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.t j.iLiflsr f r i:S RKD Wrt KLT ZYKRV 3ATCRDAV HV , clonJX, J A.TVF.BCH. \\ OOTTEN& WELCH, Proprietors. J o. WOOTTKN, Editor, 1 OJ SUBSCRIPTION : „ -r, ,v one venr, parable iu advance, 0 e copy si* inuatl^ “ 0 .,, r „nv three mon’hs, K Club of fir will be allowed an extra copy. 3.00 1.50 1 00 £ Fifty mini hers complete the Volume.) THE NEWNAN HERALD. Cjrc phmait Jerald F. S. WELCH. Publisher. % WteMg J.0mal;***gev0td ta Ifslitkg, Mm, ^griralte, kt. VOL. I.] Hates of Advertising. Advertisements inserted at $1.50 per square (often lines or space equivalent,) for first inser tion. and 75 cents for each subsequent in sertion. MentMy or semi-monthly advertisement* inserted at the samo rates as for new advertise ments, each insertion. Liberal arrangements will be made wita i those advertising by the qnaiter or year. All transient advertismento must be' paid JSTEYVI^n AJST, GEORGIA, SATURDAY, A.TXG-TTST 25, 1S66. [NO. 51 4 ■ f ° Th^momy for adrertiseinjf due after the The Philadelphia Convention. 0F PRINCIPLES T H I B D DECLARATION REPRESENTATION demanded. that position the hands of j TlioPro" idont Upliolcl office has proved steadfast iti his devotion lars the victory achieved by the National cognized by solemn proclamation of tbe ; Constitution of my country, to call the to the laws and interests of his Country, Government has been final and decisive.: Executive department. The laws of the' attention of my countrymen to these pro- unraoved bv persecution and undeserved First, it has established beyond all fu- United States have been extended byj ceedings. Having placed myself upon reproach, having faith immeasurable in ture controversy, and by the highest of Congress over all these States and the 1 the people and in the principles of the , all human sanctions, the absolute supre- people thereof. Federal Courts have government we recognize a Chief Magis- maev of the National Government, as de- been re-opened, and Federal taxes itn- tratc worthv of the nation and equal to ' fined and limited by the Constitution of | posed and levied, and in every respect, the great crisis upon which bis lot is cast, the United States, and the permanent in-1 except that they are denied representation and we tender to him in the discharge of 1 tegrity and indissolubility of the Federal in Congress and the Electoral College, his high and responsible duties, our^pro- ' Union as a necessary consequence ; and, j the States once Itl rebellion are recog- Addxess to the people of the IT. States, founcTrespect and the assurance of our second, it has put. an end finally and for-1 nized as holding the same position cordial and sincere support. ! soil or within the jurisdiction _ . _ _ . THE ADDRESS. j te <j States. Both these Doints became i our common Union. j ism, was that the struggle should he auffi- as best I can compatibly with my own The lion Henry J. Raymond o New di t , inToIved in the CO utest, and con* j It seems to us, in the exercise of the 1 ciently audible for the American people poor humanity. For the other, in a poli- \ork, was then announced to the Conven J - - - - — - - - tion has been to occupy which retains all power in the people. the broad platform. I have not been i It is upon that I always rely, and it is awed or dismayed or intimidated by eith- j upon that I rely now, and T repeat that er threats or encroachments, but have, neither the taunts nor jeers of Congress, stood there in conjuclion with patriotic | nor of a subsidized, calumniating press, and bold spirits, sounding the tocsitl j can drive me from my purpose. [Great of alarm when 1 deemed the citadel of; applause.] I acknowledge no superior liberty in danger. (Great applause.) I but my God—the author of my existence said on a previous occasion, and I repeat!—and the people of the United States. Philadelphia, Aug. 1G.—After the passage of sundry unimportant resolutions, tbe Secretary read the declaration of principles, aa drawn up by II. J. Ray mond, each clause of which was loudly applauded. The last one. which indorses the President, was greeted with prolonged cheering, in which the audience and del egates united. DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES. The National Union Convention, now assembled in the City of Philadelphia, composed of Delegates from every State and Territory of the Union. Admonished by the solemn lessons which for the last five years it has pleased tho Supremo Ruler of the Universe to cive tho American people j Profoundly gratified for tho return of peace; Desirous, as a large majority of their countrymen, in all sincerity, to forgot the past; . Revering the Constitution as it comes -to us from our ancestors ; Regarding the Union in its restoration m moro sacred than ever; Looking with deep anxiety to tho fu ture as of instant and continuing trial, Hereby issue and proclaim the follow ing Declaration of Principles and purpo ses, on which they have, with perfect unanimity, agreed : 1st. Wc hail with gratitude to Almigh ty God the end of the war and the re turn of peace to an afflicted and beloved laud. 2d. The war just closed has maintained tho authority of the Constitution with all tho powers which it confers, and all the restrictions which it imposes on the Gen eral Government unabridged and unal tered; and it has preserved the Union with tho lawful rights, dignity and authority of tho States, perfect and un impaired. 