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Speech of Ben. fcinton Stephens, Delivered before (he House of Representor tires of Georgia, Friday November \ \th 1S62, on the Resolution of the Senate authorizing the Governor to call out the Mihtia of Camden, and adjoining coun ties, to suppress (he raids of the enemy, and on the unconslitutionahty oj the Con tempt Law. Mr. Stephens said : Mr. Speaker— i iie question before us is one of great public importance, and should be decided upon its merits. I have no personal or patty feelings in the matter, and deeply regiet that an attempt has been made to give the discussion a personal or party direction. The cry has come to us that women and children have been insulted by liegioes from the enemy. The people have been plundered, anil tbeir property destroyed not by gunboats, but by armed negroes, who landed from the boats, and then made their raid into the country. They came on shore, committed their outrages, and returned with impunity—not a shot being fired at them. Col. Floyd, in his letter, says that he has militia at his command that could be made available in repelling these negro raids, and asks leave to call them out. It has been asked why this application comesat this particular time? It is al- ledged by some ihat it was a “got up’’ affair. It becomes us to view it not as a personal or partisan matter. How can men pretend to believe that this is got up —manufactured for the occasion? The raid took place on the 4th iustant, and the letter of the Colonel was written on the 6th—before tha decision of the Supreme Court was made, and before it was known that the question would bo before them. The Governor did not receive the letter The gentleman from Monroe complains j militia.*’ The advocates of Conscription because the Governor says it was made un* | aay that the militia in this connection, dcr strong “outside pressure.” Is not J means nothing but the militia organization this the truth? He says this is a calumny, / as distinguished from the men who com- 1 say it is the truth. Was there not string “outside pressure?” I have no doubt every member of the court was ac tuated by a strong desire to sustain the Government by the decision, if they could do so. Judge Jenkins declared, in de livering the decision, that he was grat ified in being able to uphold the hands of the Government. If so, there was a strong “outside pressure.” The Governor in saying so, spoke only what every candid man acknowledges to be the truth, and the court acknowledges itself to have been under just such a pressure as gentlemen have repeatedly avowed to be operating upon themselves upon this floor—a strong and earnest desire to be in unity and accord with all the policy of the Confederate Government. This being true, is it calumny to say so? Is it not a circumstance, which is properly consider ed in estimating the value and weight of the decision? I am not here as the Gov ernor’s champion, nor as the champion or censor of the courts or of anybody else. I stand here as a Legislator. I form my own opinions and follow my own convic tions. The Governor has done many things which I approve, and some which I do not. I shall, whenever occasion re quires, express my approbation or disap proval of his acts, according to the convic tions of my judgment. This comment of the Governor is a true one and a fair one, and appropriate to the circumstances of the case. pose it. I say the militia means the arms-bearing or fighting men of the coun try. Whether their meaning, or mine, be the true one, one thing is certain, that this power to call forth the militia, what ever that militia may be, is guarded by the Constitution in a manner which is so rematkable that no man can overlook it or fail to receive a flood of light from it as to the trno meaning of the power itself. Let us ascertain what these guards are. In the first place, Congress cannot pro vide for calling forth llie militia, except for some one of the thro* purposes, of ex ecuting the laws, suppressing insurrection or repelling invasion. Here is a remarka ble guard which is nut upon this power of calling forth the militia, but which is en tirely absent from that other power to raise armies; and the power to raise ar mies, whatever it may mean, is Nearly ap plicable to a state oi peace, as well as to a state of war; but the other power, to pro vide for calling forth the militia, is con fined to three of the greatest emergencies which can summon freemen to arms. Who confine and limit this power in so remarka ble a manner if the framers of the Con stitution did not consider it to be a very great power, and one whose exercise needed confinement and guarding? If the militia, indeed, means nothing but the mere organization, what rational reason could the framers of the Constitution have had for guarding the calling forth of the militia, in so remarkable a manner? It is collusion between the counsel who argued i the case, and the court who decided it. ! The Governor has made no such charge. ; He only says that the counsel un both i sides of the case were agreed in their indi vidual opinions that the decision ought to 1 be as it was. He mentions this singular | circumstance as another reason to show that the case did not have a fair chance before the court, and to detract from the weight of the decision. The charge of calumny on tin's score, is unfounded and unfair. I affirm that every word of the Govern before ri* e cour L that his judgment was against the side which he represented. 1 his is a fact notorious in this town. I do not hesitate to affirm that the circum stances under which the decision was made do greatly detract from the weight to which it would otherwise be entitled. Sir, 1 care but little for mere authority. Onegood controlling reason f-.-r the faitli highly indignant at another calumny, which he imputes to the Governor, but until day before yesterdav, and he sent in j h . e ™'V" tes erroneously. He corn- ins message yesterday.' I happen to j _°. f ^ ovornor ** hav,n ? charged know that a similar letter was received yesterday, by the Governor, from McIn tosh county, giving an account of a sirasl.tr raid from the negioes and Yankees. An old man was seized and his negroes car ried off. Again the vandals returned to their boats, and not a shot was fired at them. Was that too, a got up affair? Will gentlemen allow themselves to be blinded so as not to accept facts like these? I bese facts were got up for no purpose but to give relief, if the Governor has the power to afford it. Am I to stand here to per suade men to grant relief to women anu children and feeble old men, when they j are outraged by negroes in arms? 1 do j not believe there is a Georgian not ready I to go over to Lincoln, who is not ready to j afford relief, provided he has the power to ! do so. _ The gentleman from Monroe (Mr. Cal aniss) speaks of the folly of the or’s military s'rategy in proposing to re sist gunboats with raw militia. I am afraid, sir, that the gentleman is not calla