The Confederate union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1862-1865, July 14, 1863, Image 1

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BOUGUTOJ, iMSBET & BARNES publishers and Proprietors. KOI «;WTO'S', , H. MSBKT. i <L'.)j Canfcbcratc Pinion n-ihlixh* <1 Weekly, in MilledgeriUe, Ga., C truer of Hancock and Wi/kinion Sts., (opposite Court House.) At $4 a year in Advance. OIK NEW TERMS. On nn*I ni*«r June 1st, l«fi3, the Terms of Sub scription to tl*e Cuu'eiiemte Union, are Four Dol lars, iuv.U ibly m advance. All indebtedness for mi ascription to this paper, previous to June 1st, lSti3, is «» the raise of Three Dollars per year. ADVERTISING. TinNStesi —One dollar and fifty cents per square of rc« hues, for toe first insertion, aud seveutv-tive cents for eac.'t subsequent insertion. Tributes ot respect, Resolutions by Societies, (Obit uaries exceeding six lines.) Nominations lor oftice. Communications or Editorial notices for individual benefit, charged as transient advertising. L*o il—Cit» tiona for letters of administra tion by Administrators, Executors, Guardi ans, Ucc.. - $3 01' Application lor Dismission from Administrator ship 0 00 Application tor Dismission from Guardianship, 4 00 Application for leave to sell Laud or Negroes, 5 (Ml Souce to debtors uud creditors 4 uu Sales of persoual or perishable property, (per equate of ten lines ■> 0(1 Sales of Laud or Negroes, (per square of leu lines - 5(H) Each Sheriff"s Levy, of ten lines or less 3 (Hi Each Mortgage sale, of ten lines or. less 0 110 All advertisements by Sheriffs exceeding ten lines to be charged in proportion Foreclosure of Mortgage ana other Monthly advertisements, per square of ten lines 1 00 Establishing lost papers, per square ot teu fines, S 1)0 For a mau advertising tils witefiu advance,) lotto LEGAL ADVERTISEMENTS. Sales of Land aud Negroes, by Administrators. Ex- eeutors or Guardians, arerequired by law lobe held on the first Tuesday in the month; between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Courthouse in thecountyin which lieproperty is sit uated. Notieeofthesesalesmust.be giveu in a publicga- xetts 40 days previous to the day ofsale. Notices tortile sale of personal property must begiv- eu in like manner ll^days previous to sifle dny. Notices to the debtors and creditors of an estate must ai-o he published 40 days. Notice that application will he made to the Conrtof Ordinary for leaveto sell Land or Negroes, must be published for two months. Citations forletters o' Administration Guardianship, fee., must be published 30 days—for dismission from Administration, monthly six. mouths—for dismission trom Guardianship, 40 days. Rules for foreclosure of Mortgage must be published monthly for four months—for establishing lost papers, for the full space of three months—forcouipeilingtitles from Executors or administrators, where bond lias been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always he continued according to these, the legalrequirements, nnlessotlierwiscordered So Advertisers. _ ‘Persons sending advertisements to Ibis paper, will observe tbe following rules : All notices must be accompanied witli tbe cash, cxeept fiom persons with whom we have contracts. ]o edits a line, for and CONFED VOLUME XXXIV.] Anf olong room, with a brick Hue, furnace i oi iron stove in the centre, and open slat ted drawers or shelves arranged on each ■ side, will answer; and the ingenuity of I our readers will enable each to adopt ' such a pi oil as is Lest suited to ln6 j own requirements. Peeled fruit al- j ways commands a higher price than tin- : peeled; and great care should be taken' in packing and storing away after dvy- ing- , I be .emark of l)r. Paster respecting tbe thorough drying and careful packing of vegetables, applies equally to fruits — If dried in tbe sun, tbe fruits should be taken into tbe bouse at 4 or 5 o’clock P. M., to prevent tbe attacks of tire worm- producing moth, which is said to lay its eggs late in tbe afternoon ; and, when packed away, a small quantity of China berries or leaves may be mixed with tbe fruit in keeping out insects. It is, also, of great advantage to expose tbe bags of dried fruit occSsionally in a sunny place., and to avoid placing them in any close or damp situation. r l lie demand for fruit is certain to be large, and tbe price highly ( remunerative; and both patriotism and j interest should impel our good people— | especially the ladies—to ei ter upon tbe ! good work earnestly and extensively. | Editor of Cultivator. MILLEDGEYILLE, GEORG IA,- TIE SD AY, J U L Y 14, 1863. [M TIBER 8. A letter to Professor 8. F. B. Morse, L. L. ])., President of the NevO York ‘•Society for the Diffusion ofPoliti- v cal Knowledge,” from John L. O’Sul livan, late Minister of the United States te Portugal. ] PEACE THE SOLE CHANCE NOW LEFT FOR RE-UNION. the part of fh# North; an excuse