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The Gainesville Eagle ■ ~Z-_ T—. 1 ' Published Every Friday Morning B Y RE D WINE & HAM The Official Organ of {Hall, Banks, Towns, Rabun, Union and Dawson counties, and the city of Gainesville. Has a large general circulation in [ twelve other counties in Northeast Georgia, and ' two counties in Western North Carolina. Advertising Rates. I.'om and inclr ling .bis bate tbe ra'.aa of adver- ' ticiog in tte Eagle wi’l be as follows: She. 'ff’g gfJea, fox - each. le?y of one loch f 2 50 Lach additional inch cr f action 2 50 Mortgage sale3[Co days] one inch. 5 00 Each addit'oral inch or f.act 0n.... . 3'JO Executors’ a lininie. ato- »’ and go a dians sales, onei.ich 4 00 Each additional inch J 150 Notice to debtors and c ed ; iors 4 <)0 Citation for letters of admiraitt 'a ion or guar dianship 4 00 • Notice of application for leave to sell iind 4 00 Letters of dismission—executo-, administrator or guardian 6 00 Ea.-ay notices 4 0 Ci'ations of unrepresented estates 4 00 HomeEtead notices 2 00 Rule Ni. £i. to fcrec’ose, once a mon’h for four months,per inch 4 t 0 lhe law authorizes county officers to coPect advertising fees n advance, ar a we hold the officers responsible for aT adverbs-rr sent us. /Jfs* Notices of ordinaries calling attention of ad ministrators, executors and gra oians to makieg their annual returns; and of sue ITs calbug attea iion to seel ion 3649 of tee Code, publishe d free f;r officers who patronize the Eagle. Iransient advertising, otoe’ than legal no- i tices, w 11 be charged $1 per inch for the first, and fifty cents for each subsequent inse’-ticu. Adver tisers desiring large spaca for a longer time than - one month, will rece ve a liberal deduction from regular rates. x a” tills are due upon the first appearance of . the advertisement, unless there is a spec’s! con tract to the contrary, and wi" be presented at the pleasure of the proprietors. Advertisements sent in without instructions will be published until cr- j dered out, and charged for accordingly. Transient , advertisements from unknown parties must be paid ‘ > tor in advance. I i tfij- Add r ess ail orders and remittances to REDWINE & HAM, 1 Gainesville, Ga. i QUESTIONS OF IHE DAL < SPEECH OF HON. A. 11. STE- PHENS. ( A Masterly Effort tn the Capitol Tester- ] .lay—The Leading Issues Before the ( People—The Extra Session—The Army i Bill—The Silver Question, Etc. [Constitution, 28th.] , At 12:30, p. in., yesterday, tbe hall < • of the house of representatives and i the galleries were packed to hear > Hon. A. H. Stophens. Seats were ( provided for the senate, and they < marched in after the adjournment of ’ the senate and the hall was filled to < its utmost capacity. In a few min- , utes Mr, Stephens entered the hall j ■with Hon. Rufus E Lester and Hon. > A. O. Bacon and marched down the , isle and was greeted with great ap- < plause. Mr. Stephens went on the t stand. Mr. Bacon said: , . Gentlemen and ladies, in accor- ; dance with his appointment, the ;■ Hon. A. H. Stephens will now ad- | dress the general assembly. < Mr. Stephens remained seated, , and with a clear and distinct voice, < said: j MR. STEPHENS’ REMARKS. 1 Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, sena- i Tors and representatives of the gen- 1 eral assembly of Georgia, ladies aun ( gentlemen, fellow-citizens generally: 1 lam before you in compliance with i a promise to address you upon the 1 public questions of the day and to < indicate that line of policy which is : proper to be pursued. Before enter- J ing upon that duty a few preliminary principles may very well stated. ‘ First, I must express to you the pro- i found sensation hpon my mind oL < gratitude for this demonstration. It'd ‘ augurs well, 1 think. The principles « as preliminary are these: < No representative government can ! ■exist long where the people do not 1 understand the principles of the gov- as eminent, where they are not attached • ’ to those principles and they have I not the dete’ ruination to maintain < them. < These principles were succinctly I announced by Jefferson in the three < words—the intelligence, virtue and 1 - patriotism of the people. We are a ’ • free people. Ours, State and feder- 1 al, is a representative government. 1 But remember the first principle an- 1 nonneed is that no free people can ‘ maintain their institutions long un- 1 less they are attached to them. Now, this demonstration, I augur, evinces I disposition on the part of our people ! —I take it as an evidence of such : —that they feel interested in their government and the principles upon which it is to be administered. Your call indicates that desire. Our country at this time, in many i respects, financially chiefly, is in a worse condition than it has been in half a century. lam not surprised, therefore, at the inquiry, the disposi tion of the people to inquire into •public questions. I take it for granted that your request wss not in refer erence to State matters at al), but relates to our federal relations, to matters pertaining to congress and the excitements of the recent extra session. At any rate I shall con fine my remarks solely, as far as my strength will permit to those topics. THE EXTRA SESSION. First, the extra session, the causes, the incidents and results and issues v presented by it. It is useless to • state the causes that produced it. There was one prominent, leading and controlling one—a disagreement between the senate and house of rep resentatives upon the appropriations The house was democratic, the sen ate was republican. The house upon the army bill inserted what was called a rider, which provided in the bill for the repeal of the act passed during the war with regard to troops at the polls. It affirmed the right to use troops at the polls to keep the peace. That was passed in 1865. The house put an amendment to the army bill virtually repealing that part which authorized the use of troops to keep the peace at the polls. The history of this I need not give you. The senate at the last session refused to agree io it, and the army b’ll failed. The legislative, execu tive and judicial