ble of judging the Governor fairly, and with an unprejudiced eye. He asks what use there is in sending a few raw militia to fight gunboats. To fight gunboats is one thing, and to repel the raids of negroes, after they have left the boats, is another thing. The gallant Morgan, with his hand of guerillas, has covered himself with glory and renown. He has not attacked Buell's army ; ■ he had better sense; but he knew how to full upon Buell’s detach ed foraging parties and capture, or destroy them. Col. Floyd asks to be allowed to attack the parties of negroes and Yankees, after they have left their boats to pillage, and rob, ami insult, and abuse women and children. He did not ask to he allowed to attack gunboat.s. The gentleman im putes to the Governor a military strategy which the Governor has not suggested, and then denounces its folly. Sir, you cannot be excused from grant ing this relief, if you have the power to grant it. Now, have you the power? The gentleman from Monroe makes an admis sion on this point which is fatal to his con clusions’ He charges that the Governor has uttered a calumny against the Su preme Court in saying that under the acts of Congress, and the decision of the Court, the power seems to be denied to him to call out the militia, even for the protection of our mothers, sisters, wives, and daugh ters, against our own slaves! He says this statement by the Governor, that liis _power to call out the militia for these pur poses, seems to be denied by the Court, is not true, and is a calumny. Then, if the Governor lias the power, why not be willing to tell him to exercise it? I say The gentleman from Monroe is also j as demonstrable as any proposition in con stitutional law can be. that it was not the mere organization, which they intended to protect. I challenge any man to assign a rational reason they could have had for protecting the mere organization, without protecting the men composing it. I pre- dictnow that there will be no response, during this debate, to this challenge. I ask the House to mark my prediction. Again I ask what rational purpose they could have had in confiding the exercise of this power to the three great emergen cies which I name, if, indeed, the militia means nothing but the mere organization? I, sir. can assign a great reason and a great purpose revealed by this guard upon the power, if militia means, as I affirm it have but to look into the Conrtitution and tee What powers are conferred upon Congress, auu what powers are reserved to the Siaies over this militia. Tne power is not given Congress to call them forth, hut onlv the power to provide tor call ing them forth. Ihe cuttingf> th must be done by somebody else. Congress cannot even make a provision for caliiug them forth, except for some one ol the three gteat emergencies uhich^ hate been named , and then each State has the Lonsn- tutional power reserved to her of defeating the call as to her own militia, by refusing to appoint the necessary officers, or by abrogating the ap poiutment of such officers as may happen to exist at the time. Why leave Congress free to constrain the citi zens of this country into their armies in time ot peace, and yet withhold the hand of Congress from touching a mere militia organization, except for the great purpose of executing the laws, sup pressing insurrection, or repelling invasion?— Were the f r smrers of our Constitution so stolidly stupid? It is impossible to believe it. It is a stam and a shame upon tbeir character for sense, to suppose that they intended to leave Congress unlimited power to drag all the citizens of the States into its armies by compulsion jn a time ol peace, and yet suppose that they intended to con- tine the power of Cengress over the militia organ’ ization to three of the greatest possible emergen cies ; and then to suppose, further, that they have failed in their intended protection to that organiz ation, since they have left it to be destroyed by the removal ol all the materials ol which it is com posed. The advocates of conscription place the framers of the Constitution in the attitude ot siu- pidity. They impale them for the ridicule of man kind ; they cannot rescue them from that position. Ido rescue them, by imputing to them an inten tion which is easily rea.), and which wo should naturally expect to emanate from the men who had just achieved their liberty at the price of great blood and great treasure, an intention to shield personal liberty by limiting the case in which compulsory military service could be required, and and the greater intention of shielding State Rights and State existence, by leaving to each Stale the power to withhold her citizens from any compul sory service which she might deem destructive to her existence. Gentlemen who cannot read these great purposes in the language used must be blin ded by prejudice—by the foregone determination not to see them. They do not see them, only be cause they close their eyes to them. According to my reading of the Constitution, all the citizens of all the States are protected from compulsory- military service to the Confederate Government, except in those great emergencies where none should be protects-: and each state is armed with a power to protect herself from the danger ol having her lighting men forced into a cause which she may condemn, or deem injurious or destructive to herself According to my reading ot the Con ly a young man when he uttered that lentiment. It was years afterwards that he, as Goveruor.ot Georgia, became distinguished as the champion •ot State rights It ynu quoie his words, sir, as au thority on \ out side. 1point you to his subsequent deed as authority on my side. If you quote his language which was uttered in a heat d party contest,and under the indignation width he fit against ih« New Eng.and States for their blue, light Iedtralisai, I p„ u; you to w hat he did as Georgia s champion, wtieu her rigi tr were assail ed by' the Fedtial Government. When Governor l roup uttered that sentiment he was *un ter a sirong bias, arising out of apart.cular emeigency. and out of « special desire to compel the New England States to perform what he thought was their duty. He did, iu that heated contest, ex press the idea that sovereign States might be co erced. In my judgment it was a great error, and it wasau eru. afterwards reptnted of, atid nobly atoned. And this leads me to remark upon another view in which Conscription preseuls itself to my mind. I he essence of Conscription is the right to take away the lighting men of the Slates against the will of both the citizens and the States It is the right, make what you will of it, to coerc# sover eigu tates. It is the right which Mr. Lincoln is now claiming over us, and which we are resisting with our blood, and which, 1 trust, we shall nevei cease to resist until 'lie pretensiou is abandoned 1 do say it, sir, not with the iuiention to offend anybody, and I do not believe, t eretore, that 1 shall offend anybody ; but I declare Conscription as