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■tOFESSIONAL .CARDS.
H, , nn . W.M. K. SIMMONS.
■('INN & SIMMONS.
■ attorneys at law,
■ iIKSCF.ni.LE, G EOUGIA'
Hadic" w Gwinnett and the adjoining
Htiis. tnur 15—1 y
■v U. ILUTOII INS,
■ attorney at law,
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Hcli'V iii li," namtii'S nl tlic Western
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HuAv. mar 15-ly
■ LEE M. I’ITIU’HKS,
■ ATTORNEY AT LAW,
■tUSCEVILI.E, UA.
h tlic counties of Gwinnett,
anil M ill on.
■“Mi claims promptly attended to
Brls-Gm
|n.glenn,
■attorney at law,
GA.
promptly attend to ail business
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■ T - K-& G. A. MITCHELL,
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’ ,Si IAITKU,:\I.J).,
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lar 15-Gm
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at Law,
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Adddrc.
Weekly Gwinnett Herald.
T. M. PEEPLES, PROPRIETOR ]
Vol. 11.
SpeechoTGen. Jno. 15. Gordon
to the People of Indiana.
I^ELI.OW—CITIZENS OF INDIANA : If
I stood before you a distinguished
soldier of the Northern armies in the
late war, beariug in my bands the
trophies of your triumphs, with the
victor’s wreath upon my brow, I
should not be at a loss to explain this
vast concourse of people. But I
come as a stranger, as one little
knowD to fame. 1 come as ex soldier,
it is true, and a very sincere soldier,
but one whose banner lias long been
furled in defeat; upon whose brow is
the wreath not of the laurel, but of
the cypress. This great audience
therefore does not mean any compli
ment to me. It cant ot moan mere
idle curiosity to see a real, live rebel
General. [Laughter.] To suppose
this would be an insult to your cour
tesy and intelligence. Why, then,
are we here ? Why am I here ?
Why are you here 2 Do we meet as
friends.or as enemies? Do we want
peace or strife ! Are we for limited
or unlimited government? Are we
for liberty or despotism ? These are
solemn, momentous questions; but
they are pertinent to the occasion and
the canvass. Let us answer. I an
swer for myself. lam here by invi
tatiou of your committee upon short
notice and at great personal inconve
nience. I shall not say much of
platforms and candidates. lam not
hereto criminate, but to do justice,
as I shall ask it. lam here not to
appeal to passion, but to the higher
impulses ot your natures. lam here
to ask you lo get above passion and
mount to dear skies of reason. I
am here to reach back to history, to
draw to your presence the proud
memories of the past, that we may
gather from them for our own spirits
the true Promethean fires of freedom
and kindle them afresh on every altar
of our country. Thank God I gather
from your applause that I have not
mistaken the character of this people.
I read in the deep earnestness of
these laces your resolve also to have
an eid to war—an end of turbulence
and strife-. [Applause] It is your
purpose dial, die flag of the republic
sliaii no longer be a symbol of pro
tection to tbe adventurer and only of
power lo inv pi oplo. biu aie deter
mined that die Union shall be a
union ol consent. \on are tut the
universal reign of peace and civil law,
and you mean to strike the fetters
from the limbs of every American
citizen. [Applause.]
TWO KINDS OF UNION.
Now, follow-citizens, 1 think we
understand each other. You want
peace, concord, union. So do I ;
hut let it he a union not pinned hy
bayonets. You can get a union that
way. No doubt of that. That’s
Mr. Morton’s plan. That’s Bout
well's and Conkling’s plan. [Laugh
ter.] You’ve the power. Lou can
have a Union of force —some mem
hers dominating others; but it that
be the plan, strike from the flag the
stars ot States, and write, “Empire,”
at once. (Applause.] But you can
have another sort of Uniou —a Union
of perfect mutuality and equality—a
Union where my State shall be the
equal of any other State. Give us
that sort of Union —a Union over
which shall preside the genius of
civil and not military law ; —a Union
founded ou that maxim which is the
corner stone and the climax of all
free government —the maxim whoso
wisdom reason suggests, history at
tests, experience demonstrates, and
which is written in the blood of every
son of liberty who has fallen in its
defense—namely, the right to govern
is no divine right. That is the right
which kings and despots claim ; but
“the right to govern is derived from
the consent of the governed.'’ 1 hat,
fellow citizens, is tree government.