bills passed with a rider repealing the law that requires ‘ and authorizes the appointment of deputy marshals to aid in federal elections, members of congress. That was what was considered an act that was passed under something of a war feeling. Be that as it may, the house passed the appropriation bill with -» this rider upon it. The senate re fused to pass it. That bill failed, congress expired and there was no I money to support the army, no mon ey to support the civil list. The * president immediately called the ex tra session, as everybody supposed ' he would do. The disagreement be tween the two houses necessarily re sulted in it. The new congress, the , 46th, has a majority in both houses of the democratic party. At the first meeting of the session there was a decided disagreement amoniz the —*6 <ueu way into the settlements H Tile property known as the Vir The Gainesville Eagle VOL. Xi IL democrats as to the right policy to be pursued. Some insisted to pass the same bills identically, believing the president would veto them to adjourn. Now, it is well known that it was with shat view I did not con cur. The argument was to withhold the appropriations for the redress of grievances and insisting on British example. In England, ever since the Parliament was formed, whenever they wished a redress of grievances, habeas corpus, liberty, they say to the King we won’t grant you a sub sidy ; we won’t grant you any money to carry on your government, or sup port your army, unless you grant us relief. Parliament, for three centu ries past, has occupied that position. Many in congress insisted that this country was freer, or ought to be, than England and the representa tives of the people in the same wav ought to insist upon the repeal of laws and redress of grievances, or grant no money. Now, fellow-citi zens, Ido not agree with that view. Ours is no monarchy. Ours, as I stated to you, is a representative government. In England the King is sovereign. The army are but his own instrument; the courts but his ministers, as all officers of the gov ernment are In this country sov ereignty resides with the people. We have a constitutional government. Our sovereignty powers are not lodged in the president. They are not lodged exclusively in any depart ment. Ours is the wisest and grand est system of government ever insti tuted by man, in my judgment, j Ap plause.] Here sovereign powers are divided—not sovereignty itself. Sov ereignty is as invisible as human in tellect—as the human mind—but sovereign powers are divisible. The war making power, the law making power, the executive power, these are all sovereign powers. In our American system these powers are divided and placed in separate, dis tinct, co-ordinate and co equal do partments of the government. All the executive powers of the United States are just as supreme within the legitimate sphere as the power exercised by the King of England. All these powers are supreme to the extent of tbe enumeration and limi tation. The lawmaking power is lodged under the federal constitution, in the two houses of congress. The law making power is just as sover eign in this country as it is in Eng land or anywhere else. The law making power is totally different from the executive power. The ju dicial powers in the United States are supreme within their sphere. Here is the beauty of our system : Three separate, distinct, co-oi’dinate departments. One has no right to infringe upon the other. Each op erates in its own sphere. Congress has to make laws; the judiciary is to expound them; the president is to execute.them, and, under our sys tem, the right to withhold his assent to any law is given to the president —the right to veto —and therefore in this vexed question my position was that it would not be right to put out our light houses, to extinguish them on the coast, or stop the functions of the administration of justice. The constitution says the Judges shall be appointed, it fixes their salaries and these fixed salaries to be paid at cer tain times were fixed by laws before, and therefore we should not, because the president withdrew his assent from a bill, stop the wheels of gov ernment, or, as some said, starve it out. In this country the redress of grievances is chiefly through the bal lot box. and other peaceful instru mentalities of the constitution. Now, I have heard much said about the “backin out” of the democracy. I wish to say here it was comparative ly a few only of the democratic party who held the extreme views stated, but although they were a few elo quent men, the majority of the party never, at any time, committed them selves to such a position. The true position, in my judgment, was to pass all necessary appropriations, sustain tbe courts, sustain the marshals in the performance of their duty, carry on the departments at Washington —legislative, judicial and executive —all those that were necessary, and not refuse them in case the presi dent should withhold his sanction to the passage of obnoxious laws. But AS TO THE ARMY. We had a perfect right, in my judg ment, to limit the approrpiation. In our country, constituted, as I have said, with the law making power separate and distinct, the constitu tion the representatives of the people have the only and absolute right to tax the people. In this country, under the fundamental law,there cm be no tax raised nor money appropriated to any purpose but with the sanction of the representatives of the people in the bouse. We, therefore, had tbe righ\ in supporting the army, to say the uses to which that army should be applied. To appropriate means, to designate, to set apart. A thousand, ten thousand dollars, or any amount you please, when you designate it and set apart,} ou appro priate it, and the right to appropri i ate carries with it the right to limit I and say to what use it shall be put, j and to what it shail not. That is i the position I thought was right and ' insisted upon. To give all that was necessary to protect our people from the tomahawk of the Indian and the incursion of marauding par ties from Mexico, to give all that was necessary for the army, but to end with