it presents itself to my mind, is. in its essence and its constitution, the very embodiment of Lin- colnism, which our gallant armies are to day re sisting. It is a power in the central head to coerce soveieign States. A tew words now as to the history of Conscrip tion and I have done. Its justification ha- been placed upon the plea ot necessity. Sir. it is a fei hie plea. There never was any necessity for it, and there is none now. This plea of necessity is generally a pretext, and under our happy Con stitution, it is always uutrue. Our Constitution was made for war as well as for peace, and the powers conferred by it upon the different depart ments of tbo Confederate Government are ade quate to all the necessities of war, without anv enlargement of them by doubtful construction, or by usurpation. The particular necessity which has been alleg-d for Conscription was a necessity to seize and hold in service the twelve-months nien w hose term was about to expire. Rut, sir, this is a pretext. It is within my knowledge that as long ago as iast fall, several months before the expiration of the term of the 12 months men, Gen. Toombs, then a member ot the Confederate Con gress, introduced a bill to replenish the army and supply the places of those 12 months men who would be going out. His bill was in conformity with the old recognized constitutional mode of re STANDING COMMITTEES OI TUB HOUSE OE REPRESENTATIVES. On State of the Republic.—Messrs Cochran of ..Glynn, Black, Washington, Cabaniss, Love, Hook, Smith of Brooks, Harbour, Burney, Carswell, Mallard, Lee, Barnes, lteese, CarlU Adams and Hargrove. Un the Judiciary.—Messrs. Lester, Cabaniss, Coe.hran of Glynn, Love, Big- ham, Hook, Hester, Whittle, Norwood. Kaifbrd, Trammell, Tatum, Candler, Hargrove, Baines, Culberson, Dubose and Briscoe. Adm inisti ator’s Sale. mid hftforoafee'Court H. use d 0(; TXJILL be I? Abbeville. Wilcox County j on rh, (j rM i ' ln ! day in DECEMBfcK next.the •ullnwiiurj. r ,' 8 " ’ 1 viz: Part of tot .No 1 GcS, the Nurth giU.' i part ot No lifit, north aide; and a part i Soul h side: all lying in the 1st .District „t nd 2. the "iigi. village of Abbeville, Wilcox county. . old as the property ot Keia-et-a Fitzgarald. d* ceased JAMES EH ZGAKALD, Adi,i> ; Sept,30th, If02. a.),*; Administrator's Sale, A GREEABLE to an order of the Court of Or dinary of Jones couritv. will be fluid on the" stitution, the guards which are thrown around J quisiduns upon the States for troops, leaving to Governor s statement on this point is true, i means, the fighting men, or arms-bearin and that the decision -was rendered as the ' ' Governor declares it was, under peculiar circumstances, and under outside pressure. I do not thiuk 1 go iieyoud the bounds of j liberty by limiting the cases in which corn- propriety, when I say to you that Judge pulsoty military service can he required Jenkins himself stated, that the counsel j by the Confederate Government. Sir, in for the conscript declares in his <argument j these times, and with some men, this pur- rneu of tVi e country. With that meanin e of the term militia, u.o great purpose which is revealed, is to protect pmuu..i pose may be regarded as of slight impor tance; but in my estimation, it is one of immense importance! 1 am proud, as a son of Georgia, in believing that she has never surrendered to any power outside of her the right to require military service of her citizens by compulsion, unless there is some one of the three great emergencies which I have named to justify the exer- tliat is in me, is in my judgment worth j cise of that power. more than the opinions of all the courts, j But there is another guard thrown around and of the President, and of Congress, ' this power of calling forth the militia and of every body else, unsupported by reason. I intend to treat the decision respectfully, but I feel well assured that it lias no binding authority upon me, nor upon this House. As a Legislator! deny Whenever the militia is called forth under a law of Congress, the appointment of the officers is reserved to the States. The true nature and importance of this reserva tion seems not to be generally understood the power of the Governor, or of the Jttdg-; and appreciated. I do not doubt, sir, | that this reservation to the States, of the ! appointment of the officers, amounts to, and was intended to amount to a complete veto in the hands of each State, over the calling out of'her own militia. Mark you, sir, the appointment of the officers is a thing reserved to the States. If not ex ercised by them it cannot bo exercised by anybody, no more than elect Senators to the Confederate Congress for the State of Georgia, if Georgia herself should fail or refuse lo elect them. Now, troops can es, or of all the judicial tribunals on earth, to construe the Constitution for me. On what foundation of reason then does this decision rest? The Court; the Presi dent, and all tlie advocates of conscrip tion rest it upon the power which is given to Congress to raise armies. They all ad mit that this power has limitations upon it, but disagree as to what those limitations are. The great point of difference be tween all of them and me, is, as to wheth er it is limited or not by that other power which Congress has to provide for calling j not be moved without officers to conduct forth the militia. Judge Jenkins begins j them. The} cannot be removed one inch; liis argument by denying that there is any j and the control which the States have re connection between these two powers of j served to themselves over the appoint- Congress—denying that tho one exercises any limitation over the other. He says that this is too plain to he made plainer by argument and lie does not argue it. 'Thus he commences by assuming or beg ging the whole question; for, sir, the whole question of the constitutionality of Con scription turns upon the meaning of this power in Congress to provide for calling torth the militia. If it bo true that this ! power has no connection with, nor limita- ment of the officers, gives them a perfect check—a veto over the calling forth of their militia. If the officers do not exist, the States may refuse to appoint them. If they do exist, having been, appointed by the States, the States may unquestionably abrogate tbeir appointment. The Con gress, then, cannot exercise this power of calling forth the military without the con current action of the States, in appointing the necessary officers, each State appoint in the name of the insulted, outraged, and j tion over the other, then, sir, I admit that j ing the officers ior the troops which she suffering women, let him order the help at once, if, indeed, tiiere be no obstruction in Conscription is constitutional; hut, on the j other hand, if it be true that this power to the way? T he Governor does not say provide for calling forth the militia has a that these acts and this decision are a real j connection with, and must be construed in obstruction. What he says is, they seem connection with the other power to raise to deny him the power by declaring that j armies, then sir, conscription is unconsli- Tbat this connection and limi- the whole militia of the State are subject to the command of tho President. The gentleman, in disavowing this as the effect of the Conscript Law, and of the Court’s decision, strikes down all pretense for op posing the exercise of the power which the Governor asks. If there is no difitcul- ty on the score of power, how can the gen tleman oppose himself to this relief which is besought on the part of our robbed and bleeding citizens ! But, sir, these acts and this decision do, as the Governor af firms, seem to deny to him the power to call out tite militia for any other purpose whatever. They do seem to deny to the Governor, and to the Slate, the right to protect the citizens of the State from in vasion, by her own militia. 