of which no vestige now remains. The country was led into it insensibly, be ing at first summoned merely to the defense of the Capitol against menaced attack ; the army collected on the pre text of that sole purpose having been j then afterwards wickedlv led forward, To Professor S. F. Morse, President of the Society for the Diffusion of Polit ical Knowledge: Gov. Brojjrn and the Georgia Troops. We have before us a letter address ed by a gallant Georgian to a friend .in this State, dated at Culpeper, A’ir- ginia, from which we make the fol lowing extract: “I have seen but four Georgia pa pers, and know but little of what you all at home are doing. Though a great many are spoken of, we who are in the field for the war, know certainly of only two candidates for Governor ot our state, viz: Governor Drown and Col. Gartrell. But let who may run, the army is largely for Governor j Brown. Possibly in our brigade, Gen. j Toombs’ old brigade. Gen. Toombs J would get a majority vote, if he were j to become a candidate. But lie is the only man who could get it even in our j brigade, and it is by no means certain it... .. , . .. - that he could, much as the men regard tbe first insertion, and lb cents a line lor I ,, - ,, , ,, , , , ,, r = . - . i their old and <>allahf leader. We hj\> every subsequent insertion is our cliar Count nine written words to a line and every person can tell just what amount of money to send. Obituaries, Editorial Notices, Nominations for office, and all communications for individual benefit, are charged as advertisements. Legal adver- 1 their old and gallant leader. We a/-, all, of course, opposed to the policy, as a rule of retaining a man in such a position for so many terms, hut cir- j cumstauces demand it. Besides, any j step, no matter what, forced upon us j by the necessities ot such time as these could not be taken as a precedent for tbements are charged according to tbe I action in peace.” rates under the bead of this paper, on the I We have no comments to offer on first page. I the above save that, in our best judg- —. - — j meat, a large majority ot our soldiers . From advance sheets of the July and August No. in the field entertain the opinion of the writer, as do a large majority of the people at home. We must not of Southern Cultivator.] Orying Vcgctnb!*. ntid Friiiln. Editor of Southern Cultivator: The j importance of providing an abundant sup- j ply of Vegetables for the troops in the I field and tbe hospitals is so great that j the following suggestions are offered, in j the hope that they may conduce to that end: Tbe great distroyer of animal and vege table substance is ,tbe oxygen of the air, aided by beat and moisture. Dry oxygen will not produce decomposition. The process of hermetically sealing consists in excluding tbe air. „ Tomatoes and all similar fruits may be preserved for any length of time by stewing them, removing the skins and introducing the pulp and juice, while boiling, into bottles orjugs of convenient size. The vessels must be per fectly clean, heated to the boiling point before the fruit tightly, while tl them. Common answer perfectly well. Class requires caic in beating, or it will crack. 1 he cork should be well coated with sealing wax, a mixture of five parts rosin with one of beeswax. Almost every kind of vegetables may too preserved by the simple process of diviugat alow temperature, Peas and beans require no preparation. Okra and tomatoes should be sliced thin and dried thoroughly in the sun. Fleshy roots such as beets, carots, potatoes, parsnips and even cabbage, may be preserved in the fol lowing way: „ Wash the roots clean, and grate them on a coarse grater, such as is used for horse-radish. Spread the pulp thinly on trays and dry in the sun, or in an oven heated to a temperature not above 125 to 130 deg. F. H. greater heat will injure the result. When perfectly dry, the mass should be compressed into as small a space as j o -slide, and packed in paper like smoking tobacco. A coat of varnish would render tbe paper water jiroof. Creen corn could probably be kept in tbe same way, though phe writer has never tried it.— Vegetables thus preserved, lose none of their nutritious properties, and^ make an excellent ingredient in soups. Everything depends on the entire exclusion of mois ture. Frequent exposure to the sun is very desirable. „ , In tbe preservation of all auimal and vegetable substance, it is of prime im portance that they be perfectly fresh. Decay ouce begun can hardly be ar rested. The want of vegetable food produces a tendency to scurvy, rendering very trifling sores or wounds liable to result in dangerous ulcers. Many valuable lives are thus lost which might otherwise be saved. These who have abundance of \ egeta- ldes cannot render a better service to the country thar. by thus preparing them for the use of the army. J. E. Easter, Pn. D. Home, Ga., June 