3d. Representation in the Congress of the United States, and in tho Electoral College is a right recognized by the Con stitution as abiding in every State, and as a duty imposed upon its people, funda mental in its nature, and essential to the exercise of our republican institution; and neither Congress nor the General Government has any authority or power to deny this right to any, or withhold its enjoyment under the Constitution from tho people thereof. 4th. Wo call upon the people of the touted States to elect to Congress mem bers who admit the fundamental right of representation, and who will receive to scats their loyal representatives from eve ry State in allegianco to the U. States, subject to the constitutional right of each House to judge of the eleotion returns and qualifications of its own members. 5th. The Constitution of tho United States and the laws thereof are the su preme law of tho land, anything in the constitution or laws of any States to the contrary notwithstanding. All the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the General Govern ment nor prohibited to the States, arc reserved to the States or the people there of; aud among them the right to pre scribo qualifications for the elective fran chise therein, which right Congress cannot interfere with.' No State, or combination of States, has tho right to withdraw from the Union, or to exclude through their action in Con gress or otherwise any State or States from tho Union. Tho union of the States is perpetual 6th. Amendments to the Constitution of the United States may be made by tbe people thereof as they may deem ex peuient; but only in the mode pointed out by it. In proposing such amend ments, whether by Congress or by Con vention, and in ratifying the same, all the States of the Union have an equal right to a vote thereon. 7th. Slavery is abolished and forever prohibited; and there is neither desire nor purpose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever be re-establish ed upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States. And the enfranchised slaves in all the States of the Union should receive, in common with all the inhabitants, equal protection in every right of person and property. Sth. While we regard as utterly invalid and never to be assumed or made of binding force, any obligation incurred or undertaken in making war against the U States, we hold the debt of the nation to be sacred and inviolable, and we proclaim our purpose in discharging this, as in performing all other national obligations to maintain inimpaired the honor aud the faith of the republic. 9th. It is the duty of the National Government to recognize the services of the Federal soldiers and sailors in the con te6t just closed, by meeting promptly and fully all their just and rightful claims for the services they have rendered the na tion, aud by extension to those of them who have survived, and to the widow; and orphans of those who have fallen the most generous and considerate care 10th. In Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, who, in his great ever to the existence of slavery upon the ■ owing the same obligations, and subject it bow, that all that is necessary in this. [Prolonged and enthusiastic cheering.] soil or within the jurisdiction of the Uni- J to the same duties as the other States of; great struggle against tyranny and despot- { For one I try to obey all Ilis commands . . , , troversy upon both was ended absolutely Lon b, tho President and vas received ^ ^ the rcsult . i cnce iavin„ een , j n ,| le , 1 L ir>j place, tre deem with loud cheering. restored, Mr. Raymond proceeded to read the address which had been agreed upon by the committee : To the People of the United States: Having met in convention at the City of Philadelphia, in the Slate of Pennsyl-j vania, this 16th day of August, I860, as the representatives of the people in ali sections, and all the States and Territories ot tbe Union, to consult upon the condi tion and the wants of our common coun try, we address to you this declaration of our principles, and of the political purpo ses we seek to promote. Since the meeting of the last