1 therefore propose to review this whole subject with a view to prove that the acts are unconsti tutional, the decision wrong, and that the obstruction in the way of the Governor’s duty is only a seeming, and not a real one. First, 1 am met with the proposition that the decision of the court closes the whole matter, and is binding and conclu sive on the Legislature of the State, and that it is not competent for the Legisla ture to criticise, or even to express a dif ferent opinion from it. This sir, is a doc trine only less dangerous than Conscrip tion itself. The court, I acknowledge, is the .highest judicial tribunal in this ,State, and legitimately controls all subordinate judicial tribunals, but it is a new doctrine, and a dangerous one that the judiciary is superior to the Legislature. Kachdepait- ment of our government is independent, and each is supreme in its own sphere, and in the exercise of the functions with which it is clothed by the Constitution. Nobody outside of the old Federal party ever held that tlie courts could hind the Legislature or the Executive, or their ex positions of political rights. T his action of the Supreme Court is no more binding upon us than the decision of Judge Thomas in opposition to it. Neither his opinion, nor their opinion has any binding authority over us, aud neither is entitled to any weight with us, any farther than the reasons go, by which it is supported ; but tbe weight of the decision will be mote or less affected by the circumssances under which it was made, it is competent and proper for us to consider, as the Governor bas done, what these circumstances were. sends. That this reservation to the States amounts to a check and complete veto in the hands of the States, is a proposition which I lay down with all confidence, and challenge a denial of it. Now. sir, I ask, what is the purpose of it ? Up on the supposition that militia means nothing but tho mere organization, th-re is no purpose in il. There can be none. Again, 1 challenge the sug gestion—even the suggestion—of a rational pur pose in this great reservation, if the militia means nothing but the mere organization. Upon the sup position that it means what I say it means, the arms-bearing or fighting men, a great purpose stands revealed—the purpose of leaving each State armed with the power to shield her fighting men tutional. taiiou do exist, seems to me to be demon strable; and yet the court have based their whole decision upon an assumption of this very.point upon which the whole question necessarily turns, therefore I say, sir, that that decision and all its reasoning must go tor nothing, because it is founded upon an assumption of the whole casq at the begin- j from any compulsory military service which she mug. The only thing which the court had to do, was tu prove tbe proposition which they assumed and pronounced to be not capable of being made plainer by argu ment. I think, indeed, sir, their proposi tion, denying a connection between these two powers, cannot be made plainer by argument. But, sir, argument can refute it to a demonstration. According to their own construction of the power to raise armies, it embraces all possible and prop er inodes of raising armies. Now sir, call ing out the militia is one mode of raising an army. Gentlemen cannot deny it.— 1 heir own construction for raising armies —their own necessary construction— makes it include ail modes of raising them. I here may be an army of militia as well as an army of regulars. Calling out the militia, therefore, is one mode of raising armies. Now, sir, will any man deny (hat in raising armies by this mode, Congress is confined to the conditions and manner which tbe Constitution has prescribed for calling forth the militia? Here then, sir, is at once an obvious and most important limitation which the power to j rovide for calling forth the militia has over the other power to raise armies. When armies are raised by calling forth tho militia, there are remarkable guards thrown around its exercise. From these guards, sir, we learn what the meaning of this power is to pro vide for calling forth tbe militia. In my judgment there are but two modes of rais ing armies; one is by voluntary enlistment. This mode is without compulsion, and the other is by calling forth the militia. This is a process of compulsion. My construc tion of the Constitution is that the general [tower to raise armies refers only to the first mode—by voluntary enlistment; aud 'hat the other power, to provide for calling forth the militia, refers to tbe only com pulsory mode which Congress can use un der the Constitution. The whole question turns then upon the meaning of these terms—“to provide for calling forth the may deenr injurious to her rights or destructive to I her existence. These two guards, which cunsist- j ing, confening by enumeration the occasion on ! which it may be exercised, and in reserving to the i States control and veto over its exercise, mani- ; fest that this power of calling forth the militia was a great power, in^lie estimation of tho fiamerg ot the Constitution, home great purpose or purpo ses were to be served by these guards. The ques tion returns, sir, with accumulated force, w hat ra tional purpose can be served by either of them, it the thing guarded was the mere organization, leav ing the men who composed it to the unlimited con trol of Congress; it ihe thing guarded is the mere hull leaving the kernel to the unlimited con trol aud destruction of the Confederate Govern ment ! I have asked this question in vain ; and vain will be the asking to tho end of the chapter. I affirm, first, that there could have been no ra tional purpose in thus guarding the militia upon their supposition of what the militia means ; and I affirm, in the next place, that any pm pose which may have been in view, if it indeed be possible to suggest, one, is necessarily defeated The.advo cates of conscription say that these protecting guards are confined to the mere organization. But the organization itself is subject tu destruction by Congress, if the men of which it is composed are left to Congress'unlimited control. I