1863. The suggestions of tbe above article are veiy valuable, and we hope they will be promptly acted upon throughout the coun try generally. The drying of al kinds ofFiuit should, also, receive special atten tion ; and kilns of drying-houses must be constructed without delay. T he ordinary method of drving on roofs aDd scaffolds in the suu, is so well understood that no de scription is necessary , Mv Dear Sir:—I address to your world-honored name, and through you to the Northern Democracy of the Uni ted States, the following views upon the present aspect of our great Ameri can Question. In a pamphlet put forth about a year ago, under the title, “ Union,Disunion, and lie-union,” addressed as a letter to Ex-President Pierce, 1 attempted to exhibit those unfortunate defects in the Federal Constitution whose operation lias culminated in our present disrup tion and civil war; urging the argu ment that the reform of those defects through a National Convention assem bled for the purpose of Conciliation and Reconciliation, presented then our sole chance of Reunion. At that date, this chance did not seem entirely hopeless. An impres sive series ot Northern military success es at the West, not only had so inflam ed the North with encouragement in the vain crusade of coercion it had un dertaken, as to make it idle to address to it then any words of Peace, but ap peared to create a possibility that the South might find itself so hard pressed by the superiority in numbers of the well equipped armies of the North,that it might be not unwilling to listen to proposals of reconstruction which should be tendered in the spirit advo cated by me ; and which should be oc- companied with thorough, effectual and permanent guaranties of all the just rights of the Southern portion of the Confederacy for the future. But a year of war makes a vast change in the relative position of the combatants, and in the possibilities and terms of peace between them. The events of this past year, begin ning with the campaign of the Penin sula, followed by the great battles of Second Manassas, Fredericksburg and Sharpsburg, and now completed by the failure of the third siege of Vicksburg— together with all the local atrocities of the war as its horrors have been felt on the Southern soil, and that final act of flinging away the scabbard which we have witnessed in the Emancipation Whether they were in the right or in the wrong in the original proceeding of secession (and my opinion is that they ought to have waited and endured till they had at least witnessed the re sult of another Presidential election,) whatever division of public sentiment may have at the outset existed amongst by executive command, into that fatal ^ them, tbe fact is undeniable (and not invasion of Virginia which was repul- j even Mr. Seward would have the liai sed at Bull Run ; justly and deserved- J dihood to deny it, even in one of his di- ly indeed repulsed, but unde? such cir- ; plomatic dispatches) that, however cumstances as to awaken all the natu- j they might be beaten down in war, ral fighting instinct of the Nortli for j there could now be no such “ consent,” another trial for the recovery of the | on the part of the Southern^people to honor lost; or apparently lost, in its i the Government of the Union. To flight front that fatal field. There was, j continue the war, now purely vindic- moreover, then, a great Unionist party | tive and tyranical in its character, for at the South aud throughout the South. Experiment could alone, as it then seemed to many, determine whether or not it was the true and real mind of the South to separate. (They forgot, or did not heed or believe, that that dread experiment itself could not but produce, in the process, that very ad verse unity of-the Southern mind and the Southern passion, whose existence it was to test!) Possibly Mr. Seward’s “ ninety days” might break down tbe assumed violent ascendency of a minor ity secessionist faction, and might de- veiope into local power at the South this supposed,nay,this then real Union ist spirit an*! party. This was a plau- ( sil>le and seductive argument. No | wonder it misled thousands of honest i minds at the North. A patriotic en- | thusiasm of nationality, thrilling to the name of the Union, and rallying to the symbol of the Hag, co-operated power fully and naturally with these influen ces, urged as they were by the Govern ment, by a majority party at the North, and by an eloquent and omnipresent press. The combination of these caus es constitutes now the excuse, though insufficient for the justification, of the their mere overthrow aud conquest,be comes, therefore, now at least, the ut ter nullification of the very cardinal idea of our whole political theory and system. The attempt to do so is to stultify our own revolution ; to blas pheme our very Declaration of Inde