It is the pabulum on which liberty
feeds. Without it, liberty dies. It
is the essence —yea, it is liberty
itself. [Applause.] Give us that
sort ot a Union and we are content.
1 understand that to be Mr. Greeley s
idea of Union, hence I’m for him.
[Applause, and a voice, ‘‘Gan you
vole for Horace Greeley ?”] My
friend, I’ve no place for prejudice and
hatred now. Ido not see Mr. Gree
lev, I see local government. I see
the constitutional restraints of the
Federal power. I see the white ban
ner of peace nailed to the standard in
his hand. I see throngh the rifted
clouds the polar star of my liberties,
and I follow it. [Cheers.]
But to return to these two kinds of
Uuion. Mr. Morton believes in a
Union of force. We are too disloyal
to be trusted. lie does not believe
in conciliation, lias ho tried it ?
We shall see presently. Did you
ever know an act ol justice, of mag
nanimity, of kindness tail to make an
impression on a bravo heart? Sup
pose you try it.
L&wrenceville, Ga., Wednesday, October 16, 1872.
I told you that this Union of
j equality and concord was the Union
; Mr. Greeley advocates. It was the
Union our fathers made. It is the
L nion your own soldiers claim to have
j fought to restore. No doubt about
I that. I was at Appomattox. I
; talked with them. I know how they
j felt. Well, you can have this Union
of equality with peace and concord,
:or you can continue Mr. Morton’s
idea of Union by Southern repres
sion. You have the power; but vou
have not the power to do this and
save liberty. There is another thing
you can’t do. Aon can never make
it just and light Have Ino interest
in the legacy of our fathers ? Let us
sec about that. You have the power
to enforce any decision you may
make.
I shall state facts and leave yon to
draw inferences I’ve nothing to ask
for myself, but I come to this high
court of popular power, like Paul
pleading for Christianity at the court
of Agrippa, to speak in the cause of
my manacled section Gov. Morton
! would 3ay to me, “Rebel, thou art
beside thyself.” Not so, Mr. Morton.
“Not so, most noble Festus ; but I
do speak forth the words of truth
and of soberness.” Take them home
with you, ponder them. What I say
may change no votes; but no man, I
presume, will dispute the facts, and
their brief recital may serve to re
mind us that this was once a free
country, where every citizen was the
equal of every other citizen. They
may also serve to show that there is
a party in this country which is de
termined that that happy condition
of things shall never exist again.
What are these facts?
We wore once colonies—the North
and the South. Great Britain im
posed burdens. The colonies resist
ed. The North sent her wise men
to counsel, and her soldiers to fight.
The South sent her llenry to fire the
hearts of her colonies, and her
Washington to lead them to victory.
Liberty was won. They built then a
house in which liberty should live,
the house of the Constitution. The
Northern aud the Southern architects
built it together. Libeity was to
live there, and the children of the
builders; and down, down to the
latest posterity, the blessings, of ibis
liberty and this house ot the Consti
tut ion were for each ami for all.
What next? These children disput
ed about the character of this house,
and the privileges of each in it. T hey
could not agree, and the Southern
branch proposed to withdraw, and
build another house patterned after
the old. The light was disputed.
The dispute could not be settled.
Words would not answer. Blows
must come.. On the effort logo out,
blows did come. Ttie discussion was
transferred from the forum of reason
to the field of battle. Not now unit
ed fathers, as in ’7O, against a for
eign foe ; not united son of the sires,
as when Scott and the Northern
Fierce and the Southern Taylor bore
the American ensigns to victory in
Mexico, the blood of those children
mingling on the plains and their
joint songs of triumph resounding in
the halls of the Moutezumas. [Pro
longed applause.] But now is war in
the household itself; not the heritage
itself in dispute, but the lights and
privileges under this inheritance. It
is a conflict of theories ; both are
honest, but reason is no longer um
pire. The god of carnago must pre
side. These divided children are
summoned to arms. I see the gath
ering hosts along the Northern hills
and the Southern savannahs. Fair
I hands are weaving in brightest colors
the flags of battle to wave over fa
ther, husband, son. What means it ?
Is it hate? God forbid ! It is a
high, manly, glorious resolve to main
tain a conceived right or perish in
the effort. I hear the sullen tramp
of the gathering legions. Beneath
burnished steel and spread ensigns
| they move up —battalion after battal
I ion—in awful silence into line. I
! bear the dread signal to advance.
Hark! the wild shout of the charge
| and the furious rush on the onset.