am told by gentlemen, that under the power to raise armies, rney may take the citizens who compose trio mili tia organization, but cannot take the organization itselt. Now, any purpose founded upon the pro tection of the mere organization must fall, for the organization itself is gone, when all its materials are gone. 1 ask you, sir. where will be'that mili tia organization which the Constitution has so j carefully guarded and put under the control ol the .States, alter conscription has performed its office of taking all the materials of which that organiza lion i- 1 composed ? Gentlemen argue as it the conscription law respects and passes by tiio mili tia organization ; but how docs it respect it, sirs ? All its men and all its officers are taken away by conscription, provided they fall within the pie- scribed ages of Id and 45 years. Gentlemen argue as if, after all the fighting men are gone, Georgia would still have the satisfaction of retain ing a proud array of Generals, Colonels, Majors. Captains. Lieutenants, Sergeants and Corporals, without a man to pull a trigger. But, sir, sha is spared this mockery—this pretense of respecting her militia, for the conscription act leaves her not a man.nor an officer, unless he is exempted by age. This whole controversy torus upon the meaning of “militia.” The advocates of conscriptiou say that it means nothing but the militia organization. I say it means the fighting men of the country whether organized or unorganized. This is the issue between us. To decide it satisfactorily, we he power of Congress to provide for the ca.liing forrli of the militia, secure objects of gigantic im portance. According to the reading of the advo cates of conscription, these guards secure nothing at all. I defy any gentleman to point out to me one single useful or national purpose that is served by them. Their alleged protection of the military organi zation is useless, so long as all the fighting men of that organization can be taken away from it by Congress. But that, alleged protection itself is an invention—a myth. It don’t exist, and can't exist so long as organization, which they allege to wn»n.vi,jvvi,.r 1 —i. l„#» to destruction by removing its materials. These gentlemen stand here to day in the attitude of affirming that there is a power outside of Georgia which can come into her borders, and rightfully drag all her fighting men into its armies against Ihe will of her citizens, and against her own wid. After this, let gentlemen cease to talk of Georgia's sovereignty. When all her fighting men can be taken away from her against t..eir will and her own, by on ex ternal power, site has, and can have no sovereign ly left. To taik of sovereignty after that is mock ery: it is an insult added to injury aud robbery Throw such sovereignty as this, sir, to the dogs! Don’t insuit men trained in liberty by thrusting it in their laces. I stand here, to day as tho advocate of Georgia’s sovereignty. 1 deny that any power has deprived or can deprive her of benighting men against their will and her will. The conscription law which tu - deriakes to do it, is against the great charter of the Constitution. In my judgment, sir, it is void, and forms no obstruction to tbe exercise of Georgia’s rights—the exercise of Georgia’s sovereign rights, to protect her own people Ironi invasion. I do not. propose to rtsist ttuse unconstitutional laws by arms. I propose to leave them to tbe ad ministration ol the courts, wherever their admin- i-tration properly falls within the sphere of the courts; but while I do not propose to resist them. I do propose that the Legislature of Georgia shall declare its opinion of t: em—its deliberate judg ment that they are an encroachment upon tlie sov ereignty of Gporgia. I would also accompany this declaration by the practical assertion of the right. I would have Floyd and his forty militia men ordered out under Georgia’s retained right of keeping troops in war for her own protection, and have them to stand upon the seaboard as a rnonu raent of Georgia’s sovereignty, to be seen and known by Georgia's sons, by her invading enemy, and bv the whole world as a monument of Geor gia's -sovereignty. But the advocates of conscription, departing j from the.constitutional construction ot the power, I have entertained us with the presentatiou of the j dreadful consequences which would ensue, if Con gress were denied the power which they claim j We are told that any government which lacks such j a power is deserving of contempt, fir, does the i government of England deserve the contempt of ' mankind.? Will any man read her history and look at her present position, and dare to make such arr affirmation? Aud yet sir, the government ot England has not the power of raising armies from her citizens by compulsion. We are told by Mr. Ilallam in iiis Constitutional History, that the pow ers do not belong to the British Government under the British Constitution. He tells us, it is true, that it was exercised by the Parliament, but was afterwards receded from because it was unconsti tutional. It was exercised by the Parliament again, but was confined to such persons only, as had no occupation, that is to say, it was confined in its ex ereise in the second instance to vagabonds. The British statesman could not be found who would affirm a power in tbe British Government to exer cise conscription over anybody but vagabonds, and a< Mr. Hallam well remarks, the exercise of the power even in that case, was as unconstitutional as in any other, and it has not been exercised by the British Government in any case for more than a hundred years. Remember, sir, that her histo rian says it was abandoned upon constitutional grounds. This history throws great light upon the meaning of the power in our Constitution to raise armies. The men wh > made that Constitu tion lived in the midst of Colonial and British iJeas and usages. They had been accustomed to see armies raised only by voluntary enlisments, and when they speak of raising armies, we may natu rally suppose they speak of armies to be raised in the mode to which they had been accustomed, aud in the only mode which they had been in the habit of considering to be consistent with liberty. So much, sir, tor the British Government. I beg to refresh t u e memories of gentlemen as to the history of another Government, and ask them if that Government deserves contempt ? 