pendence; to repudiate all our own history ; to cancel all our constitutions, State and Federal; to sanction all the despotisms,all the alien dominations, of other ages and countries; to justify the tenure of writhing and bleeding Poland by Russia at this very moment, and all the brutal means by which that tenure- will, too probably, be enforced in spite of the sorrowful protest of the heart aud conscience of the whole civilized world. Even though, through some superhuman prescience, lie were per fectly assured of a triumphant issue of conquest and subjugation, no American has now any longer a right to prose cute further a contest whose very suc cess can bring nothing else or better than this. Farewell forever to all that consti tutes the essential principle ot our boasted Americanism ; to all the ideas recorded in more ancient history the imperishable morale of Marathon. A single man can defend bis own hearth and home against three or lour or five or six who may assail it from without. But none of these disparities exist in the presentcase. Armies little inferi or in numbers, while far superior in that morale derived from a cause and a motive, have hitherto repulsed every attempt by those of the North to pen etrate to the vital points of the South ern self-defence. These armies can never be extinguished, while every day perfects their discipline, increases their efficiency, invigorates their mili tary fibre, intensifies their resolve, and and elevates their morale. Every year must bring forward its fresh contingent of growing youth to more than make good all the losses of successive cam paigns. In case of need there remains unexhausted and inexhaustible resour ces of men of all ages and professions, ready to fly to arms when war should approach nearer to the vast interior of (lie Southern country. Far greater Northern armies than those which have hitherto waged a warfare so little suc cessful alorg the mere frontier, and on a few water courses of the Confedera cy, will be insufficient, to overrun and to maintain a looting in the interior of a country for half the year impregna ble,from the mere influences of climate, to Northern invasion. Arms they have already in abundance, they are able to manufacture, and they must continue to import, in spite of all possibilities of blockade. Of gunpowder the same is to be said. Of the military genius of their Generals it issuj e fluous to spe.tk. Their past, successes, especially those of the past year, have animated them to that confidence in themselves, their cause, and their commanders, which in war is more than half of victory in ad- omit, however, to state, that the wri ter of the letter has always been j political antagonist of Governor I proclamation, and in the general suin- Brown, and will vote for him, the first j inons to servile insurrection wickedly time, it lie escapes the perils of the ; but vainly urged by the Northern gov- battle field, until the day of the elec- j eminent—have now extinguished the j last glimmer of that hope, to which j twelve months ago it was not entirely tion.— [Intelligencer. Eternity. “Eternity has no grey hairs!" The flowers lade, the heart withers, man grows old and dies; the world lies down in the sepulcher of ages, but time writes no wrinkles on the brow of eternity. Eternity! The ever-present, unborn undecaying and undying—the endless absurd to cling, of a possibility of such re-union, on the basis of a reform of the Constitution that should he ade quate to the objects of present recon ciliation and ample guaranty for the future. At some day, more or less dis tant—after an interval of separation— when the exasperated passions of the war shall have subsided and a calmer is introduced, and corked | c ba.in. compassing the life of God—the 1 andViser reason shall have resumed its lie steam is issuing from j golden thread, entwining tbe destiny' sway, both at the North, and at the ! of tbe universe. I South, then, indeed, some New Union, Earth lias its beauties, but time j a better Union than the very defective shrouds them for the grave; its lion- old one, may become practicable ; but ors, they are but the sunshine ot an the only possible path left open towards hour; its places, they are but as the such a consummation lies through the guilded sepulchres; its possessions; gate of Peace, with amicable Separa- tliey are toys of changing fortune; tion. its pleasures, they are but bursting L The goon g r the North, and especially bubbles. Not so in the untried t j ie Democratic party, can be brought bourne. | to comprehend this, the better for it- In the dwelling of the Almighty can ge , ff for the w h 0 ] e country and for tbe come no footsteps of decay. Its day wor ] c [ - it is now, in my judgment, will know no darkening eternal the duty of all true aird enlightened splendor forbids tbe approach of night, patriots, boldly and manfully