the declaration that no part of this money shall be used for the purpose of placing troops at the polls to keep the peace. We had the right to do it. After two vetoes these re strictions, in the very words I have | given you, almost identically, were 1 put upon the army bill, and this is the law, that no part of the money ; appropriated shall be used to sub i sist, or move, or use troops at the polls. The president signed this bill with this restriction. So that ques j tion was settled. NOW, AS TO THE MARSHALS, The course finally taken by the party in congress was to puss the appre nri alii major tlia. 3 of late rasher careless on this point and was now rewarded for her extr care hv Iwr -a-- GAINESVILLE, GA., FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 8, 1879. thing that was necessary, witnesses’ fees, jurors, everything necessary to run the machinery of government, leaving out the appropriations for marshals and putting that in a sepa rate bill. This was done with the limitation, after appropriating $600,- 000 for the general marshals and general deputies—just every dollar that was necessary—and a bill re striction was pat upon it. Not a dollar was to be applied to deputy marshals to run elections. That was passed, and sent to the president and he vetoed it. That is the whole question. That is one of the issues before the country. In a late speech that I have seen by the very able and learned and accomplished secretary of the treas ry, Mr. Sherman, for whom I enter tain the profoundest personal re Sbect. he ntatoa Lio Portland speech, that the great issue before the country now was Skate rights and secession. The question, as I have stated before and repeat, is no such thing. I mean, now, the issue that is made between the president and congress. It is simply the ques tion whether congress has "got the right to control its own appropria tions. Have they the right to sus tain the marshals in the discharge of their public duties ? Certainly. Have they the right to say to what purposes all money appropriated shall be devoted ? Certainly. Havn’t they the right to say that no part of it shall go to any particular purpose ? Certainly. Is that secession ? Is it a question of the administration of the federal government and of tbe powers of congress ? There is noth ing involving the rights of States, or of secession, or of a new war in it, and in my judgment this is all a de coy. It is to withdraw tbe attention of tbe country from the real great issues of the day. It is simply a question of the right and power of congress to use the people’s money as they please, and on that question I would be willing to go before any American audience of free people on the continent. [Applause.] As I have stated, our grand sys tem of government, which is the wonder of the world, has so divided these powers, and the president has no more right to claim that congress shall apply money to certain purpo ses than we have the right to say he shall not veto a bill. Our system di vides these powers, and as framed and properly administered, there is nothing like it in the world. There is no other nation on earth where the judiciary is distinct, separate and co-ordinate, supreme in its functions, except in the United States. It is so in the States and in the federacy, and there is not the like of it in ancient or modern times. It excited the wonder of DeToqueville. I think 1 will buna the reporter his remarks upon that subject: “This constitution which may at first be conlounded with the Federal constitutions which have preceded it, rests, in truth upon a wholly novel theory, which may be con sidered as a great discovery in modern po litical science. In all the confederations which preceded the American constitution of 1789, the allied States, for a common ob ject, agreed to obey the injunctions of a Fede’-al Government, but they reserved to themselves the right of ordaining and en forcing the laws of the Union. The Ameri can States, which combined in 1789, agreed that the federal government should not only dictate, but should execute its own enact-' inents. In both cases the right is the same, but the exercise of the right is different and this difference produced the most momen tous consequences.” It was this that excited the wonder and admiring remarks of Lord Brougham when speaking of our wonderful American Union; the like of which has not been known. Lord Brougham says in his “Polit ical Philosophy:” “It is not at all a refinement that a Federal Union should be formed; this is the natural result of men’s joint operations in a very rude state of society. But tae regulation of such a union for our pre established principles, the forma tion of a system of government and legislation in which the different sub jects shall be, not individuals, but States, the application of legislative principles to such a body of States, and the devising means lor keeping its integrity as a federacy, while the rights and powers of the individual States are maintained entire, is the very greatest refinement in social pol icy to which any state of circumstan ces has ever given rise, or to which any age has ever given birth.” That is the nature of our govern ment —“matchless in structure and form.” I have stated that this thing of try ing to raise the question of secession in my judgment is something of a decoy. The great question—l cannot speak of them all —is THE lINANCIAL QUESTION. W ithout detaining you to rea 1, I shall baud to the reporter my views upon it: Hesolved, That the aims and objects of the democracy of the United States as far as we have chosen them as members of the present house of representatives, are enti tled to be considered as the true exponents of those aims and objects are directed with a singleness of purpose to the restoration of constitutional liberty, and with it the resto ration of peace and harmony and prosperity throughout the length and breadth of the land; they abjure the renewal of sectional strife; they accept all the legitimate results of the late lamentable war; they are utterly opposed to a revival in this country or any part thereot ot African slavery or any