1 allude to a Government which has passed away— nottheold United States Government, but that other Government which perished in giving birth to the United States Government—the Government f the old Confederation Sir, that was a glorinns Id Government. Whatever its defects and its faults were, it is entitled to the gratitude, not only of every American, but of every lover of liberty the w ide world over. It was the Government that achieved our liberties. It was the Government whose Commander-in-chief was Washington. It was the Government that successfully resisted the most powerful Government upon the face of the earth. It was the Government ftom whoso hands we have received all the blessings we have enjoyed, arid for which we are fighting to day. It «vas a Government whose memories are dear to our hearts. Who will rise up and say that Government de serves the contempt of mankind 7 and yet, sir, that Government had no compulsory power over tho States. Tnat Government and not the very power, the want ot which, gentlemen now affirm, subjects any Government to the contempt of man kind. Their power over the States was advisory- only, and not compulsory. They con-ld get no troops from the States, but such as the states would send them; and yet that Government was adequate to the achievement ot liberty, and to iis achievement against the greatest power that exis ted upon the earth. Can our people close their eyes to the grand lesson which is to be gathered from the history of that Government? We aie warned by gentlemen, aud by some of our public journals, against the danger from the State govern merits. Sir. I have no such apprehension. Let gentlemen who are alarnn.d from an excess of State lights take comfort from the history of tho old Confederation ! There is no danger from that quarter. Centralization, consolidation, central usurpation, is the rock upon which we have split, and it is the rock which we have to dread in the future. We judge the future by the past; and judging onr future by the American past, 1 pro claim that the danger which we have to apprehend is not from the States, hut from Central usurpa tion, which has already resulted in the destruction of the old United States Government, and in our secession, and in our repudiation of it on account of that usurpation. Governor Troup has been quoted as authority for this statement, that our Government would be deserving of contempt if it lacked tbe power of conscription. Governor Troup waa comparative the States the appointment of officers, where the Constitution places it; and I have heard it said by those who heard him on that occasion that, in support of that bill, he made the greatest speech of his life. But it was lost, and it was lost be cause the President said he did not want troops at that time The subject of replenishing the«army was then allowed to sleep until the eve of the ex piration of the J2-months men, and then Conscrip tion was sprung upon the country, and rushed through Congress under the cry of necessity.— Now, sir. I say, in the first piace, if there was any necessity for it at the time when it was adopted, that necessity was intentionally created for the occasion. Their attention had been called in a re markable manner to the replenishing of the army in u constitutional way, and they had reiused to make provision for it, dittbrralely, intentionally, refused The appoinlment ot ’.lie officers wasjthe milk in the cocoa-nut. But, sir, I go further and say that, with all their attempts to create a necessity ior Conscription they did not create it; and that at the -rerj time it was passed, tiiere was not the slightest necessity for it. The 12-mouths men whose time was about to expire could have been retained in the service under the old constitutional mode of making re quisitions upon the Slates, just as well as by Con scription, and 1 defy any man to deny it. It will not he deni< d in this debate This, sir, is another one of the points in my argument which I predict will not be touched. Congress in making its re quisitions upon the States had only to shape the requisition so as to specify the 12 months men as the troops which they desired, and the States by their sov, reign power could have furnished each for herself, her 12 months men. who were then in the field, just as she could furnish any of her citi zens who were then at home, in response to a re quisition. There was, therefore, no necessity for Conscription. But the history does not stop there, we have had two conscription laws. Has any man dared to urge the plea of necessity in favor of the second one? When that one wts pissed, we had just emerged from a series of brilliant victories. We had no troops w hose terms were about to expire. It was a simple question as to the mode of get ting raw recruits from home to our armies already in the field. \\ here was tlie necessity in that in stance. lor disregarding the rights ot the citizen, and the rights of the State by repeating conscription upon us? Again sir, tire old constitutional mode of ma king requisitions upon the States was tendered by Mr. Yancey of Alabama. His proposition was voted down—deliberately voted down, upon no plea of necessity, and when no man had the har dihood.to allege necessity. I tell you sir, and I tell the people of Georgia, that conscriptiou has been put upon them, and this great wrong has beeu done to the lights of her citizens, and to her sovereignty, from no necessity, from no convic tion of necessities, but from premeditation and deliberation. It has been a matter o(choice with our gox-ernment, and they intend to adhere to it to the end, unless you drive them from it, by using in the majesty of a free people, and calling them back to the landmarks of the Constitution This sir. is the great reason why I ask and be seech an expression from the Legislature of the Sovereign State of Georgia, upon this great vio lation which has been perpetrated, upon the rights of her citizens and of her sovereignty. The object to be accomplished by such an expres sion of opinion on your part is to prevent its be ing drawn into a precedent for your subsequent oppression, and to induce your rulers to recede from tbe existing aggression upon your rights. A !Yrw Georgia Brigade. We understand that the following Geor gia regiments in the army in East Tenn essee have been organized into a brigade, which is now commanded by Col. Barka- loo, of the 54th Georgia Regiment. 54th Georgia Regiment, Lieut. Col. Guyton. 39th Georgia Regiment, Col. McCon- nel. 3Gth Georgia Regiment, Col. Glenn. 56th Georgia Regiment, Col. Wat kins. 34th Georgia Regiment, Col. J. A. W. Johnson. Acting Brigadier General Barkaloo is a South Carolinian by birth, and first enter ed the service % the Palmetto Regiment in the Ylexican War. He was wouuded in the breast at Chapultepec* He has been in the army, we believe, some 15 years; and entered the Confederate ser vice on tlie 14th of Oct., 1861, as Colonel of the 54th Regiment. He is, dnybtless, entitled to the position of Brigadier Gen eral—a position which he now temporarily fills, both on account of his gallantly and the Zeal with which he discharges the duties of his office. inrasnen aicw.my, ” ’ of men, women and children, boys and d ‘ son, Bacon, Render, Lane, vvyiey, H.ir- blacksmiths, cooks, and valuable house servai r!’ hour, Jones of Lee, Findley, Monk, ttlap- pey, Clements,Bryan, Waiton of Stewart. Schley, Irwin, Ezell, Cantrell, Hines and Jernigan. On Public Education.—Messrs. Mallard Smith of Brooks, DtrWose, Schley, Green, Atkinson of Troup, Reese of Lumpkin, Cochran of Wilkinson. Eason, Tomlinson, Mullins. Peterson, Owens of McIntosh. Roberts, Dover, Jackson of Clarke, and Bigham. On Finance.