Bayonets and gleaming sabres drip in
brothers’ blood. Banks rush on
ranks and the groans of the dying are
lost in the horrid din ot strife. But
hush—silence suddenly reigns, ihe
long dread dav is ended —the battle
is over. The dead lie together the
victor and the vanquished —the South
ern and the Northern—gazing ghast
ly into heaven. The sky is above
them. They sleep together their
long sleep, folded in the arms of the
same mother earth Jfl the deep
wilderness, by the moumain aud the
river they are sleeping. And now,
“On Fame’s eternal campiug ground
Their silent tents are spread,
And glory guards with solemn round
The bivouac of the dead.”
“COMING EVENTS CAST THEIR SHADOWS BEFORE!”
There they are. “No sound can
awake them to glory again.” The
battle is over with them as it was
with the living.
O
SENATOR MORTON AND THE SOI.D(R r S.
There is this coinfort in their
death. The Federal is not here to
realize the fact that politicians have
prevented the restoration of the
Union, which was the purpose of his
enlistment. [Applause.] The Con
federate is not here to witness the
sufferings of his people There is
another comfort. They are beyond
the reach of the effort to aw aken and
continue forever a bitterness toward
each other which they never felt even
in war. They fought from a sense of
duty and not of hate. No such
courage has ever been exhibited in
the annals of war, and courage was
not born of hate. It is some com
fort that your honorable Senator
Morton cannot stand at the backs of
these dead warriors to provoke them
to hate, as he has the living. [Ap
plause.] But to return to the scene.
Where are the living soldiers? They
mingle too. Loaded haversacks are
empted to the hungry. Lot me do
justice, as lam here to claim it, I
I intend to give it. They mingle. The
Federal declares that “the Union was
; the goal of the Federal hope, and
j Union is restored ” But no. Mr.
Morton, Mr Boutwell, Mr. Conkling
j come now to the front. The danger
\ is over—they are now to the front.
: Mr. Greeley says, “amnesty;” the
; soldiers reply “Amnesty and Union.”
But, no ; it is now the time for these
newly-made warriors. “Stand aside,
; Federal soldiers.” “To the rear.”
i “The Confederate is down ; let us
come 1 ” And they did come. They
came, but not with the high spirit of
those who had spilt blood and given
life; but like vultures hovering
around the camp of a victorious
| army to bear off on their practiced
j wings the spoils of battle and fatten
,on the blood of the soldier. They
l came and they still come—now with
! carpet-baggers and adventurers to
plunder the brave and honest but
; fallen foe. They come to instigate a
J war of races If God does not pre
! vent it the Radicals will produce it.
; They come to stir the blood of the
i hitherto peaceful, kind hearted, but
ignorant negro; and with him to
mangle and bruise the body of tlie
dead or dying South. [Cries of
“That’s so.”'|
CONDITION OF TDK SOUTH.
Fellow citizens, the charge that the
disposition of our people to oppress
the negro and the disturbances in tbe
country justified the Federal interfer
ferance is without foundation. 1
know how difficult it will he for you
lo realize this. The party in power
have retained power, by exciting your
prejudices against the South, and they
totally misrepresent us. I am con
sidered a truthful man where I live,
and I hold up my right hand here
to night and ask you to place me
under the bond of a solemn oath that
I will tell you the truth. If this
does not satisfy you, I pledge myself
to give any gentleman who doubts
me proof which he cannot doubt.
If, after hearing these facts, you still
vote to continue the Radicals in
power aud to oppress your country
men, I shall at least have the satis
faction of having discharged my du
ty, and I shall go to my home, to my
people and advise them in the future,
as in the past, to still hear their
wrongs with that heroic fortitude
which they have hitherto evinced.
What are these facts? During the
war you said we had robbed the era
die and the grave to fill our ranks.
It was nearly so. Old men, young
men, boys were in the army. Who
were at home? Women, children
and negroes, and yet there was not a
case of disturbance, not a woman in
suited during the entire war. Was
there ever such a case in all history ?
Then came vour armies with banners
proclaiming their freedom. Some
joined your standards; those who re- j
mained still labored and protected
our wives and children ; and when
the war is ended they still are peace
able—still labor, still no disturbance,
still nothing but kindness between
the races. The white men contri
buted for churches and schools. Per
fect quiet. What next? General
Grant came to inspect. Do you re
call his report to the President ?