other kind of slavery, or involuntary servitude, except as punishment for crime; they stand pledged to maintain the union of the States under the constitution, with all its existing amendments, as they shail be expounded by the Supreme court of the United States; they are against all unconstitutional or revolutionary methods; they are tor law and order a- d the protection of life, liberty and property, without respect of persons or so cial conditions: for the redress of all griev ances they look alone to the peaceful in strumentalities of the constitution, through first, the law making power; second, the law expounding power; third, the law exec uting power, and finally the ultimate sover eign power of the ballot box. They are tor free ballot, as well as for a fair and just count. While they are opposed to a large standing army, as were the framers of the constitution, yet they are for keeping the army sufficiently large to repel invasion, de fend our extensive frontier, as well as all necessary interior forts and garrisons, and enable the president to put down domestic violence or insurrection in any of the States and in aid of civil officers, as a posse comi- I tatus, in the execution of legal process, iu | pursuance of the constitution, and as provi * LICIjUOUVUU, AJO buujonmc& LH , a hint that she was “no longer i girl, and that he was her hnshanr But they are utterly opposed to the use of the military of tbe United States in control ling 01 in any way interfering with tbe freedom of elections. They are for tbe maiutainance of the public credit inviolate, but are utterly opposed to the increase of the bonded debt, unless the exigencies of war should render it necessary. They are for the retrenchment of expenditures, les sening the burden of taxation, and a thor ough reform in the present unequal and unjust method of raising revenue. They are for placing the coinage of gold and sil ve: upon the same footing, without restric tion or limitation upon the amount of ei« ther. They are for reviving the languish ing and perishing industries of the country by an increase of the volume of currency, founded on a sound basis, sufficient to meet the urgent demands of trade in every de partment of labor and business. They were submitted to the caucus of the democratic party, but no vote was ever taken on them, but I affirm that three fourths of the party are with them just as they stand. The great question I refer to—and they are the ones that are moving the masses of the people throughout the country—are, first finance, and next, taxation. The financial question is the most important of any. In connection with that comes the great money question—the question that is going to stir the public mind throughout civilization in the next twelve months or two years, more than any event since the crusade. Mr. Sherman, in his speech, refers to the panic of 1873 He says, Germany, France, Italy, England—all those countries suffered as much or more than we did. What was the real cause of the panic of 1873 ? It was the demonetization of silver iu Europe, Germany took the lead; the Latin States followed, and it was brought about without the people’s understanding or knowing anything of it, and it was followed up in this country. In 1873, about six months before the panic. What was it? From the days of civiliza tion, from the dawn of the Mosaic history and anterior so far as we get the record, the world has had two standards of value —I mean the civil ized world—gold and silver. They have been together running down from the time the cave of Macopelah was bought with such an amount of silver. It is known as the bimetalic system —double metals—and the two from the days of Babylon they have come down to 1873, running along and bearing the proportion from 10 to 15 or 15|. In our country from the beginning it was about 16 to 1—25 8-10 grains of gold was a dol lar; 412 grains of standard silver was a dollar. They were by law de clared equal. They were the double standard. It was so until recently, when the money holders of the world craftily in legislation got the silver struck out. At that time when by the best estimate the most reliable, in round numbers, there were $8 000- 000,000 of metal money in the world —silver and gold. Four thousand five hundred of these millions were silver. More than one half the money of the word from time imme morial was stricken from the roll of debt paying capacity. Here is the fault, in my judgment, of the panic in Europe—Germany, Italy and Eng land—and it succeeded here whenev er congress passed it, and no man can tell now when and where it got through. It was iu 1873 the money of our fathers was stricken from the list. Some people may say there was as much silver here then as before. It was not that. They declared tnat gold should be the unit of value. Silver was stricken from its debt paying capacity, and it was declared that greenbacks, legal tenders and silver must come to the unit of gold. It was to strike out half the money of the world —blight it and blast it. Before that I cared not how much silver was here or how little; that was the basis and a co-equal basis. Its debt paying value with gold had been equal from the beginning of oui country and from time immemorial. The effect of this was to double the debt of the country, and of States, and corporations, and individuals. When the debt paying power of half the metal used in the world for mon ey was stricken from the roll every thing came to the gold standard. I have seen a statement recently, and I believe it true, made by a gentle man with a great deal of care and prudence, that t n thousand millions of debt—Federal State, and corpora tion debts—existed at that time— 1874—and he striking of silver and elevating the price of gold necessarily increased that debt, iu effect, one half and so with the interest upon the public debt. Now, in my judg ment, this is one of the great issues now before the people of this country You know what was done last ses sion. You know that we attempted, after the extra session was called, when we endeavored to go into meas ares for the relief of the country, to restore the