National Convention, in the year I860, events have occurred which have changed the charac ter of our internal politics and given the United States a new place among the na tions of the earth. Our Government has passed through the vicissitudes and the perils of civil war—a war which, though mainly sectional in its character, has nev ertheless decided political differences that from the very beginning of the Govern ment had threatened tbe unity of our na tional existence, and has left its impress deep and ineffaceably upon all tho inter ests, the sentiments, and the destiny of the republic. While it has inflicted upon the whole country severe losses in life anil in property', and has imposed burdens which must weigh on its resources for generations to come, it has developed a degree of national courage in the presence of national dangers—a capacity for mili tary organization and achievment, aud a devotion on the part of the people to the form of government which they have or dained, and to the principles of liberty which that Government was designed to promote, which must confirm the confi dence of the nation in the perpetuity ol its republican institutions, and command the respect of the civilized world. Like all great contests which rouse the passions and test the endurance of nations this war has given new scope to the am bition of political parties, aud fresh im pulse to plans of innovation and reform. Amid tho chaos of conflicting sentiments inseparable from such an era, while the public heart is keenly alive to all the pas sions that can sway the public judgment and affect the public action; while the wounds of war are still fresh and bleeding on either side, and fears for the future take unjust proportions from the memo ries and resentments of the past, it is a difficult but imperative duty which on your behalf we, who are here assembled, have undertaken to perform. For the first time after six long years of alienation and of conflict, wo have come together from every State and every section of our land, as citizens of a com* mon country, under that flag, the symbol again of a common glory, to consult to gether how best to cement and perpetuate that Union which is again the object of common love, and thus secure the blessings of liberty to_ourselves and our posterity. In tbe first place we invoke you to re member, always and everywhere that, the war is ended and the nation is again at peace. The shock of contending arms no longer assaults the shuddering heart of the Republic. The insurrection against the supreme authority of the nation has been suppressed, aud that authority has been again acknowledged by word and act, in every State and' by every citizen within its jurisdiction. We are no longer required or permitted to treat each other as enemies. Not only have the acts of war been discontinued, and the weapons of war laid aside, but the state of war no longer exists, and the sentiments, the pas sions, the relations of war have no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere through out our broad domain. We are again people of the United States, fellow citi zens of one country, bound by the duties and obligations ot a common patriotism, and having neither rights nor interest apart from a common destiny. The du ties that devolve upon us now are again (he duties of peace and no ionger the du ties of war. We have assembled here to ' take counsel concerning the interests of peace; to decide how we may most wisely and effectually heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect the benefits it has secured, and the blessings which, under a wise and benign Providence, have sprung up in its fiery track. This is the work, not of passions, but of calm and sileut judgment, not of resentment for past offenses prolonged beyond the limits which justice and reason prescribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which tolerates what it cannot prevent, and builds its plans and its hopes for the future rather upon a community of interest and ambi tion than upon distrust and the weapons of force. In the next place, we call upon you to recognize in their full significance, and to accept with all their legitimate consequen- ces, the politioal results of the war just closed. In two tnoft important particu- It of the utmost importance that the real character of the war aud the victory by which it was closed should be accurately under stood. The war was carried ou by the Government of the United States in main tenance of its own authority, and in the defense of its own existence, both of which were menaced by the insurcction Which it sought to suppress. The sup pression of that insurrection accomplished that resuit. The Government of the U. States maintained by force of arms the supreme authority over all the