Theje is no disturbance still. Mark
these facts, fellow citizens. General
Grant’s report is upon record, and
there is no escaping the conclusions
to which these facts lead us. Now
the carpet-baggers come. T hey draw
the line. They organize the negroes;
thoy uige them to insult and toplun
dur, to levy taxes and till the pockets
of thesa adventurers. Now distuih-,
anee begins. They tax, they rob, '
j tlioj insult, thoy place the caipct i
baggers in power, who steal ottr
money, appropriate our property and
trample our rights. Neither home
nor life nor property was any longer
safe. What then ? What would you
have done when your house was
robbed, your wives and daughters
exposed to outrage and the brutality
of an ignorant race with every bad
passion stirred by the vile miscre
ants behind them ? We did not or
ganize, but only for defense. Das
tards and thieves might condemn us
—but the Federal soldiers were gene
rally on the side of the white man.
What next? “Ku-klux,” Ku-klux,”
martial law, Federal judgas, black
jurors, convictions of both innocent
and guilty. Who d >ubis where the
responsibility lies?
THE r.VRTV OF HATE.
A party which enn only live while
passion and prejudice and hate sur
vive will not want an opportunity to
excite them. I never saw a Ku-klux
in disguise, I nexer heard of but two
in Georgia, and they weic worn by
Radical robbers. [Great app ausc.j
11, by reason of ibis condition of |
affairs, bad men have committed
crime, the calmer judgment of the
future will place the responsibility
where it rightfully belongs. I place
it upon record to-night, and I stand
pledged to vindicate it before any
unbiased tribunal, that the men who
seek now to perpetuate their hold on
office by appealing to your hate and
prejudice, are responsible for the dis
order in the South, which has made
1 lie sham of peace more intolerable
than war. (Applause.) Oh, ye high
priests in the party of destruction, 1
charge you to night in the presence
of this people with conjuring with
dark spirits and turning louse from
their caverns the tempests of hate, of
arson, of rape, of judical murder, of
plunder, which has swept the goodly
heritage our fathers gave us and
changed the South to a Roland, a
Hayli, a Domingo. (Cheers.) Why,
why in the name of all that is manly
and high and generous and noble in
i human nature, will you continue this
reign of tenor, which disgraces the
very name of republican institutions t
(Loud applause.) Was it not enough
that these children of glorious sires
had huively, grandly, fought out their
disputes and settled them at Apppo
mallox ? 1 plead not for pity, but I
clamor for justice Was it not enough
in the light over an honest difference
of opinion, we had lost more than
000,000,000 of property ? Must
you still come with your plundering
adventurers and black millions and
hang about our necks $250,000,000
more of debt? Was it not enough
that the llower of our land had gone
down in the conllict, that every home
was in mourning; that briars cum
bered our fields, and poverty sat a
pale sentinel at our firesides? Is
hate so sweet, aud its gratifications
so essential, that you must hang the
whole land with the drapery of
death ? But I leave you to answer
before the great tribunal of history
and Jehovah’s judgment bar. You
will not escape the condemnation of
the former; but I pray that the
mantle of him who saved even the
thief on the cross may protect you
at the latter. (Applause) There is
this comfort. You may deprive us
of our liberties; but you can’t strike
down the balmy skies that a benign
ant God still bends above us. He
will still send the early and the latter
rains, and seed time and harvest will
come again to our impoverished peo
ple. (Applause) It may not be
come uie to sound in your ears the
uotes of warning, but there is anoth
er thing you can’t do. You cannot
deprive your countrymen of liberty
and retain it for yourselves. Look I
at Rome. Sbe bad power. Her |
ea<des swept over all • tlie nations 1
around bet ; but Roman citizens, in
the acme of Roman power, passed
beneath the domination of Rome’s
imperial scepter. Mark the signs of
the times. When you see the light
ning part the clouds you know that
the shock of the thunderbolt is com
ing. When the swift drifted clouds
roll in the sky, you know the whirl
wind is at hand. When you hear the
clang of the chains on the limbs of
South Carolina, Arkansas, Missippi,
Louisiana it is the note of warning
and the echo of history aJmonishiug
vou that the same power will place
them on your children next. (Great
applause )
GREAT OPPORTUNITY DOST.
But, fellow citizens, I am detaining
you too long. (Voices, “Go on! go
w n ! we want to hear you!” There
is one thought, suggested by what 1
have just said, which 1 think well
worthy of your serious consideration.