and at Its fountains will never fail. They are an y j )aza rd or cost of the popularity of fresh from the eternal throne. Its glo- , ], ourj to plant themselves on this ry will never wane, for there is the : 4 , pi at f or m ;” a platform to which they ever-present God. Its harmonies will j wjll a p have to cortie {lt last. never cease; exhaustless love supplies > .. , ’ 11 A certain apparent and partial re- the song. . ! . • o j i ° lapse of the war fever, inflamed by a natural irritation produced by the lan guage of some of the Southern papers, would seem to have recently come over the Democracy of the North ; and to threaten the country with all the evils involved in Mr. Lincoln’s ability to recruit with a new levy, through the conscription law, his hitherto baffled million of men, and to pay them for another year or two of war, with new resources of unlimited, irredeemable pa per. This is a fact profoundly to be deplored by every true and wise lover of all that we have hitherto regarded as our country. It is simply a repeti tion of the fatal mistake committed by that same Democracy two years ago, when it allowed itself to be seduced and entrapped into the inception of the war, by the cunning manaeuver of a mere party administration, installed in power against an adverse million of majority on the popular vote. This relapse must and will inevitably come to an end, just as did the original at tack. Its only effect will be to prolong the national agony ; to aggravate the general ruin ; to deepeu the torrent of blood ; to multiply the number of des olate homes aud broken hearts ; to pile upon Ossa another Pelion of public debt; and to raise, still higher, and • uicuiiuu BUIIKCOLO - — broaden still more hopelessly,the mor- but extensive fruit f’f<®i.i. TWn»i». nnd call it al wall of irreconcilable hatred. At the outset, two years ago, there was, indeed, some excuse for the war on groweis will find it of great advantage to have a regular Fruit-DryiDg House, for the purpose of preparing large quantities. Don’t maryy too smart a girl for she will outrun you; nor one two simple, for children will take their talents from their mother; nor too rich for she will remind you of it; nor too poor, for she will act the beggar on horseback. Sambo asks: “Why am de belubbed Dinah like de cloth dey make in Augusta? Cos she’s an unbleached she ting.” A voungster asked his papa if sail ors were not very little meu. The father inquired why he supposed they should be. “Because,” the urchin re plied, “I read of one going to sleep in his watch.” Why is a man climbing a volcano like a Irishman trying to kiss a pretty girl? Because he wants to get at the crater’s mouth. “Seventy-live cents per gal!” ex claimed Mrs Parington, on looking over the price current.—“Why, bless me* my good old man gave two dollars and a bushel of the very best potatoes forme. However, the gals of this day ain’t nigh so dear as I was then. 9 B “Kold Krout” in a special commu nication, suggests that we change the name of Lincoln’s Domain, and call it “The Ex-Best Government the world Democracy of the North, for the fata folly then committed by it of going in- j republican liberty of which that very toor rather of being cajoled into,a war ; flag was the self-asserting symbol be- whicb, though ostensibly for the salva- J neatli whose folds are marshalled the tion of the Union, was in truth simply j hosts led to this fratricidal war ; ifsucli and solely for that of the Republican a contest is to be now any longer pros- party. It was not an ignoble error, | ecuted, after the demonstration now not an unpardonable, though indeed a j patent to all the world of its true char- tremendous, and now, for the present; acter, as a mere war of brute and bru- ofthe inherent right of self-govern- | vance. As for the pressure of the hard- ment iu peoples ; to all the doctrine of I ships and impoverishment of war upon Southern families and homes,no amount of such suffering pressing upon such a people can producetany other effect than to embitter their exasperation and generation at least, an irreparable one. If that error bad not been committed, if any influential voices in denuncia tion of it had b<?en raised and heeded in time, amid the tumultuous confusion of the hour—if the Democratic party had then put upon the incipient war, that veto which even then existed in the misgiving hearts of thousands whose terrorized or too prudent tongues re fused it utterance—a true anil lasting reunion,on the basis of a reformed Con stitution, would have come about, al ter. if not before, the next presidential election. But now, after these two tal force for the compulsion of one great people by another, to submit to a yoke ot alien government abhorred by the resisting people with the inten- sest degree of unanimo'us hatred ! Vic tory itself in such a contest is the sui cide of republican