free coinage of silver and were obstructed, but finally got the measure in. In an indirect way we got it before congress, We got through the Warner bill. The bill which I introduced last session I could not get a vote upon. We did get it through this time, but it failed to be acted upon in the senate. I will briefly state some of the features of that bill. If it will pass, as I trust and feel assured it will next session, gold and silver will bo on tbe same footing as to coinage. Certificates will be issued from the treasury for both alike. Our mines will be put into operation. At this time many of them are like our tireless furnaces and mills—are standing as dead in dustries—for a great many of these industries East and West are like burnt out volcanoes. But should this bill pass, all these industries in this country will be put into opera tion and with that will come new life new blood, new volumes of currency. But the people, they say, do not want silver. Mr. Sherman says he cannot get off his hands what he has now, because the people don’t want it. We want a volume of currency lo the extent of not less than nine hundred million dollars (S9OO, 000,- 000) [Applause] The money per capita in the United States in circu lation even counting the silver and i gold hoarded up, i/> about sl4. When n i squeezing, aisses, stolen emu race a I effected the seduction of anothe. I • I m AH*<3 | France, which they say now is th most prosperous country in Europe it is >53. She has paid off her debt to Prussia, and Prussia, with all the advantages in her favor and flushed with victory,is in an almost worse con dition than we are. There they have not more than $25 per capita. We need at least as much as we had in 1873. How are we to get it? Whj I am as little disposed to introducing the system of having money carted around aa anybody. We want a pa per money that shall have A REIRESENTATIVE DOLLAR IN THE VAULTS of the treasury. [Applause.] When a man gets hisfeertificate for silver, if it is for a quarter, a half, or five or ten dollars —(the Warner bill was only fox $lO, but I want it down to a quarter, for a change, and let those have it whd wish it) —when these certificates are issued and the coin is in the treasury, it is no bill, three out for due in, but it is the representa tive of the coin itself. These certifi cates would circulate not only in the United States and everywhere, but be gcod wherever the flag flo its and we have any commerce. Should this bill pass and our mines be put into operation and the silver come from other countries as it is represented it would come and as I hope it may, we will soon reach that condition. Some people used to be afraid of a silver flood, but I would invite it from all the mines of all the earth until I got a thousand millions here and a paper currency based on it [applause]; a currency equal to any that ever was, and I believe the best. That is one of the financial ques tions. There is another. It ia OUR SYSTEM OF TAXATION. Our people of the United States are burthened with the most unjust and unequal system of taxation of any country with which I am ac quainted. The poor pay the taxes By the poor I mean the people who have to work in some department of life for a livelihood, and do not live upon the interest of their bonds. In this country the laboring class—the men at the anvil, at the plow, at the ' loom, and at the mill; the men en gaged in agricultural pursuits, even down to raising the corn—pay tbe taxes. Why, they are not permitted in this country, without paying a high tax, to use tneir own fruit or corn to make a little medicine for the use of their families. Why, the poor people in Ireland making their own 1 poteen are not hunted down like our 1 own people who make a little whisky 1 for family use. I simbly want to state that we want reform in the sys tem of taxation. It is now a ques tion between the Lax-payers and the tax consumers. I am for no class legislation, but I am for equal taxa tion. As I told them, in tbe house, there are colored tenants on my farm who pay this government more tax in the little medicine he consumes, 1 his whisky and the tobaccojjthat he 1 consumes in his pipe at night when his day’s work is done—l say he pays i more tax than many people who are 1 worth SIOO,OOO, living abroad, and drawing their intereet. Out of the tobacco and whisky nearly one-third of the revenues of this country are collected. Two pro ducts only! Virginia has paid enough tax since 1866 to have liqui dated and discharged the whole of her State debt, which is upwards of $44,000,000. This bears not exactly sectionally more on Virginia, perhaps . but on all the States where tobacco is grown and whisky is made. The property of the United States last year was estimated at $98,000,- 000,000, Well, now, suppose a very moderate and just tax should be laid upon it in some way. It can be done. W here truth and justice and right prevails, the way canjeasily be found to equalize the taxes of this country, and meet every public obligation and every debt on less than one per cent, on the amount named. Many people now pay more thau five per cent, and others not the sixteen-thous andth part of a dime. [Laughter and applause.] That, I say, is the great question, and the people of the North and South should not be alarmed because we say congress has a right to limit the appropriation, and that therefore it is a new secession move ment. No, fellow-citizens, our ob jects are higher, nobler, and grand er. They are broad as the whole country, and there is no sectional feeling in them. Wherever labor is at work, in the shop and in the corn field, North, East, South and West, the cause in which we are engaged— which I am engaged in and am will ing to die so the cause of the la boring masses of the people. [Ap plause,] Now, one other word about this panic. Mr. Sherman says it came on in 1873. Very many of us remem ber it very well. | Laughter.] What is the effect of it ? He speaks of a revival of business; but I have never heard anything of it from the masses of the people. Hundreds of them have visited me from all parts of the country—from the East