It is that a great opportunity has
been lost. What hecatombs of lost
opportunities tisc up to condemn in j
[ $2 A YEAR, TN ADVANCE.
this World and the next ! What an
opportunity General Grant has lost !
He might have added to his retloWti
as a soldier the higher, better and
more enduring renown of the pacifi
cator of his country. But alas for
him, ttlas for his country, he was cap
tured by Mr. Morton and Mr. Conk
lin and Mr. Boutwell. He got into
politics. (Laughter.) If ho had only
thought of iho effect of magnanimity
—if lie had only remembered the
example of Washington in the whis
ky insurrection—if lie had only
thought of history. HotV pure is
the name of Washington, and how
unsullied by any act of oppression to
his countrymen, even when an infin
itely belter excuse than this was fur
nished him. (Applause.) How his
lory leans with tributes to even our
fallen humanity by recording the re
sponses of the hearts of men to all
generous and noble acts ! Did you
ewr think of that ? The delightful
valleys of La Vendee ran in blood,
hut the ting of amnesty raised bv the
great (Jen. Iloche conquered the
spirit of strife. It was the conquest
of magnanimity and gave undying
renown to Hoclie. (Applause.) Even
the cold Napoleon—“a sceptered her
mit, wrapped in the solitude of his
own icy individuality—saw that noth
ing but the most generous confidence
in his domestic foes could consolidate
the patriotism of France. (Applause.)
Richelieu, almost without a rival
among European statesmen, recalled
from exile the most active leader of
the rebellion, and made him com
mander of one of the armies of his
country. Hstory is full of such ex
amples. 1 mention but one more.
I shall mention now a name which,
with the exception ot Washington’s,
has no equal in history. It is the
name of the great Henry of Navarre,
who, when the civil wars were ended,
and a revolting Governor returned
for terms of peace replied, “Come
not as enemies to crave forgivenness,
but as children to a father always
ready to receive you with open arms.”
That sentence will he a crown of
glory to Henry when his military
achievements have passed from the
memory of men. That sentence
pacified, united, cemented Ins coun
try.
NKCIItO SUPERIORITY.
One more point, fellow citizens, and
I shall close. “Negro superiority”—
this doctrine of these latter day pro
gressionists. Do you believe that
doctrine, white men of Indiana?—
(Loud shouts of “no 1 no !”) I don’t
either; I think GoJ has made dis
tinctions in the races of men, just ns
He has in all tilings else in the uni.
verse, and the Radicals can’t help it.
(Laughter.) Look out there upon
that forest. The majestic oak, the
towering poplar, and the tail cedar
of Lebanon grow on the same soil
with the thorn and the thistle. (Ap
plause ) God made it so and the
Radicals can’t change it. (Laughter.)
The lion roams the forest—the king
of beasts by the decree of the Al
mighty. The eagle, as lie mounts
upward to meet the sun, scours earth
and air in search of his prey, because
God has ordained it. (Applause.)
And the white man lias been in all
ages and climes, and countries, the
superior of all colors and races of
men. And the white man’s body
was the vessel honored of God in
bearing on earth ilia divinity of Ilis
Son. (Loud applause.)
RADICALS AT WAR WITH GOD.
The Radicals are dissatisfied with
this arrangement of Jehovah, (laugh
ter) ; but they must wage the contro
versy with the God of humanity and
not with me. They are determined
that this law of God shall be revers
ed, at least in the Southern States.
(Laughter) Look at Mississippi,—
In the county in which Natchez is,
negro legislators, negro sheriff, negro
clerk of court to hold the deeds to
your property ; negro council, negro
police who levy and collect your
taxes to fill the pockets of carpet
baggers who stand at their backs.
And this is but a sample. Disorder
reigns, robbery is legalized, the court
of Justice is a mockery, liberty is a
libel, and in this high carnival of
crime, the scepter of this new-born
black royally drips with the blood of,
its victims. All this because the
Radicals are at war with God; and
God will yet bring them to judgment.
