9n to the inroads of marauders. The plunderers would GAINESVILLE, GA., FRIDAY MORNING. NOVEMBER 23, 1877. have gone anywhere to accomplisn their villainies, and nothing but a safe lock of law upon the theasury, requir ing the voice of the people to open if, will ever Bave communities and com monwealths from such robberies. The radical constitution left the treasury open to lobbyists, swindlers, railroa I schemers and thieves in general, and they found it easy to get whatever their greed and avarice prompted them to seek. There was in that constitution do limitation upon legislative power; the treasury was accessible, exemptions from taxation were possible, subsidies obtainable, and every species of fraud safe and unlimited. But, in furthel vindication of Atlanta, I say that shi was oae of the chief sufferers froi I these schemes of public pillage. Shß‘ never reaped a cent of benefit from thy lavish outpourings of the people’s dol lars in her public improvements, but was mulcted in common with the pee.?- pie of the state. She lost her share as a part of the people and sacrificed her municipal subscription to hundreds of thousands of dollars in addition. OP all the millions of the people’s money given away by their dishonest agents to scheming railroad enterprises ii} the state of Georgia not a dollar wenir in the name of a road starting from o* ending in Atlanta, although she wat at the very period nursing into full ex iatence two of the most importent raW road enterprises ever projected in the' history of the State. ATLANTA TO THE RESCUE. Not only that, but when the public robbery had become open and flagrant, and the people stood appalled and de fenseless, at my instance upon a nota ble occasion, the people of Atlanta arose en masse and through a commit tee of safety, seized the books of the State Road, removed them from the' custody of faithless officials, preserved them in honest hands, and thereby saved thousands of dollars to the poor and honest people of the noble old. commonwealth. For this act, if she had no other to her credit, the city is entitled to the grateful regard of this whole people. A QUESTION OF PUBLIC POLICY This is not a question of place but of public policy—a question not of the past, but of the present and for the future. Atlanta is a city self-built. Her 'Josses have been those of bad government and fully in proportion with those of the entire State. She has struggled, labored and thrived. She complied with all her promises to the State in the past, and in her propo sition again made, to relieve the peo ple from expense in locating their cap ital, will be found faithful. Her pro position is perfectly legal and I pro nounce it MORE GFNKPOUB THAN WISE, i because the capital should be in Atlan ta without the incentive of this propo sition. It is not only perfectly legal, but it is perfectly constitutional and can be enforced. She is bound by it. She is able to comply with anything she promises, and not more able than willing. Her ability is unbound ed. She is financially guarded in her charter, but she sought and the rep resentatives of the people granted her a constitutional provision to allow the making and fulfillment of her magnb ficeut proposition. In truthful contrast with the ad vantages and inducements of Atlanta, it is self-evedent that the State, with her increased population, enlarged ju dicial tribunals and added depart ments cannot be accommodated at Milledgeville. The State cannot afford them there and private enterprise does not assure them. If the people should vote for Milledgeville the legislature would adjourn to Atlanta inside of thirty days, it may well be feared, for lack of accommodations and the means of comfortable existence. Seriously, it would be neccessary to remove back to Atlanta within a year, or to spend an amount of the people’s money which the passionate and prejudiced would pronounce ridiculous if mentioned here. The people, induced to remove the government to Milledgeville upon promises of eoconomy and immediate reduction of current expenses, would clamor more loudly at the evils they had flown to than those they had fled from, and so the capital question would not have reached a settlement by any means. Anew agitation of the question would at once spring up, new competitors enter the field and the people become involved in yet another expensive unpatriotic and partisan contest over the matter. It is, there fore better, wiser, cheaper and more in keeping with our pride of State to re main in Atlanta. NOTHING AGAINST MILLEDGEVILLE I repeat, this is not a question of places. I like Milledgeville. Eight years of my pubic life and service were spent there, and I have nothing but pleasant memories of the place. I like the people and the town, and I do not kuow that I have an enemy there. But, upon this question, as upon all others, I speak to my fellow citizens and advise them what I honestly think is best for them and the great interests of the commonwealth, dear always to