and the West—and the general account they give me is of general prostration and devastation, and the dying out of in dustries. It is very much like the story told of one of my old friend’s servants. It was down in Jasper county, I think, along in 1847, a storm of hail, or cyclone, came along in tbe direction of Indian Springs, and swept everything before it. There was nobody at home but my friend— I won t call his name—and his old servant. Everything was upset and blown down—mules and horses turn ed on their backs —his barns’aud stables blown to pieces and bis own house demolished. The hay was strewn, around six inches deep and every Leaf gone from the trees. My friend told the old man to go out and survey the results, and he went out about a mile or so on either side,and when he came back he said: “Ole master, de only consolation I can give you is, dat it seems to be a very gin ral thing.” [Laughter and applause.] And sad to say, iu our country now the illustra is but too applicable. And so 1 say you cannot find a spot on ibis btuS l .continent that is not 81 took an exploring vovage was im rlprisoue /tfbULE, | o< k’3l Atlmr. of John Tangle, dec. panic. Why, I had a statement x hibited in the house and nobody dis puted it, compiled from every State, commencing when they struck silver as a standard, and the golden calf put up to worship. In 1874 there were failures with liabilities of up wards of $200,000; in 1875 about the same number, and for the four years ending last year there were 36,000 failures of houses considered as firm as any now in New York; 36,000 of them with liabilities of $800,000,000 —more than one-third the public debt of the United States. And yet the cry is “taxes! taxes I taxes 1 shrinkage! shrinkage!” and failure after failure ! And you are not done yet. You have not got to the bottom until this thing can be ar rested. Is there any prospect of ar resting it ? That is the question you and I and the people are interested in. Yes, by understanding and maintaining the government. Watch it at the polls; watch the legislature and see that they do right. More than that. Even in those countries where this plague came from—for it is worse than a plague—there is de vastation and destruction to every industrial and commercial interest. I saw, the other day, where the gal lant Ewing had made a calculation that the shrinkage in property since 1874 was greater than the property destroyed in this horrible war we went through with. Is there any hope, then ? It has not been two weeks since the telegraph brought the information that Bismarck has changed his policy on gold. In Eng land the indications are that in less than twelve months it will be changed there. After the passage of the War ner bill, a bill was passed in the Ger man Parliament to sell no more sil ver. But I tell you that this last great error of the century imposed upon the debt-paying people will be passed in less than three years. [Ap plause.] The war is over. There is no new issue of secession. We are on the right side. And it seems to me little strange that Mr. Shermau, of whom I speak respectfully, should bring this charge up before Ohio. Mr. Ewing, the gallant standard bearer of the democracy of Ohio, did not side with us in secession. Those issues are dead now. The past and the rightfulness of either side is not to be discussed now. Mr. Hayes, tbe president, spoke in this city of the gallant deeds of both sides of men fighting for what they believed to be right. And he was right. There is no higher specimen of manhood than that of a man believing he is right and willing to risk his all and his life for it. The president said so here, and he was right. Ewing can hardly be charged by secretary Sher man with leading a second secession movement when ne did so muc'fl to keep us from carrying out the first one. Mr. Rico, his colleage, was also upon the same side with him then. How is it, too, in Maine and New York ? Are they for secession ? I use the argument only to show that Air. Sherman uses it as a decoy. It is monetary, financial relief wo want; relief from taxation for the North and the South, the East and the West—from Maine to California —and it is what I believe the masses will have. [Applause.] Have no standard-bearer who does not stand on your principles. The great people of thia country are for the right, and you should select as your standard bearers men who stand firm with throe-fourths —yes, five fifths of the solid, Jeffersonian democrats, North, South, East and West [Applause.] When you do this your standard will indeed be not tbe standard of dissev ered States, but of one grand, united confederated republic, on the basis of that which Lord Brougham and other great intellects of Europe ad mired. You will have peace, pros perity, no sectional strife, no wars, but general fraternity; and your grand old American federal flag floating, as President Hayes said in his inaugural, “over States, not pro vinces—citizens, not subjects.” [Ap plause.] And may you yet live to see such a grand triumph of sound republican —yes, old republican, democratic, Jeffersonian —principles! Let them triumph under such a glo rious flag that you may leave them an inheritance for your children for generations to come. [Long contin ued applause.] Tiie Flower and Perfume. Mr. Longfellow has written a let ter to a school teacher who informed him that the children had hung the poet’s picture in the schoolroom. Mr. Longfellow’s letter is very pleas ant, and among other things he says, “To those who ask how I can write ‘so many things that sound as if I were as happy as a boy,’ please say that there is in this neighborhood, or neighboring town, a pear tree planted by Governor Endincott two hundred years ago, and that it still bears fruit not to be distinguished from the young tree in flavor. I suppose the tree makes new wood every year, so that some part of it is always young. Perhaps that is the way with some men when they grow old; I hope it is so with me. lam glad to hear that your boys and girls take so much interest in poetry. That is a good sign, for poetry is the flower and perfume of thought, and a