(Applause.) With the bayonet they
pin the white man to the earth and
put the negro over him. Soldiers of
ilie North who fought in a better
cause, white men of Indiana, is this
the price of your blood ! (Applause
and shouts of “no I no !”) Rise then,
vindicate your title to the royal broth
el hood of white men at the polls ill
November. (Cheers.) Not by tramp
ling the black man. Oh, no. What
ever may be my opinion of his past
No. 31.
or his future, I declare here to night
in tho full blaze of your scrutiny, that
I would not return him to slavery, if
I. could'effect it by one wave of this
right hand, lifted to heaven in vindi*
Cation of mv sincerity. (Loud ap
plause.) But with his freedom was
born no right of domination. God
never gave it Power cannot confer
it. (Applause) Fellow citizens, where
is the justification? Reason denies,
revelation condemns it. But what
matters it to Mr. Morton if in the
storm of passion, by fanning the
flames of the late war, If upon that
sea of blood drawn from the veins of
hi* Northern and Southern country
men, he can ride to place and porpet*
uate his hold on power ? (Great ap
plause.) Pardon me, gentlemen, if I
seem to transcend the bounds of cour
tesy by pronouncing the efforts aa
simply infernal. (Applause.) But Mr.
Morton will take advantage of that
sentence and parade it as an evidenco
of the still unbroken spirit of the re
bellion. (Laughter.) His idea of
government is that it ia better to
subjugate the white man and crush
lus spirit, or force him to vote the
Radical ticket. (Laughter.) Better
to slaughter liberty than to lose oftico
(applause and laughter) or let an ex
rebel have one. (Daughter.) But Mr.
Greeley says no Southern man lias
ever asked him for an oflice. Oh, no.
Our condition i* too serious for such
paltry considerations. We are after a
rectification of disorder and a reign
of tranquility. (Applause.) Nor do
we expect, as you pretend to believe,
that Mr. Greeley’s election means the
payment for these slaves. It is not
amazing that an argument who-e ab
surdity is so patent would be serious
ly advanced before an intelligent peo
ple ? Fellow citizens, 1 will make
this contract with Mr. Morton while
I am here in Indiana. If he will cease
his efforts to perpetuate disorder in
tliis country, aud be as zealous an
advocate for the return of peace and
the real spiiit of republican govern
ment as he is to keep himself in oflice,
I’ll give him a title, signed by the
Southern white men, to all the nig
gers and rights of recovery. (Laugh
ter and cheering,) Oh, no; those
millions of property have gone down
in revolution forever; hut lie is de
termined that tho agitation of the
subject shall not go down with it.
(Applause) He thinks it is better to
destroy the country than that people
who have differed with him should
have their rights, ’i he statesmen who
have left a name in history did not
think so. Not so tliouglil|VVasliington;
Hot so thought Henry of Narvarre.
Oil, for a WasffMigton or a Henry of
Narvarre. Liberty, Constitutional
government, republican institutions
aio struggling in the smoke of vin
dictiveness.
BETTER SUFFER IN Tltß RIGIIT THAN
TRIUMPH IN WRONG.
But go on, Mr. Morton. Let
carpet-baggers rob, let bluck ig
norance legislate, let military law
be supreme, let empire come, let
liberty go down in the flood-tide
of hate, burying the sweet associ
ations of the past and ull hope for
the future; still I'd rather have
my place in its billows than yours
riding it to povrei. [Loud cheers.]
1 do not court martyrdom; but
I liaVc thought, as the wails of my
suffering kindred were borne to
Georgia from beyond I lie Savan
nah, that, if my life could purchase
their redemption and secure to my
children the freedom they inheri
ted, I could freely give it. There
are things worse than death. Of
one thing I am sure: I’d rather
bo the aged professor of South
Carolina, arrested without a war
rant, impriaiued without a crime,
and finally discharged without a
trial, than be the Federal instiga
tor of Ids torture. 1 bad rather
bo Latimer, with his innocent soul
ascending in flame to heaven, than
the men who piled the faggots
about him. [Applause.] Ido not
claim to be the equal of Vergtiiaud,
who, conduuined by tyrants for
denouncing their tyranny, in the
very hour of his exit seized his
glass, and, as he poured his last
libation to liberty, exclaimed : “If
this wine were uiy blood, 1 would
qnaff it to the safety of tlic Re
public.” [Applause.] Who wonld
not choose rather the fate of Vcrg
niaud than of the tyrants who
murdered him ?
APPEAL TO FOREIGN-BORN CITIZENS.
But., fellow-citizens, I weary you
and mflst stop. [Shouts of ‘go on.’]
I have attempted to deal plainly,
fairly and frankly, and, in the
laugyage of Webster, “the bare
statement of these facts carries
with it the evidence of their truth.”
One word to the ioieign-born
cilLseua and I uiu done. Irishmen,
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