her con c iderate sous. Atlanta’s future. In conclusion, I indulge in the ex pression of a thought which has often occupied me. Atlanta is not only the central city—the metropolis—of Geor gia, but of She south. She is central to the commerce, trade, travel popula tion and progress of this entire section of the Union. As she was the strategic point of armies in battle—assailed by numbers beyond those that marched against the capital of the short-lived re public itself—so is she now entitled to be considered the strategic center of the population, commerce and prog ress of the southern empire, an empire whose possibilities and splendid future are not yet recognized by any of us, but which are certain of realization, I predict, in any day not far distant. With great respect, your friend, R. Toombs. W. A. HUFF To Hon. John B. Goi don and Others, on the Georgia Marshalship. Washington, Nov. 9, 1877. Hon. John B Gordon : My Dear Sir —lmmediately after the appointment of Col. Fitzsimmons as Marshal for Georgia, it was very gen erally rumored throughout the" State, and indeed became a matter of news paper gossip, that the President had determined to appoint me, but, on be ing informed by you and other mem bers of the Georgia delegation that I was not a Democrat, he withheld mv name by request until a written pro test could be filed against me, which protest was said to have been signed by you and five other members of the delegation, and sent to the President. On seeing this, it was stated that the President determined at once not to appoint me, and then asked that the delegation should present six other names from which he would select, and from which he did select Colonel Fitz simmons, because he was a Democrat, and the cousin of Wade Hampton, and was strongly endorsed by Mr. Steph ens. As already stated, this informa tion reached me from various sources, and on passing through Atlanta last Tuesday on my way to upper Georgia, I very unexpectedly met with Senator Hill, who, in a plain, frank manner, related to te much that had accurred hero during the struggle for the mar 6halship, and convinced me that all, and much more, than I had heard was true, so far as it related to me, and satisfied me that great injustice had been done me. I determined at once to visit Washington, and see and learn for myself the exact condition of affairs here, and ascertain, if possible, to what extent this question of politics had been carried in my case. On arriving here, I called on Col. Blount, who confirmed, to a great ex tent, what Mr. Hill had told me, and agreed with Mr. Hill that I had been badly treated. My next object was to see you, and the result of our inter view was, as you know, that the papers on which yon had based your action should be shown me at the Senate Chamber at noon. I called there at two o’clock, and found the Senate ad journed. A/ter dinner, however, you did exhibit to me the paper, which you stated had induced the delegation to act as they did and caused you and five others to file the written protest against my appointment. This paper is in pamphlet form, and seems to have been the work of Charles E. Dibble and J. C. Mcßurnev, and contains, in addition to the letter of endorsement given me by Senator Hill—a copy of Which they must have obtained from the Attorney General’s office—several -tracts from % Dahli^d.report made by me to the citizans and taxpayers of Macon, in October, 1872, in which re port I took occasion to criticise and condemn the heated partisan spirit and mad zeal which then pervaded certain portions of our country, and defined in plain and independent terms my views as to the sad results which had and must always follow extreme measures and bitter partizanship, es pecially wherever and whenever mu nicipal governments were called upon to participate in such crazy experi ments. The doctrine then advanced by me is the doctrine I still adhere to, and if I am capable of understanding men and measures it is the very spirit and backbone of that great Southern policy and pacification movement which Mr. Hayes is now laboring to inaugurate throughout the entire South. It is the doctrine of ail good and true men, and I shall live and die by it. It is the doctrine which has made me mayor of a Azemocratic city three times since I announcsd it, and it is the doctrine for Mr. Hayes to stand or fall by. So much for that portion of the pamphlet of which I am the author. The balance of the work is not mine, ; nor am I in any way directly or indi rectly responsible for it. I was not in ( Washington when it was written or : published, and Mr. Mcßurney will tell , you or any other gentleman who may ; call on him that I never saw or heard , of the document until a copy of it was , sent to me at Macon some days after it appeared here. There are gentle men in Washington who know this to be a fact. When I came here in June last to present to the President the letter in which you and Mr. Hill so kindly united in the endorsement of me for the Marshalship, another copy of this pamphlet was shown me, but I did not understand that it had been made a portion of the record filed hero in my favor, nor have I yet learned that fact from anybody, and I d.