— Messrs. Washington, Adams, Moore of Thomas, Norwood, Cochran of Glynn, Barnes, Lester, Blood- worth, Bigham, Jernigan, Felton, Render, Williams; Mitchell of Taylor, Schley, Beall of Randolph, Whitehead and Du mas. On Banks.—-Messrs. Adams, Love, Washington, Norwood, Barnes Hester, Pitts, Whittle, Atkinson, Black, Lee, Thomas, Hook, Walton of Wilkes, Swear ingen, Moore of White, Pitman, Gross Stephens of Oglethorpe, Brawner, Smith of Towns, Bloodworth, and Trammell. On Enrollment.— Messrs. Trammell, V v ,11 ,1 . Servants &c bold tor tlie purpose ot making a divisioh among the heirs. Terms made known on tL- iL. of sale. M.M, MILLS, Adm’r y Oct. 2: th. 1862. ’ Administrator's Sale. B Y virtue of an order of the Cutnt cf Ordinary ot Bui loch County''will be sold before the Court House doer in tbe town of Statesboro on the first,Tuesday in DECEMBER next, within tbe legal hours of sate, tbe follow imr properly t 0 wit: Several tiacts or lots ot land, containin'- thiify-seven hundred acres, more or Icbs, tha wi” orv's dower excepted; lying in said county,and all adjoining, and a portion of said tracts well in-, proved arid-bound by James J. Bowen, Nathan Roberts, estatt of William Iier, John 8. Hogan James Rimes, Jr., and' others, belonging to tha estate of Jacob Fntch, and sold for a"diri s j oa among the heirs. Terms on the day of sale- - JAMES DENMARK. Ailiri r REBECCA FUTCH, Adm’x’. (D K) 22 tds. Oct. 14th, 1S62. Administrator’s Sale. W ILL be sold, on the first Tuesday in DE CEMBER next, in the town of Monticello J.asper county, tlie land belonging to the estate of Geotge Dawkiii3, deceased, containing one Imn- dred and eighty acres, more or less, when on said Dawkins formerly lived. Terms made known on Moore, Kirby, Hawkins, Culberson, Beall ! ihe day of sale B. T. DIGBY, Adm’r. .r T). n Jn1 n l, \T o + fLawc 1 lnin9fi Poivpll. Oct. 15th, 1862. 22 tds. Bulloch Administrator's Sale. B Y virf.ure of an order of the Court of Ordinary of Bulloch county, will be sold before .tbe Court House door in the town of Statesboro’, on the first Tuesday in December n“xt, wi'liin the legal hours of sale, the following property, to wit. One’lract of land containing seven bundled acres more or less, lying in said county, aud bounded by Stephen Kennedy. Henry Richardson, Noah Nesmith and others, Ijing on the Rt bel road with thirty acres under cultivation—belonging to the estate of General K. 31ikell. and sold for the benefit of the heirs and creditors. Termeon the day of sale. JOHN'GOODMAN. Adm’r. NANCY M1K.ELL, Adm’rx. Oct. in, 1862. (d b) 22tds. of Randolph, Matthews, Dumas, Powell, Johuson, Hudson Cameron, Fain, Patter- j son, Kelley DuBose, and Smith of Brooks On Penitentiary.—Messrs. Zachry, Cars well, Briscoe, Barker, Guldens, Thrasher, Gresham, Brown of Coweta, Cantrell, Harper, Beall of Paulding; Monk, Laven der, Smith of Oglethorpe, Bloodworth, Slappey, Pitts, Beall of Randolph, Bleck ley, Underwood, Jackson of Heard, Key and Scott. On Public Printing.—Messrs. Hester, Fleming, Finley, Smith of Hall, -Butts, Hines, Tatum, Beaty, Beasly, Blake, Bleckley, Brown of Clay, Cook, Dickison, Dili, Howell, Jones and Hawkins. On Journals.—Messrs. Tatum, Favor, Gay»Jjibbs, Ellington, Eze'l Duke, Stew art, Mitchell of Pulaski, Mizell McAfee, Strickland, Surrency and Haygood. On Lunitic Asylum.—Briscoe, Cochran of Wilkinson, Reese, Roberson of Mus cogee, Smith of Brooks, Martin, Clements, Stewart, Mulkey. McAfee, Hargett, Ir win, Jackson of Clarke, Snell, Lemond, Walton of Wilkes, Scott, Reynolds, Jerni gan. Lazenby, Sheats, Jackson of Heard, Horne, Mallard and Bleckley. On the Deaf and Dumb Asylum.—Messrs. Moore, Culberson, Johnson of Echols, Dever, White, Green, Thrasher, Neal, Horn, Key, Lowe, McCord, Mulkey, Nesbit, Rice, Dumas, Speight, Tye, Smith of Brooks, Hines, and Howell of Lowndes. On the Asylum for the Blind.—Y[essrs. Whittle, Smith of Brooks, Spain, Smith ot Hall, Harper, Gay, Henderson of Worth, Heard, Lott, Williams, Powell, Rushin, Y’anbrackel, Bird, Griffin, Lindsay, Mitch ell ot Taylor, Overstreet, Kirby, Gresham and Scott. On Manufactures.-—Messrs. Schley, j terms made kho'vn on the day ot sale. Pitta, Jackson of Clarke, Green, Robinson J ‘ ' * >8, Sen., Ad -nr. of Muscogee, Carlton, Mathews, McAfee, White, Briscoe, Henderson of Worth, Howell, Henderson of Pierce, Key of Dooly, Moss, Cantrell, Atkins, Dumas of Chattanooga, Hargrove and Aired. On Consolidation of Bills.—DuBose, Mitchell Sheriff Sale. W ILL bo sold before the Court House door in Camilla. JJitcheli county, on the first Tues day in December next, the following lot-of land, No. 40, ii! the Eleventh District of Mitchell coun ty. Sold to satisfy one tax fi fa issued from Ban- itolplr Inferior t’ourt, August Term, 1862, vs. Bennett L. Btidg- s. Property pointed out by defendant. HENRY SMITH, Sheriff. JS’ov. 4, 1862; . 24 tds. Executor's Sale. VT/’ILL sold, on the first Tuesday in DE- TT CEBERncxt.in the town of Monticllo, Jasper county, all the land belonging to the es tate of John Cunnard, deceased, consisting of two hundred and thirty three acres, lying on the Alenvy river, with tolerable rood cabins, and seventy or eighty acres of fresh land. Terms on the day of sale. JEMINA CUNNARD, Ex'rx. Oct 7th. 1862, (btd) 22tds. Administrator's Sale. \ GREEABLE to an an order fronr the Conrt Yl of Ordinary -f ’Vileox county will be sold on the FIB,ST TUESDAY IN' FEBRUA RY next, within the legal hours of saie, be fore ihe Court House in said couulyj 1)11 acres more or less ol lot No. 83 in the 1st District of originally Irwin, now Wilcox county. Sold for the benefit ot the heirs and creditors ct law. So d as the property of James D Gil bs, deceased. Beall of Paulding, Candler, Bacon, Kirby, Thomas, Briscoe, Owens, Love and Whit tle. On Petitions.—Messrs. Lawson, Nesbit, Neal, Hightower, Underwood, Spain, Zachry, Haygood, Felton, llaiford and Gresham. On Military Affairs.—Messrs. Cabaniss, Barnes, Royal, Adams, Burke, Gibson, Cochran of Glynn, Matthews, Love. Hook, Lawson,Black, Owens, Render, Wvley, Bacon, Jones of Harris, Whitehead, Hes ter, Washington, Lester, Culberson, Har grove, Hargett, Tatum, Elingtou, Schley and Bryant. On Privileges and Elections.—Messrs. Raiford, Reynolds, Barron, Hines, Cook, Moss, Mulkey, Peterson, Beasley and Surrency. On Xew Counties and County Lines.— Messrs. Martin, Cochran of Wilkinson, Hargett, Hudson, Neal, Burney, Butts, Administrator's Sale. B Y’ virtue of an order from the Court of Ordina ry of Jasper county, will be sold before tha ! Court House door iu Monticello, in said county, j on tbe first Tueslay in January next, w ithin ihe legal hours of sale, the following property, threa negroes to wit: Matilda, a woman about.forty- seven (.47): Heater-Arm, a girl about eleven (II): I and Augustus, a boy about fourteen (14) years of I age. Sold for division among the heirs oi l homas I j. Vaughn, deceased. Teinis on the day of sale. SHELLY P. DOWN, Adm'r. | Nov. 18. I8G2. 