perpetual delight, clothing the com monplace of life ‘with golden exhala lations of the dawn?” A gentleman who has had some experience at onion-raising writes to the Maine Farmer that he leveled off a place twenty feet square, where a cow ha 1 been yarded, and spread on it a bushel or more of wood ashes and mixed them in with a hoe and a rake. He planted in rows ten inches apart, and iu hills about one-half that distance, pressing it hard with a board upon which he stood. When the onions came up he gave them a good supply of water that had been made tepid from standing in the sun, and that was well saturated with new manure. The result was twenty; bushels of fine onions and no bugs oi worms. Onions should be planted | ; sch >ui the w.r l ‘ e iftharist’ wisgiv : 3L2t J. B. aCwiNBURN, Gov. Colquitt and His Enemies. The history of Georgia will not ‘hhow a parallel to the wanton, base less and wicked warfare that has been made upon Governor Colquitt for the past twelve months. It has passed into a proverb that no man can hold office in these days save at the penal ty of slander and traduction. The malice of the envious, the rancor of the disappointed, and the schemes o'. the ambitious, all unite in the assault upon character and position. But the warfare upon Governor Colquitt has gone beyond the stretch of pre cedent, and stands unequaled in in genious and reckless persistency. Ev ery recourse of defamation has been exhausted. Every suggestion has been run down and every avenue ex plored. His enemies, though few, have been tireless. They have not hesitated to besmirch the democratic party in order to gratify their malice or advance their schemes. Nothing has been too sacred for their uses. It is even suspected that they have tried to make the legislature, charged with the solemn duty of legislation, a convention for tne waging of a gu bernatorial campaign, or an arena for the avenging of personal preju dices. Edmund Burke said in his oration on Marie Antoinette: “When I saw the fair dauphiucss of Fiance a few years ago I thought that every sword in France would have leaped from its scabbard to avenge even a look that threatened her with insult.” This might have been siid of Govern or Colquit before his enemies begun their work. What name was so hon ored as his ? What character so lofty and pure? What life so blameless and lustrous? He lived above the reach of slander—above all cloud or taint. Has he fallen from this es tate. Has he lost his purity or his honor ? Is he rhe man that his ene mies proclaim him ? Are their whis pers, their hints, their slanders justi fied ? It is the duty of every journalist in Georgia to meet the issue that these men have raised, and meet it square ly. An honest man—a man whose name we love—whose life has been given to Georgia—is being stained, insulted and persecuted, and sacri ficed to the brutality of soreheads and the ambition of place-hunters As for us, we assert that this crusade against the governor is utterly with out reason or excuse, and we propose to stand by his side in defense of the character that he loves better than all else in the world. In a brief and precise manner we shall recount the charges that have been brought against the adminis tration of Gov. Colquitt, and show . ow utterly reckless and wanton they are. He is charged with the loss the State may suffer through ex-treasur er John Jones. Gov. Smith had turned Colonel Jones out of office be fore Gov. Colquitt was elected. Since then the case against him has been managed by General Toombs, Col. Hammond and the attorney-general. He is charged with the lease of the convicts and ali that it carried with it. He has never been interested in any way, direct or indirect with that lease, which was ordered and execut ed before he was made governor. He is charged with having signed the Northeastern bonds when he should not have done so. He acted on the urgent advice of Senator Hill, Governor Brown, Gen eral Toombs and others, and upon an interpretation of the meaning of the legislative act furnished by the legis lative officers. he was charged with having signed these bonds under improper influence. After an investigation, indignantly demanded, and of exhaustive inquiry and cruel research, he was unanimous ly exonerated by the committee and the charges against jhim denounced in both reports as slanders and cal umnies. He is charged with the Garlington- Alson fee. He simply carried out a contract that was made—a most wise and advantageous contract for the State. He is charged with having paid a fee to Colonel Tuggle for which there was no necessity. By his contract with Colonel Tuggle, sfi2,ooo was paid into the treasury, and not a cent taken out. It may be said that our congressmen might have collected without cost to the State. The claim is over forty years old, and no con gressman has ever yet been able to collect it. He is charged with the responsi bility of the trouble in the wild land departin' nt. That department is in the hands of the legislature, manag ed by its laws, and officered by it a election, and he has no power to in terfere with it. He is charged with whatever there may be, if anything, against Comp troller Goldsmith. He never appoint ed the comptroller, and has no con trol of his affairs, and his relations with Mr, Goldsmith have been pure ly official. The legislature elects the comptroller. And then, as if nothing was too tender for the use of his assailants, he has been charged with the respon sibility of the murder of his friend, Col. Alston. The testimony shows that he left Alston in a place of per fect safety, and went immediately to find Alston’s enemy and reconcile or control him. Alston’s own father could not have done more for him. And as if nothing was too sacred for their purpose,they have assaulted the governor because he has seen fit to give countenance to the. cause of morality and religion. If ever a man on this earth went to the altar of God with humble and honest heart, that man was Governor Colquitt; and yet his enemies have found even in this cause for sneer and innuendo. This is the list of charges brought against this man. How contemptible and puerile they seem when contrast ed with the grand, practical results of this administration. Here they are. Let honest men contrast them with tbe charges and insinuations | against the governor,and then decide | whether he should be blamed or hon- | vuo uu pita.su u uiojuixcjr vi puupiti ilb None but careful and experienced drivers ein. Colquitt's administration: 1. The floating debt of $350,000 has been mtirely extinguished. 