territory, States and ppople within its jurisdiction which the Constitution confers upon it; but it acquired thereby no new power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights of territo rial possession or of civil authoritv which it did not possess before the rebellion broke out. All the rightful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it, either in express terms or by- fair and necessary implication, by the Constitution of the United States. It was that power and that authority which the rebellion sought to overthrow, and the victory of the Federal arms was 6imply the defeat of that attempt. The Govern ment of the United States acted through out the war on the defensive. It sought only to hold passession of what was its own. Neither the war, nor the victory by which it was closed, changed in any way the Constitution of the United States. The war was carried on by virtue of its provisians, and under the limitation which they prescribed, and the result of the war diet not either enlarge, abridge, or in any way change or affect the powers it confers upon the Federal Government, or release that Government from the restric tions it has imposed. The Constitution of the United States is to-day precisely what it was before the war, the “supreme law of the land, any thing in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding;” and, to-day, also, precisely as before the war, all the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the General Govern ment, nor prohibited by it to the States, are “ reserved to the several States or to the people thereof.” This position is vindicated not only by the essential nature of our Government, and the language and spirit of the Con stitution, but by all the acts and the lan guage of our Government, in all its de partments, and at all times from the outbreak of the rebellion to its final overthrow. In every message and proc lamation of the Executive it was explicit'y declared that the sole purpose and object of the war was to maintain the authority of the Constitution and to preserve the integrity of the Union; and Congress more than once reiterated this solemn declaration, and added the assurance that, whenever this object should be attained, the war should cease, and all the btates should retain their equal rights and dig- n : ty unimpaired. It is only since the war was closed that -other rights have been asserted in behalf of one depart ment of the General Government. It has been proclaimed by Congress that, in addition to the powers conferred upon it by the Constitution, the Federal Govern ment may now claim over the States, the territory and the people involved in the insurrection, the rights of war, the right of conquest and of confiscation, the right to abrogate all existing governments, institutions and laws, and to subject the territory conquered and its inhabitants to such laws, regulations and deprivations as the legislative departments of the Government may see fit to impose. Un der this broad and sweeping claim, that clause of the Constitution which provides that “ no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate of the United States,” has been annulled, and ten States have been re fused, and are still refused, representation altogether in both branches of the Fed eral Congress. And the Congress, which only a part the people of the Union are represented, has asserted the right thus to exclude the rest from representation, and from all share in making their own laws or choos ing their own rulers until they shall comply with such conditions and perform such acts as this Congress, thus composed, mav prescribe. That right has not only been asserted, hot it has been exercised, and is practically enforced at the present time.~ Nor does” it find any support in the theory that the States thus excluded are in rebellion against the Government, and are, therefore, precluded from shar ing its authority. They are not thus in rebellion. They are one and all in an attitude of lovalty toward the Govern ment, and of sworn allegiance to the Constitution of the United Slates. In no one of them is there the slightest in dication of resistance to this authority, or the slightest protest against its just and binding obligation. This condition of renewed loyalty has been officially re- our common Union. It seems to us, in the exercise of Calmest and most candid judgment we can bring to the subject, that such a to hear and properly understand it. They did hear, and looking on and seeing who claim, so" enforced, involves as fatal an : the contestants were, and what the strug- overthrow of the authoritv of the Consti- : was about, determined that they would tution, and as complete a destruction of battle this question on the side of the tbe Government and Union, as that which ! Constitution and of principle. I proclaim was sought to be effected by the States and people in armed insurrection against them both. It cannot escape observation that ti e power thus asserted to exclude certain States from representation is made to rest wholly in the will and discretion of the Congress that asserts it. It is not made to rest on any specified conditions or circumstances, nor to be subject to any rules or regulations whatever. The right asserted and exercised is absolute, without qualification or restriction, tiot confined to States in rebellion, nor to States that have rebelled; it is the right of any Congress in formal possession of legislative authority to exclude any State or States, or any portion of the people thereof, at any time, from representation in Congress and in the Electoral College, at its own discretion and until they shall perform such acts and comply with such conditions as it may dictate. Obviously, the reasons for such exclusion, being wholly within the discretion of Congress, may change as the Congiesa itself shall change. One Congress may exclude a State from all share in the Government for one reason; and that reason removed, tbe next Congress may exclude it for another. One State may be excluded on one ground to day, and another may be excluded on the opposite ground to-mor row. Northern ascendancy may exclude Southern States from one Congress; the ascendancy of Western or Southern in terests, or of both combined, may exclude the Northern or Eastern States from the next. Improbable as such usurpations may seem, the establishment of the prin ciple now asserted and acted upon by Congress will render them by no means impossible. The character, indeed the very existence, of Congress and the Union is made dependent solely and entirely upon the party and sectional exigencies or forbearances of the hour. [Concluded on second page.] President Johnson's Speech. Washington, August 18.—There was a great crowd to-day to hear the speech of President Johnson in response to Rev- erdy Johnson who presented the official proceedings of the Pniladelphia Conven tion. He said, referring, with feeling to the scene represented of South Carolina and Massachusetts entering the Conven tion together, he was overcome, and could noi but conclude that an overruling Pro vidence was directing us aright. He said our brave men have performed their du ties in the field, and won laurels imperish- ishable, but—turning to Gen. Grant, he continued—there are greater and more important duties now to perform ; and while we have had this co-oporation in the field, we now need their efforts to perpetuate peace. (Applause.) The Executive Department tried to pour oil on the wounds and restore the Union, but it had not entirely succeeded. We have seen, he said, in one department of the Government, every effort to prevent the restoration of peace and harmony in the Union; we have seen hanging on the verge of the Government, as it were, body called, or which assumed to be the Congress of the United States, while, in fact, it is a Congress of only part of the States. We have seen this Congress as sume and pretend to be for the Union, when its every step and act led to perpet ual disunion, and made a dissolution of the States inevitable. Instead of promo ting reconciliation and harmony, its le, islation has partaken of the character of penalties, retaliation and revenge. This has been the course and the poliey of one portion of your Government. The hum ble individual who is now addressing you stands the representative of another De partment of the Government. The man ner in which he was called upon to occu rf Z S».« «f P* «“"«* .Hade .0 on this occasion. It is sufficient to say that he is here under the Constitution of our country, and being here by virtue of its provisions, he hopes to stand upon the that charter of our liberties as tbe great rampart of civil and religious freedom. (Prolonged cheers.) Having been taught ia my early life to hold it sacred, anu having practiced upon it during my whole public career, I shall ever continue to reverence the Constitution of my fathers, and make it my guide. (Hearty applause.) The President proceeded and denied the charge that he had ever been tyran nical or a despot, bnt said such charges were simply intended to deceive and de lude the public mind into the belief that there is some one in power who is usurp ing and trampling upon the rights of the Constitution. It is done by those who make such charges for tbe purpose oi converting their own acts. (That s ao, and applause.) 