> not believe that the President ever saw or read or considered it in any way. And have you ever thought of the fact, General Gordon, that the Presi dent, in deciding to appoint me, there by furnishes to the world the most positive proof that my Republican in fluences had never been considered by him at all, for the simple reason that he had determined to appoint a Dem ocrat ? He told both you and Mr. Hill, as far back as March or April, that he would appoint a Democrat; and he had appointed me as such when you and others interfered and pre vented his sending my name to the Senate. It was you, and not the Pres ident, who introduced the pamphlet and raised the question of politics in my case. Yes, it was you who con vinced the President I was not a Dem ocrat, —for he had so regarded me, had virtually appointed me as such, and thereby proves to the world that he had never read or considered the Mc- Burney pamphlet—or, if he had read it, attached no importance to it what ever. No, sir ; the whole thing was a simple gratuity on the parts of Dib ble and Mcßurney, and nothing but their friendly personal interest in me, coupled with their natural anxiety to secure what they believed to be a good man for the important position, in duced them to adopt a course which, while it may savor somewhat of bad taste, should not be too strongly eon demned because of its too ardent championship of me when 'heir mo tives were pure, and their only objects the good of the country and my indi vidual success. And such, I know, were the only reasons which actuated' them. These two gentlemen knew full well that I was not a Republican —as Mr. Blount and everybody else in Macon knows it ; and I do not believe that either of them ever intended or desired to endorse me as such. And while the language used by them in the pamphlet might possibly be con strued into the advocacy of Republican principles, yet they did not speak of, or allude to, me as a Republicin in any shape or form, and any attempt or ef fort on their part to make me the in strument for promulgating such a doc trine, was as unwarranted by me as the issue of the pamphlet, and I do not believe that they desired or intended it to be so understood by the Presi dent, the Attorney General, or any body else, and its only on a forced construction that it can be done. So much for the style and method in which these gentlemen thought proper to serve me. Now, if Republican influences prop er are to be regarded and considered as damaging to a man’s claims upon the office of United States Marshal, then I plead guilty to a complete for feiture of all rights and title to the po sition, and waive everything in favor of someone of the candidates who has not sought or obtained or accepted such influences—provided such a can didate can be found. But, General Gordon, can you find him ? Is ho in Washington to-day, or has he been here at aDy time during the heated contest for the office ? I apprelieud not. No, sir; every man, from Col. Alston down to the last one who has applied for the position, has brought with him more or less of Republican influences. And why not? Does a Republican Administration ignore and despise Republican influences ? And must a man be slaughtered as I have been because, forsooth, he goes before the President with Republican en dorsements from his own people ? Mr. Stephens, in speaking with me on this subject, remarked that he supposed the mere fact that Mcßurney had pressed my claims was presumptive evidence that the spoils and patronage of the office would be given to or di vided with him in case I should get it, and for that reason, Mr. Stephens said, he told the President that I would not bo acceptable to the people of Georgia. Now, General Gordon, if this sort of supposition on the part of Mr. Ste. phans be a legitimate one, pray tell me what becomes of every other can didate who has sought or obtained a Republican endorsement? Think of it for one moment and tell me if injus tice like tins slin.il be done a i<C ' ~ .] out redress ? Lot a supposition like that of Mr. Stephens be the test, and who could stand before it? And what would become of the Marshalship ? Could Mr. Fitzsimmons be confirmed ? Has he no Republican influence or let ters of ‘kind regards’ from that source ? Nor does he and Mr. Stephens stand solitary.and alone on their Bourbonistic record for high claims upou that of fice ? I know nothing of Mr. Fitzsim simraons’ political record, and it is no part of my purpose or desire to deal with it, but I can imagine nothing more unique or picturesque in a polit ical landscape than the national figure of Alexander H. Stephens pleading with the head of a Republican admin istration for a large share of its spoils on the ground that he had always been a consistent