2 The rate of taxation has been reduced one third. 3 >200,000 has been collected from old claims and put into the State treasury. 4. Ise credit of the State has eo improved that the New York banks offer her money at five pci cent, where she has been paying six and seven —her four per cent, bonds go off readily at par, where she was for merly forced to issue 7s and Bs, Her credit is incomparably batter than any oth«r Southern State. 5. The expenses of the State insti tutions are diminished. Ou the lu natic asylum alone $20,000 per an num has been saved, and on this saving the State will enlarge the asy lum. 6. The expenditures in every fund, the contingent, the public printing, the public buildings, were diminished before the late convention met, until they were less than ever known be fore. 7. Profound peace and good order rules throughout the State. The people are prosperous and contented. These are the actual works of the administration. The truth is, Geor gia never had a better governor— never had so prosperous an adminis tration. It has made our State the admiration of the whole South, and the equal of any in the Union. Gov. Colquitt promised the people honesty and economy in office when he went in and took the oath, and he has re ligiously kept his promise. Quietly, modestly but firmly he has put the pruning knife everywhere. lie has been honest, attentive, devoted and scrupulous, and now stands by his record, and appeais to the people for justice. We very much mistake the temper of our people if they will al low the assaults of a faction of sore heads and aspirants to break down a character that is pure and illustri ous, or ccademn an administration that in practical achievement is with out a perallel in the history of our State. : Rutter Marketing. Set for the cream to rise in a tem perature not above fifty-eight de grees, and fifty degrees will make better batter than a warmer, tem perature, provided means are used for getting the cream to the surface To do this I put from one drop to half a teaspoonful of sour milk ’ ;o each pan holding four quarts of new milk. Skim at the end of thirty-six hours, taking care to get as little milk as possible with the cream. Keep the cream cohered in a tem perature of from forty-five to fifty five degrees. Stir it well twice a day. In very cold weather raise the temperature of the cream before churning by placing it near a fire and frequently stirring it until sixty de grees has been attained. Do not ever have it above sixty three de grees, as the butter is liable to come soft if warmer at commencement of churning. This will insure the but ter to come in half an hour in a good solid condition, if the cows have been properly fed. I• ba ■ o noticed that when our cows have had access to oat-straw the butter is more diffi cult to churn and of not so good a quality. After removing the butter from the churn, by as little handling of the hand as possible, gently work and press the buttermilk from it. I do this by means of a large, soit cloth, frequently dipping into cold water, which assists in cooling the butter, aa well as ridding the cloth ofbuttermilk; then to each pound of butter put three-fourths of an ounce of salt, finely pulverized, or three ounces to every four pounds, which I find must persons think a very palatable proportion. Set away in a temperature of fifty degrees and al low to stand one or two hours, when work over again in the same way by frequently wringing the cloth from cold water and draining from the butter all milky water. It is then ready for use. CucuiKberi, Squashes anti Mel ons. I use the following expedient as usual: I fill a cask holding several pailfuls with water and put in a little well-rotted manure. Then I add a few lumps of saltpetre, a little aqua ammonia and enough boiling hot water to bring the temperature to blood neat or a little more. Then 1 put in two or three handfuls of gyp sum, and with a tin pail and a cup apply about one pint of this warm water to each hill of cucumbers, squashes and melons, covering a lit tle dry earth over the hill to prevent it from cracking and baking. The < fleet is almost magical. I can see great difference in the vigor of the plants within twenty-four hours after watering them lu fact I think that the vines are growing so strongly that I shall need to give them less care during the coming busy harvest season. When I first began this practice several years ago, I feared to make the mixture too strong lest it should kill the plants. I find, however, that there is little or no danger of tnis. The stronger the manure the more rapidly the vines will grow. Whenever the vines appear to be suffering from drought I water them, but seldom apply the stimu lant more than once. Hill of vines are almost always full of manure, but it is generally in an unavailable condition from lack of m >:stare. How to Tell a Hoise’s Age. The editor of the Southern Planter says: “The other day we mat a gen tleman from Alabama, who gave us a piece of information as to ascertain ing the age of a horse after it had passed the ninth year, which was quite new to us, and will be. we are sure, to most of our readers.” It is this: Alter the horse is 9 years old, a wrinkle comes in the eyelid, at the upper corner of the lower lid. and every year thereafter he has one well-defined wrinkle for each year of his age over nine. If, for instance a horse has three wrinkles, he is twelve; if four, thirteen. Add the number of wrinkles to nine, and you will always at it. So says the gentleman, and he is confident it will never fail. Willows are growing on the bar in the Mississippi at Vicksburg. It will soon be dry land where once the Ilu o .mult, lime but (TIIWU nnr NO. 31