1 have felt it my duty in vindication of the principle* and tbe it here to-day, as I have on previous oc casions, that my faith is in the great mass of the people. Jn the darkest hour of this struggle, when the clouds seemed to be most lowering, my faith, instead of giving way, loomed up through the cloud beyond. Then I saw that all would be well in the end. My country men, we know that tyranny and despot ism, in the language of Thomas Jefferson, can be exercised and exerted more effectually by the many than the few. We have seen a Congress grad ually encroach, step by step, and violate, day after day, and month after month, the Constitutional rights and fundamen tal principles of Government. We have seen a Congress that seemed to forget that there was a limit to the sphere and scope of legislation. We have seen a Congress, in a minority, assume the ex ercise powers, which, if allowed to be carried out, would result in despotism or monarchy itself. This is the truth, and because others as well as myself have seen proper to apppeal to the patriotism and republican feelings of the country, we have been denounced in the severest terms. Slander upon slander, vitupera tion upon vituperation, of the most villain ous character, has made ils way through the press. What, gentlemen, has been your and my sin ? What has been the cause of our offending ? I will tell you. Daring to stand by the Constitution of our fathers. I consider the proceedings of this Con vention as more important than those of any Convention that ever assembled in the United States. (Great applause.)— When I look with my mind upon that collection of citizens coming together vol untarily, and sitting in council with ideas, principles and views commensurate with all the States, and co-extensive with the whole people, and contrast it with the collection of persons who are trying to destroy the country, I regard it as more im portant than any convention that has sit since 1787. I think I can also say that declarations that were there made are equal to the Declaration of Independence. (Cries of “Glorious,” and most enthusias tic, prolonged applause.) Your address and declaration are nothing more or less than a reform of the Constitution of the United States. Yes, I will go farther, and say that the Declarations you have made, that the principles you have an nounced in your address, are a second proclamation of emancipation to the peo ple of the United States. (Renewed ap plause.) For in proclaiming these great truths, you have laid down a Constitu tional platform upon which all can make common cause, and stand united together for the restoration of the United States, and preservation of the Government with out reference to party. The question, the only salvation of the country, rises above all party considera tions or influences. How many are there in tbe United States that now require to be free? They have the shackles upon their limbs, and «re bound as rigidly as though they were, in fact, in slavery. I repeat, then, that your declaration is the second proclamation of emancipation to the people of the United States, and offers a common ground upon which all parties can stand. (Applause.) Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, let me, in this connection, ask, what have I to gain more than the advancement of the public welfare? I am as much opposed to the indulgence of egotism as any one but here, in a conventional manner, while formally receiving tbe proceedings of this Convention, I may be permited again to ask, what have I to gain, in consulting human ambition, more than I have gain ed ? My race is nearly run. I have been placed in the high office I occupy under the Constitutien of the country and I may say that 1 have held from the lowest to the highest, almost every posi- to which a man may attain in our Gov ernment; and sorely, gentlemen, this should be enough to gratify a reasonable ambition. If I wanted authority, or if I wanted to perpetuate my own power,|how easy it would have been to hare held and wielded that which was pbced in my hands by the measures called the Freedmcn 8 Bu reau bill. (Laughter and applause.)— With an army which was placed at my discretion, I could have remained at the Capital of the nation, and with fifty or sixty millions of appropriations at my dis posal, with the machinery to be worked by my satraps and dependents in every town and village, and then with the Civil Rights bill following as an auxiliary, (laughter,) in connection with all the other appliances of the Government, I coaid have proclaimed myself dictator. But, gentlemen, my pride and ray arabl tical and representative sense, the high behests of the people have always been respected and obeyed by me. And now, Mr. Chirman, I have said more than 1 had intended to say, for the kind allusion to myself contained in your address and the resolutions adopted by the Convention. Let me remark that in this crisis, and in the ptesent period of my public life, I hold above all price, and shall ever