America—the abdi cation of all was symbolized to the world in our every national name. Every true American, every true Dem ocrat. every true Republican is now bound, under penalty of absolute and utter self-contradiction, to give rather all his sympathies to the resisting, the self-asserting and self-defending peo- years of the bloodiest, the bitterest arid j pie ; a people amply large and strong the most tremendous war ever witnes- ! euough for distinct national existence, which he sees battling and battliug so sed by a horrified world—a moral war of hearts and of minds, surpassing in the fierceness of its passions even all the fury of its hundred fields of battle—this present relapse into the same folly of the dream of reunion through war is a madness for which language has no name. Whatever may have been the case two years ago, it is very certain that the South, with a degree of exaspera ted unanimity rarely, if ever, before witnessed in the history of any people, is now against re-union and for inde pendence. Southern Unionism has utterly evaporated out of the land bravely, so enduringly, so self-sacriti- cingly, for the maintenance of that right divine of self-government, with out which all our history is a mockery, all our political doctrine an absurdity, and all our national life a lie. Whatever future may betide the young flag ofthe new nationality which lias been now so gallantly upheld by the Southern people with equal con stancy through weal and through woe, during the past two years ofthe “ an aconda” pressure, in a cause of legiti mate self-defence and rightful self-as sertion with which are interwoven all Those who once cherished it, with a : the very cardinal ideas of American po- lingering love all the more honorable litical life, what American worthy of because' locally unpopular, have now the name would not be far more proud become all the more vehement in reac tion in the opposite direction. No pretext of a Unionist party at the South now survives to justify the further prosecution of the war. The rights and the duties of now depend upon the facts of now. ,If. anything in human politics is true and certain, it is that the Confederate States can now never be brought back into the old Union by to share iu the magnificent glory of its defeat, than to swell the exulting hosts of brutal triumph, not alone over a subjugated people, but over all that has heretofore constituted the true great ness, and the moral glory, of our na tional life ? For myself at least, I will only say that if the South is conquer ed. I shall claim the high honor of sharing, at least with my heart’s pro force of arms, except as a conquered ; foundest and most sacred sympathies, and subjugated country. Poland and | in such noble misfortune; and of then Venetiaare lovingly loyal to Czar and [ claiming to cast in iny bumble lot un- Kaiser, in comparison with the now j reservedly with so glorious, though so universal sentiment of the South, to- j unhappy, a people. It it succeeds iu wards the Union. Every man, old and young, every child, male and female, to nerve their determination. They have already learned bow easy it. is af ter all, when a nation is animated with a great passion of patriotism, to bear cheerfully, nay, even exultingly, the extremest of personal privations. Tens of thousands of the best gentlemen of the land carry muskets in the ranks, and march to eager battle with the bare soles of their feet hardened by use into insensibility; while hundreds of thousands of delicate ladies submit, proudly and without a murrrtur, to ev ery form of domestic hardship. All the women of the South weave and work lor tiie soldiers in the field. In exhaustible supplies of Indian meal, rice, and bacon, where other food is inaccessible, suffice, and must continue amply to suffice, for such sustenance as they are more than satisfied with. To wish to subjugate such a people is almost impious. To hope it is insani ty. ' Sooner or later, all, Democrats, Re publicans, Abolitionists alike, must ac cept this truth, unpalatable as it may be. The sooner the better for all. The i Democracy of the North, in so far as it supports the War, is playing the mere part ofthe cat’s paw to the Abolition ists and the politicians of the Republi can party. It is for the satisfaction of the fanatic vindictiveness ofthe one and for the rescue ofthe partisan inter est of the other, that the Democracy is now misled, by the sacred spell-words of Union and country, to carry on the hopeless folly and wickedness of this great war. It is now, at bottom, not a question of patriotism, but of mere party. The Republican party which has has provoked and made the War,is like the man who had the wolf by the ears, cannot now let go of it,without absolute and total party ruin. It will have to come to that in the end, but they hope to ride over the interval of eighteen months