26 tds Executor’s Sale. YYPILL be sold before the Court House door in TT the town of Stateiiville. in Echols county, on i the first 1 uesday in JANUARY next, 1863, w ithin j tho legal hours of sale two negroes—Tom, a matt j about 2"> years of age, and Ellen a woman about 25 or 30 years of age; belonging lo the estate of j Lott Copeland, late of said county, deceased. Sold for the bemfit of the said estate. Terms j made known on the davof sale. JOHN D. PETERS. Ex r. Nov. 1st, 1862. [TBCj 25 tds. GEORGIA. Appling county, Tu ad whom it may concern. "V\7 HEiJEAS, John R. Johnson having iu pro- TV per form applied to me tor letters ofaduiims- Seott, Snell, Tye, Whitehead, Stephens, j ,'^d countyl'de^ed 0 / Malcom Johnson > late of THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. BY HAXLEITEK & {ADAIR, ATLANTA, GA. nnHE DAILY SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY 1 under arrangements just completed, will contain al the latest intelligence of every kind, repotted express ly for ns by Magnetic Telegraph, and the Mails. Also, daily reports of the ALlauta aud other Markets, Loe,,l Incidents aud Items, &c., &.c. Price—$5 a-year; $3 for six months, or 50 cents for one mouth—always in advatice. Tbe WEEKLY SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY ts made up from, and contains the erram of, the Daily, ft is a large sheet, and gives more fresh reading matter than any other Weekly in the Confederate States. Its Market Reports, will be lull, and made lip from actual transactions. Price $2 a year;.or fl 25 forsix mouths —invm iably in advance. |3P“Poetniasters are authorized to act as our Agents in obtaining subscribers and forwarding the money— for which they will he allowed to retain, ascommision, :wer.tx-five cents on each Weekly, or fifty cents on each Daily subscriber. UyPersons getting up Clubs of five, ten ormore subscribers, will be supplied with the copies ordered at 12 1-2 per cent, less than our regular rates. £y No name will be entered on onr books until the money is paid, and all subscriptions are discontinued when the time expires for which payment is made, un!es-<tl]e same be renewed. Address, HANLE1TER & ADAIR, Atlanta. Georgia. March 30, 1861. 47 McCamy, Horne, Love, Lott, Underwood, Findley, Key of Dooly, Powell of Decatur, Brown of Glay, Jones of Lee, Culber son, Speight, Felton, Thomas and Rob erts. On Auditing—Messrs. Hawkins, Jack- son of Heard, Martin. Pitman. YViliiams and Slappey. On Military Institute.—Smith of Brooks, Moore, Black, Schley, Green, Pitts, Reese, Burke, Barker, MartiD, Render, Walton, Candler, Griffin, Henderson of Pierce, Nesbit and Sheats- This is to cite ail and singular the kindred and I creditors of said Malcom Johnson, to be and sp- j pear at my ofiice within the time allowed by law, | and show cause, if any, why permanent adminis tration should not he granted to the applicant i Witness my hand and official signature. J. L1GH I SEY, Ord'v. Nov. 11. 1862. 25 ot. S IXTY days after date application will be made to the Conrt of Ordinary of Jasper county for leave ; to sell tiie lands aud negroes belonging to the estate | of Hartwell W. B. Freeman, late of said county de ceased A. J. FREEMAN,Adm’r. j Nov.3, 1862. (m h h) 259t. rp\VO MONTHS afterdate application will b" JL made to the Court, of Ordinary of Mitchell ell the land and negroes be- Slauding Commiltera of ike ffeunie. On Privileges and Elections.—Messrs. Brown, ie**'° f ? e ix •». a A nd th S Fle,Cher ’ Griffi “’ JamiS ° n ’ S ' Vea ' el,geU j Lid county, deceased! ^ ® On Petitions. -Messrs Iim Lane, McRea.Jas. Angust 28th, 1862. rlpr oiwi Mpnlipm i Tax Laws of Georgia. COMPILED BY L. H. BRISCOE, A FEWcopiesoftheTAX LAWS aroonhand«Bd for sals at this office.—Price fl per eopy Hilliard, Alexander and Stephens. On Enrollment.—Messrs. Dyer, Fort, Gaston, Bothwell, Smith and Ware. On Journals.—Messrs. Anthony, Killen, Skew- make and Thomas Hilliard. On Confederate Relations —Messrs. Gibscn, Fur- low, Seward, Gordon, Hansell, Echols, Vason and Kendall. On Judiciary —Messrs. Seward, Yason, Stafford Lewis, Hansell, Boyd, Jackson, Killen, Mitchell, Dyer, Gordon, Pinckard. On Finance.—Messrs. Lewis, Hansell, Mosely, Stafford, Dyer. Shew make and Brow n. On Internal Improvements —Messts. Furlow, Gordon, Beaseley, Vason, Shewmake and Steph ens. On Public Education and Free Schools—Messrs. Echols, Anthony, Fort, Dyer. Lane, King, Gaston Bovd and Benson. On Ranks.—Messrs. Gordon, Hansell, Gibson, Brown. Hill, Stafford, and Mitchell. On Nem Counties and Lines —Messrs. Smith, Simmons, Ware, Wright, Griffin, Jamison and Bewson. On Penitentiary—Messrs. Alexander, Boyd,Grif fin, Lane, James Hilliard, Kendall, McRea, and Jackson. Lunatic Asylum—Messrs. Kendall, Furlow, Fort Anthony. Harris and Bothwell. On Military.—Messrs. Killen, Gordon. Smith, Seward. Swearengen, Thomas Hilliard, Gaston, King and Pinckard. On Printing—Messrs Mosely, Harris. Simmons McRea, Fletcher, Shewmake, Ware, Janies Hil liard and Benson. On Deaf and Dumb Asylum —Messrs. Beasley, Lewis, Simmons, Mitchell, Stafford Boyd. Alex ander and Pinckard On Institute for the Blind—Messrs Vason. Both well, Seward, Gibson, Mosely, Wright, Furlow and Lane. On Agriculture.—Messrs. Harris, Hill, Furlow, Beasley. Echols, Lane and Jamison. Auditing Committee.—Messrs. Stevens, Swear engen and Griffin. Engrossing Committee.—Messrs. Jackson, Fletcher, Fort, McRea, and Thos. Hilliard. B. B. KEATON, Adm’r. 16 Dt' T WO months after date application w ill be made to the Court of Ordinary of Bulloch county for leave to sell all the lands belonging to the estate of William W. Dickerson, late of Bul loch county deceased. (DB) 18 9t | SEABORN WOODCOC K, Adm’r. fc^lXlY days after date, application will be rJ made to the Honorable, Court of Ordinary of WLkinson county tor leave to sell the lands be longing to the estate of Win. O- Beall. Sept. 24th, 1862. T. N. BEALL. E. B BARRETT. P. E. BEALL. Ex’rs. ID Ot. S IXTY' days after date application will be made to the Court of Ordinary of Irwin county f° T leave to sell all the lands belonging to the estate of John and Joseph Jernigan, deceased, for tb e benefit of the heirs and creditors. , GEO. PAULK, Adm’r. i Nov. 3d, 1862. (LA! C) 2t> 9t. S IXTY days alter date applicaiion will betnsd 0 the Court of Ordinary of Irwin county, lo r . leave to sell the lands belonging to the estato ot \\ illiaru L. \V illson deceased. GEO. PAULK, Adm r - •»ri 9t. Nov. 3d, 1862. (Lin c) O IXTY~ da\s afterdate application will be ® a to the Conrt of Ordinary of Irwin county a’ 1 leave to sell all the lands belonging to tlie esta «> of William Hobby, and Hemy 8. Townseiu ceased, for the benefit ol tbe heirs and cremj 0 • R. W. CLEMENTS, Adm r. Nov. 3d, 1862. (i. m c] Ul '' T WO MONTHS afterdate application made to the honorable Court of OmtnatJ. Bulloch county for leave to sell the interest m Mill on Mill Creek: owned by the' state ot 1 C. Lee, late of said eouutv deceased. JASPER WILSON, Adm r, MARGARET A. E. LEE, Acrnr , Nor. 18,1862. [bb]