receive with feelings of profound gratification, the last resolution containing the endorsement of a Conven tion emanating spontaneously from the great mass of the people. I trust and hope that my future action may be such that you and the Convention you repre sent may not regret the assusance of con fidence you have expressed. Before separating, my friends, one and all, accept my sincere thanks for the kind manifestations of regard and respect you have exhibited on this occasion. I repeat that I shall always be guided by a conscientious conviction of duty, and that always gives me courage, under the Con stitution, which I have made my guide. At the conclusion of the President’s remarks, three enthusiastic cheers were given for Andrew Johnson, and three more for Gen. Grant. The President then took a position’neat a door opening in the hall, with Gen. GraDt by his side, where, as the gentle men of the Convention passed oat, be grasped each by the hand, and had a smile or a cheering word from all; after which they passed on to take Gen. Grant by the hand. GREAT ATTRACTION! spw J. LORCH & GO.; Have just received at J. M. DODD’S old stand, South- West Corner Public Square, NEWNAN, GEORGIA, A liew and large supply ft REAOIf MADE GL0THIN6, AMD GEORGIA RAIL ROAD. E. W. COLE, Superintendent. Leave Atlanta ..6.15 A. M. Arrive at Augusta 6.00 P. If. Leave Augusta 7.00 A. M. Arrive at Atlanta 6.35 P. M. Leave Atlanta 6-30 P. M Arrive at Augusta 5.25 A. M Leave Augusta 6.25 P. M Arrive at Atlanta 5.30 A. 11 ATLANTA and WEST POINT RAIL ROAD. Leave Atlanta ,....G 00 A M Arrive at Newnan 8 44 A M Arrive at West Point .........11 45 A M Leave West Point ....r 12 35 P M Arrive at Newnan. 3 28 P M Arrive at Atlanta . 6 02 P M GEORGE G. HULL, Superintendant. The Southern EXPRESS COMPANY. Have unsurpassed facilities for tbe transpor tation of Freight of all Descriptions, GOLD, SILVER CURRENCY, AND BANK NOTES To all parts of the V. STATES, CANADA and ETJHOPE. Freight brought through from New York to Atlanta in sixty hours, and from Savannah or Charleston in twenty-four. Special attention is called to our new rates. V. DUNNING, Agent, Atlanta,,Ga. G. W. RAMEY, June 23-tf. Agent, Newnan, Ga, THOS. A. GRACE, NEWNAN, GA., Insurance Agerrt for the following Companies: 2ETNA LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY, Hartford, Connecticut. KNICKERBOCKER LIFE INSURANCE CO., New York. iETNA FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY, Hartford, Connecticut. UNDERWRITERS’ FIRE INSURANCE CO., New York. SECURITY FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY, New York. EUFAULA HOME FIRE INSURANCE CO., Eufaula, Ala. JAMES RIVER FIRE INSURANCE GO., Ho wards ville, Va. July 28—47-tf. STAPLE (HIS, LADIES and GENTLEMEN'S All varieties of CBIMBEH’S SBOSS, BOYS & GENTLEMEN'S HATS, NOTIONS, Of all kinds; JSWCIeftV, HOOP & BALMORAL SKIRTS { CLOAKS, CORSETS; . HARD-WARE AJNXP CUTLERY. Also a large and full supply of all kinds of GROCERIES & CROCKERY. J. M. MANN, \ Salesmen J. A. HUNTER,/Newnan, Ga. R. T. HUNTER, \ Salesmen J. S. NALLS, / for LorcbAOo A. M. WOOD, \ Salesmen W. MARTIN., /Franklin, Ga. Sept. 16-2-tf: $^»After the 1st October, J. Lorch & Co. will occupy the old stand of J. J. Neely with a portion of their stock.*^3$f JNO. C. WHITNER’S General Insurance Agency. Fire, Inland, Life & Accident, Insurance Effected and Lo33es Promptly Paid. Office at KcCamy & Co’s. Drug Store, Franklin Buildings, Alabama Str’t., Atlanta, Ga. Refers to Rev. Jamzs Stact, and J. J. Pis- sos, Esq., Newnan, Georgia. Aug. 11-50-ly. JOH5 RAY. LAVtSDSB B. BAT. JOHN BAY & SON, attorneys at law, NEWNAN,— GA., Will practice in the Courts of Fulton, Campbell, Fayette, Coweta, Troup, Meriwether, Carroll, Heard and Haralson. Particular attention given to the collection of aH Claims of every description. near Newnan Hotel. PHffim TIN SHOP, —AT THE— T I jST T REE. ~S7%7". 3MC- W OULD respectfully inform everybody and the balance of mankind, that he i* now prepared to furnish anything and every thing in the way of ST0YES & TIN WARE, At the very lowest prices and shortest notioe. Best Patent of Family Cook Stoves, from $25 to $50, according to aizel and outfit. I Tin Ware reduced 25 per cent, under 1 any other market. Come, come everybody, and buy I I will duplicate bill3 bought at wholesale-id- any market in the Union since the war. January 20-20-7m. A. P. BURNETT Sc CO* ATLANTA, GA., BURNETT BROS., MACON, QA., xiff I 0_ES . W E ARE prepared to furnish ICE (Crys tal Lake) at 4 cento per pound to pir-» ties in country or on line of Rail Road. Libe ral deduction made on car load or ton. g^yShipmenta well packed. [june23-3m. 1ST otice. A LL kinds of COUNTRY PRODUCE to ken in exchange for GOODS at the high est market rates, also RAGS and LOOS# OOTTON. RANDALL & <3».'