Democrat. There is some thing so eminently grand and dazzling about the conception of such a scene that a man would first have to ar range himself into a first-class Govern ment artist before he could compre hend or take it all in. The canvass on which such a pic ture could be drawn is too largo for the narrow scope of my imagination, and I shall not attempt to paint it. But if you will conjecture a public, character whose political eccentricities alone have distinguished him from all others of his class—a man who has as sumed all the varied hues of the politi cal rainbow, in sunshine and in storm—one who has belonged to all uarties, and endorsed all men from General Grant down—a man who has a historic taste, and has loved all coun tries and all governments that ever existed in the world, except the South ern Confederacy, and yet held the second office under that—if you will follow the lead of your fancy through a broad and national field like this, you will have some slight conception of the manner of man who now comes to the front and appeals to a Republi can President and asks him not to give office to a man with Republican influence. But aside from this, how about the quantity and quality of Republican recommendation which hang around the political skirts of some of those last six names which were given to the President to select his Marshal from ? Have you ever examined the records of the Attorney-Geuerai’s office on this particular point? Is there none of the Walker-Blodgett-Akerman-At kins-Bell-Bryant-Markam-Conley in fluences clinging to or hanging around certain men whose names appeared among that last named six ? How about Mr. Trammel and Mr. Hester? Their names were given by you to the President to select from. Had they been endorsed or recommended by Republicans or Radicals ? Ah ! General, the absurdity of the case becomes too ridiculous to be held in control by the English language, and I strive to forget the positive weakness of the imposition—the nak edness of the fraud, and the boyish folly of such a mistake. It is too puer ile for men to talk about, and children would not discuss it. It is utterly without character as a trick and falls below the dignity of political intrigue. It is ali mere bosh, and you kno?/ it. I have ‘imply been made the victim of a mistaken idea—thebutt of a huge po litical joke—the suffering object of a conspiracy which, if not intended as such, is nevertheless equally sad in its results to me. And now that the injury aas been done, how can it be repaired e xcept by the hands of those who did it ? Who else could repair it ? You ad telegrams in your possession which were sent to you by such prom meut men as A. O. Bacon, present speaker of the House; T. J. Simmons, expresident of the Senate of our State; H. H. Jones, editor and proprietor of the Macon Telegraph-, T. B. Cabi ness, Senator from Monrot; Col. Wal lace, of Taylor; Jno. C. Maund, of Tal bot, and others—all firm, staunch Democrats—and they all joined in asking and urging you to do all you could for me consistent with your in terest and assured you that* my ap pointment would give universal satis faction. Were you not impressed by these dispatches? Did you show them to your colleagues, or were they bur ied in the common infamy of my Re publican endorsements ? Ah! General, this is a strange case and one which demands your prompt and manly attention. It is emphatically the old Gordon-Hill-Alston farce played over again with increased stage facilities, new scenery and a large number of first-class actors ready to appear whenever called out by the manager Yes, it is low comedy w'ith high tragic effect, and while you can never undo the injury done me bv the loss of the oflice which the President stood ready to give me, still you have left you a higher and nobler duty to perform to me and mine—a duty which you owe to yourself as well as to others. It is that you write such a letter as will virtually and absolutely cancel the t dtum and disgrace which attaches to tuat protest which was filed by you aud others under a total misaprehen siou of the facts. I do not ask this for the purpose of re-opening the question of the Marshalship, for that matter has been disposed of. But I ask it for the purpose of placing me right before the President and the people of Georgia—some of whom are strangers to me, but of whom are to-day sharing with me the bitter regrets and keen mortifica tion which your conduct has inspired. I am sure that certain gentlemen of the Georgia delegation signed that written protest without a full knowledge or understanding of the facts, and I believe that if an opportunity is offer ed them that they will most cheerfully withdraw their names from it. I now offer them the opportunity, and beg to say to those gentlemen that I have never asked a political endorse- ment from any man—Democrat or Republican. Indeed, I have never asked the written support or endorse ment of any man to be used before the President, B. H. Hill’s alone