to the next Presidential elec tion, still afloat on the bloody wave of war,'with the aid of the deceived De mocracy. To stave off the dread dayof reckoning which inevitably awaits them, they urge and drag along the more than half dissatisfied Democratic every woman, mother, wife or girl has now come to hate the North, and to hate the Uniou, with au.indignant ab horrence beyond all words. If broken down in tbe end in the means ot organ ized embattled resistance, that hatred will but then receive the only further degree of exasperation ot which it is yet susceptible. Even when thus sub jugated (if it were possible to suppose such a result,) they would be but drag ged, asa nation of prisoners, into a cap tivity which it would be the absurdest maintaining its independence,’! shall : party to support them in this prosecu- at least from a distance pay them tbe j tion of their mere party interests, with little tribute of my honest admiration,! a desperate hope in the chapter of ac- and of my sincerest prayers that, in a cidents, but with a fearful recklessness long career of renovated prosperity, | of all the aggregated ruin and woe they are accumulating upon the country. The public debt they are piliug up, these unprincipled party leaders care in truth little about. ‘ After us the delutre.’ They well know it will be time may heal the wounds of the pub lic and private woe now bleeding as though from every pore, and that, they may continue to stand fast in peace, as they have so nobly done in war, to those fundamental ideas of republican, repudiated in the indignat hour of the confederate self-government, for love great popular reaction. For the fu- of which alone I was proud of the name \ ture honor and credit of my country I of American citizen. rejoice that not a dollar ol that debt But they never can be conquered ! has been taken abroad. A sagacious of absurdities to call a federal union, j The past two years, and particularly ■ instinct of the truth ot this whole bu- And the agitation of a permanent con- ' tj ie p as t year, have now too entirely ! si ness lias preserved the leaders of Eu- spiracy, on a national scale of diuien- unified the whole Southern people, to j rope from touching it. The Govern- sion, for the overthrow ot such a deles- j ma ke such conquest ever possible,even j ment has not even dared to offer it to ted yoke, would date from that very though the North possessed ■ twice its them. This whole war of coercion has yoke, first day, aud would but await its op : portunity fora renewal of the struggle for independence—an opportunity which the first menace of a foreign war would present to be eagerly embraced. As a general principle, in reference to all forms of government, it is the very fundamental idea of Americau- ietn, that the only just foundation of a government is “ the consent ofthe gov erned.” With what multiplied force this principle applies to the republican form, and still more to the federative forin, it is needless to dwell upon.— actual superiority in numbers and oth er material advantages. Invading at tack needs to be many times superior in force to resisting self-defence before the desperate game of war becomes equalized. All the power of the then colossal Spanish Empire under Charles V. and the succeeding Phillip’s, failed to conquer two or three miserable little Republicans, or the other supporters Dutch provinces, almost Lilliputian in £*il abettors of the war, it will be re- been radically unconstitutional from the cutset. A hundred acts of the most flagrant unconstitutionality have accompanied and still further charac terized its prosecution. The War Debt partakes of that pervading and irreffiediable unconstitutiouality. Held almost entirely by the Con tractors, the provinces their geography. Even petty and con tiguous Portugal expelled victoriously from its soil all the hosts of the same still great power. Not in vain stands pudiated, not alone on this ground of essential unconstitutionality, but also on the further one of that high public justice which will declare the repudia tion of that wicked debt to be but a small measure of punishment to fall upon those who will stand collectively responsible (next to the Administra tion) for the. war in which and for which it was created. They have not yet dared, to any extent, even in the midst ofthe deluded public enthusiasm iu favor of the.war, to support it by any real taxation upon the body of the people. What chance will there be of its payment, by such taxation, to run, like that of England,through indefinite generations, after the war shall have failed, after the separation of the Union shall have become a fact not only ac complished, but on all hands recogni zed ? Dissolved by the accomplished secession of uearly half the States, the Union and the Constitution will be at an end, legally and de facto at an end. This debt was