excepted. I would not have asked-it oßLiro Taw i-’lffbt felt that my df&ims him fully authorized it. Your en dorsement, as you know, came to me unsolicited by me personally, and hence I valued it the more highly, and thanked you for it accordingly, as you will remember. I have never written but three lines to the President, which embraced a short formal application for the office, and have never had three minutes’ conversation with him or the Attor ney-General on the subject. Aud just here it may be asked why I did not seek the support or influence of the Georgia delegation, and the ques tion is most easily answered. I was informed early in the campaign that my immediate representative, Colonel Blount, did not wish to endorse for any one applying for office under Mr. Hayes, and I also learned that such were the feelings of General Cook and Colonel Smith; and hence I did not apply to either of these gentlemen. My acquaintance with the other mem bers of the delegation was not such as to warrant me in approaching them, and I determined to rest my case on the endorsement given me by your self and Mr Hill, and such other influ ences as might be tendered in my fa vor. The truth is, General, it was at one time a very delicate thing to ask for Democratic support in the pro curement of office under this adminis tration. You know that there was much fear and trembling, much hesi tancy and diffidence on the subject of asking for office uuder Mr. Hayes. I well remembi-r the criticisms pro nounced on Colonel Alston when it was reported that he had come here and asked for the Marshfdship. And ru mor had it that you positively refused to give him your support for "a week or more after he applied, because it was considered then by a large portion of the Democratic party as a positive want of fidelity to the same for the man to apply fur office under Mr. Hayes. You know all this to be true, and you have lived only a little while to see the misty form of such foolish preju dice soften down and entirely fade away under the milder influences and better advice of safer men and a more liberal Government. And to-day there is a perfect avalanche of Demo cratic office-seekers hanging arouud the White House, asking and begging for a division of the public spoils, without the fear of party or party domination. Colonel Alston was only a little in advance of the multitude in this particular, and he ought to have had the office as a reward for his sa gacity and independence; but you know how ne lost it. Now, General, these are all plain facts which cannot and must not be 'guored by you or those acting with you in the consideration of my case. I visited the Attorney General’s office to-day, and was there shown a protest filed against me by the Republicans of Atlanta, in which protest they com plain of me as a Democrat, and ask that I should not be appointed Mar shal of Georgia. I mention this sim ply to show you that it was purely a personal and not a political interest which wa3 felt in me, and which caused some good Republicans to advocate my claims, while others in the State protested against me as a Democrat. You saw but one side of the political picture, and murdered me on the spot, without ever stopping for a moment to inquire what the other side would show. But is it positively certain now that my Republican influences killed me with the Georgia delegation? Were there not other causes which conspired to put me away ? If not, why was the pamphlet argument not brought against me until about the time the ap pointment was repor'ed to be given to me ? If other influences operated against me why not be frank enough to say so, and let the true history of the scramble be wriHen and published to the world ? I have the best of good reasons for saying that it was not my politics or Republican endorsers, but the fear of my independence, that ruined me with some men in Washing ton. My political record is at home, where I have always voted with and acted with the Democratic-Conserva- NO. 4 tive party, and I am perfectly satisfied with the record as it stands, if only let alone. I have never made any special Democratic demonstration, and don’t feel called on to do so now, in defense of my case. I have never made poli tics a study or profession, and if there is a man in Georgia who places a lower estimate on the mere partisan record of a man than I do, it must be A. H. Stephens, who has never remained in any one position long enough to be clearly photographed in the family al bum of any political party. Mr. Ste phens has been one of the only two living politicians I ever worshiped, and ray idolatry for the man has been in spired more by the broad, liberal and conservative principles which he has always maintained than from any merit or virtue which I attached to his Democracy. No, sir, it was the inde pendent idea associated with me that annoyed some men here. What would you think if I should tell you that one of the Georgia dele gation who signed that protest with you, had openly confessed to me, as well as to others, that he did not sign that protest on account of my Repub lican endorsements, but that he did it because I was a man of too much abil ity to hold the office; that he had seen me in a committee-room once, and that I was too smart, and that if I should ever attempt to use my influence on the Dr. Felton line I could do more to disintegrate and break up the Demo cratic party than almost any man in my district? And don’t you know, General Gordon, that the man I allude to—Mr. Candler, of Atlanta—used this same argument against me while discussing my case before the commit tee? I like Candler. He is an honest politician, which is the next best thing to the noblest work of God. I wish there were more like him in Washing ton. s Now, General, this is one view of the case. As I came through At lanta the other day I learned certain facts from Colonel Adair, and have ob tained other information since my ar rival here, which, if taken as a whole, would almost establish the truth of an assertion which I heard made here to day, which was that the pamphlet ar gument was only picked up during the last hours of the struggle, and used by certain parties as an excuse for their conduct toward me, when, in reality, the fight was against Mr. Hill, and not against me. Now, General, can this or any por tion of it be true ? Ido most earnest ly protest against being made a politi cal sacrifice of for the benefit of Mr. Hill or those who may chance to dis like him. I can’t see why I should be called on to pay any of his penalties, when he is so perfectly able to adjust his own accounts. I know that poor, weak, frail human nature is the same in all families, aud that it works and runs in the heads and hearts of Geor gia Congressmen just as it does on smaller men; and I know, too, that there is not that warm and tender cor diality' of feeling and brotherly love be tween you and Mr. Hill and between Mr. Hill and Mr. Stephens which ought to characterize Siamese twins, or which wa3 once supposed to fire the heads and hearts of Damon and Pythias. But why make me party to a suit in which I can neither be plaintiff or de fendant? Why let the suspicion go out, as it has done in this case, that the culminating point of your political rivalries over a little matter of public patronage should be reached just ex actly over my head, and be allowed to explode there at my expense ? Your endorsement was as dear to me, sir as that of Mr. Hill’s, and without it I should never have visited Washington in the interest of the I refused to come here at all until it was sent to me, as everybody knows. / want you to remember this. And I want you to know, too, that the chief re gret now felt by me is the one growing out of the fact that, after giving me your voluntary endorsement, you saw fit to withdraw it without warning or notice of any kind, and that you have since been most prominent and active in the cause of my defeat. This, I say, is the most mortifying fea ture of the whole case. If you preferred another man to me, then it was your right and privilege to have him appoint ed if you could, but not at the expense of my personal and political character— you being one of my oldest and strongest endors ers. The old savage maxim whicti tells us “That everything is fair in politics and war” would hardly justify such a course in you, when the results involved much more than a political issue. I can con ceive of no calamity like that of a failing trust or a deserting friendship in the hour of our greatest need. Your good faith and the good faith of Mr. Hill was all that I had to stand upon in the shape of Congressional influences, and when you failed and then fought me, and he refus ed to act, I was left solitary and alone and without a prop to lean upon; with no man brave enough to defend me or invite me to come here and defend myself and of course I had to fall. It is quite a mis taken idea that Mr. Hill did any more for me than he did for other candidates. He told me frankly in Atlanta that he served me only as he served other friends, and asked me if I Warned him. A different impression prevailed here I know, and through that impression my defeat was mainly worked up. Now, Gen. Gordon, you have the facts and circumstances of the case laid before you, and I submit to the calm dictates of your proud manhood and soldierly-like magnanimity for just such redress and vindication as may in your judgment be due me. I appeal to you first, and then, through you, to the five other gentlemen who signed the protest with you. I ask you in the name of common sense and common decency, that justice be done me. And in order that full and complete justice shall be done to all parties, I ask that you sink the politician in the man, and when that is done, all else will be easily and pleasantly arranged. I am, sir, very truly, &c.. W. A. HUFF. The spirit of caste begotten of slav ery still survives.—N. Y. Times. How about the caste begotten of stealing?