to have been paid by the Union, through the collective na tional resources which it was to have commanded (such will be the plea of the great agricultural North West;) we, a fragmentary residuum of it, arts neither able,nor can be properly called upon, to pay it. The “ United States” against whose name it will stand ou every greenback and every bond, will then exist no longer, The debtor will be dead, and the debt dead with him. Moreover, all minds will then be turn ed to the one great aim and hope of persuading the South to a reconstruc tion of a new confederation ; and the first manifestly indispensable means towards that end will be to throw over board this huge and crushing weight of the war debt, whose every cent will but represent an unforgiven drop of Southern blood. The public generosi ty, through some form of State action, may perhaps make a few strictly count ed exceptions in favor of minors whose money may have been sunk by foolish, trustees in such “ securities,” and some provisions of interest for a term of years may be allowed to them by the fragmentary survivors of th© Union, on some graduated extinguishing scale. But neither American holders, nor for eign investors whose cupidity may have been tempted into such speculation on the ruin of a great nation, will either, receive, or deserve to receive, a dollar. I am not sorry to embrace the oppor tunity afforded by the printing of this letter in London, to repeat from an American, the warning which Europe has before received from many intelli gent European sources, against this wicked and worthless war debt. If thev can collect it from the private es • tates of its reckless authors, well and good for them. But let them never look to see a first instalment of inter est, after the termination of the war, Irom any other source. It will be simply ignored by non-provision for its payment; nay, it will be out and out repudiated, every dollar of it; right fully repudiated, lawfully repudiated, necessarily repudiated, repudiated not only without a blush of shame, but with regret that no other punishment, beyond that mere loss of their money, _ can be visited upon the authors, aiders and abettors, of this greatest public crime of any age, the murder of the American Union. Mississippi is the State, which, in the general opinion of Europe stands chiefly associated with the idea of past “repudiation.” But that question has its two sides, and I have heard one of the very highest legal authorities of England declare that the debt repudia ted by Mississippi was clearly uncon stitutional and fraudulent, and that its improvident holders, who were simply defrauded by Mr. Nichols Bid dle, had uo right or reason, beyond re liance ou a voluntary magnanimity which by their abusive language they did little to conciliate, ever to expect its payment. But the repudiation y Michigan of a few paltry millions stood and stands, nakedly inexcusable— Michigan, one of our northernmost and one of the most “Republican” States. —What isto be look©! for from Michi gan herself, and from all the agricul tural States of which she is one, upon the question ofthe payment of an in terest little, if any, less than that ofthe National Debt of England, when the day stall arrive which will witness arrayed and combined against such debt, the whole force of the reasons, reasons alike of right, of policy and of necessity, above briefly suggest ed? As a citizen of Mississippi, I should have gone for the payment of the dis puted debt, on the ground, not of legal obligation, but of honor and pride. As a citizen of the North, I would strain every nerve, through vote, voice and pen, whether in a legislative seat or before the people, in opposition to the payment of the first dollar, whether of interest or of principal, ofthe debt of this, I had almost said worse thaninfer- nal war. I claim no authority for this expression of an individual mind; buf; I do claim to utter that which tens of thousands of more powerful voices will ere long re-echo; and I confident ly present in justification of this pre diction the reasonson which it is frank ly founded. I hear rumors of some attempt con templated by the fatal faction now in power at Washington to raise a foreign loan.—This is probably the foundation ofthe loose talk of a “hundred mill ions” from Europe put forth by the organs of Mr. Chase after he had fail ed in New York to borrow more than a few driblets, in the form of the con version of one fashion of paper into auother-of “greenbacks” into “five twenties.” There is even some ab surd report of some sort ot pledge of the future customs. The customs! Why, if anything could aggravate the swift-coming indignation of the public reaction, it would be the national dis grace of a specific pledge of the cus toms of New York as poor despised Mexico has been wont to galvanize her dead and putrid credit by hypoth-